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PINNOCK^S IMPROVED EDITION 

DR. GOLDSMITH'S ABRIDGMENT 
If 

OF THE 

HISTORY OF ROME: 

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED AiN 

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN 
HISTORY, 

AND 

K GREAT VARIETY OF VALUABLE INFORMATION ADDED THROUGHOUT 

THE WORK, ON THE 

MANNERS, INSTITUTIONS, AND ANTIQUITIES 
OF THE ROMANS; 

WITH 
NUMEROUS BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL NOTES; 

AND , j^ 

QUESTIONS FOR EXAMINATIO?V 

AT THE END OF EACH SECTION. 




ILLUSTRATED WITH THIRTY E N GP. A VI NGS ON WOOD BY ATHERTON. 



FIRST AMERICAN, CORRECTED AND REVISED, FROM THFi 
TWELFTH ENGLISH EDITION. 



PHILADELPHIA : 

THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT, & CO. 

18 45, 






Entered accordin;i lo Act of Congress, in the yeai 1S35, hy 

Key <fe BicDLK, 

;r the Clerk's Office of the District Court of llie Eastern District of 

Pennsylvania. 



PREFACE. 



The researches of Niebuhr and several other 
distinguished German scholars have thrown a 
new light on Roman History, and enabled ns 
to discover the true constitution of that republic 
which once ruled the destinies of the known 
world, and the influence of whose literature 
and laws is still powerful in every civilized 
state, and will probably continue to be felt to 
the remotest posterity. These discoveries have? 
however, been hitherto useless to junior stu- 
dents in this country ; the works of the German 
critics being unsuited to the purposes of schools, 
not only from their price, but also from the 
extensive learning requisite to follow them 
through their laborious disquisitions. The 
editor has, therefore, thought that it would be 
no unacceptable service, to prefix a few Intro- 
ductory Chapters, detailing such results from 
their inquiries as best elucidate the character 
and condition of the Roman people, and explair 



4 PREFACE. 

the most important portion of the history. The 
struggles between the patricians and plebeians, 
respecting the agrarian laws have been so 
strangely misrepresented, even by some of the 
best historians, that the nature of the contest 
may, with truth, be said to have been wholly 
misunderstood before the publication of Nie- 
buhr's work: a perfect explanation of these 
important matters cannot be expected in a 
work of this kind ; the Editors trust that the 
brief account given here of the Roman tenure 
of land, and the nature of the agrarian laws, 
will be found sufficient for all practical pur 
poses. After all the researches that have been 
made, the true origin of the Latin people, and 
even of the Roman city, is involved in impene- 
trable obscurity; the legendary traditions col- 
lected by the historians are, however, the best 
guides that we can now follow ; but it would 
be absurd to bestow implicit credit on all the 
accounts they have given, and the editor has, 
therefore, pointed out the uncertain nature ol 
the early history, not to encourage scepticism, 
but to accustom students to consider the 
nature of historical evidence, and thus early 
form the useful habit of criticising and weigh- 
ing testimony. 



PREFACE. O 

The authorities followed in the geographical 
chapters, are principally Heeren and Cramer; 
the treatise of the latter on ancient Italy is one 
of the most valuable aids acquired by historical 
students within the present century. Much 
important information respecting the peculiar 
character of the Roman religion has been 
derived from Mr. Keightley's excellent Treatise 
on Mythology ; the only writer who has, in our 
language, hitherto, explained the difference be- 
tween the religious systems of Greece and 
Rome. The account of the barbarians in the 
conclusion of the volume, is, for the most part, 
extracted from "Koch's Revolutions of Eu- 
rope ;" the sources of the notes, . scattered 
through the volume, are too varied for a distinct 
acknowledgment of each. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Chapteb I. Geographical Outline of Italy Pagx ;] 

n. The Latin Language and People — Credibility of 

the Early History iS 

ni. Topography of Rome 23 

IV. The Roman Constitution 30 

V. The Roman Tenure of Land — Colonial Govern- 
ment 37 

VL The Roman Religion 39 

Vn. The Roman Army and Navy 43 

VIIL Roman Law. — Finance 51 

IX. The public Amusements and private Life of the 

Romans 65 

X. Geography of the empire at the time of its greatest 

extent 59 

HISTORY. 

(/SAPTEB I. Of the Origin of the Romans Page 63 

n. From the building of Rome to the death of Ro- 
mulus 66 

III. From the death of Romulus to the death of Numa 71 

IV. From the death of Numa to the death of TuUus 

Hostilius 73 

V. From the death of TuUus Hostilius to the death 

Ancus Martins 75 

VI. From the death of Ancus Martins to the death of 

Tarquinius Priscus 77 

Vn. From the death of Tarquinius Priscus to the 

death of Servius Tullius 80 

VIIL From the death of Servius Tullius to the banish- 
ment of Tarquinius Superbus 83 

IX. From the banishment of Tarquinius Superbus to 

the appointment of the first Dictator 88 

X. From the Creation of the Dictator to the election 

of the Tribunes 93 

XL From the Creation of the Tribunes to the appoint- 
ment of the Decemviri, viz. 

Section 1 . — The great Volscian war 96 

2. — Civil commotions on account of the 

Agrarian law 101 

Xn, From the creation of the Decemviri to the de- 
struction of the city by the Gauls, viz. 

Section 1. — Tyranny of the Decemviri 106 

2. — Crimes of Appius — Revolt of the array HO 

7 



8 CONTENTS. 

Chapter Xn. Section 3. — Election of Military Tribunes — Page 

Creation of the Censorship 115 

4» — Siege and capture of Veii — Inva- 
sion of the Gauls 119 

5. — Deliverance of Rome from the Gauls 125 

Xin. From the wars with the Samnites to the First 
Punic war, viz. 

Section 1. — The Latin war 131 

2. — Invasion of Italy by Pyrrhus, king 

of Epirus 135 

3. — Defeat and departure of Pyrrhus. . 140 

XTV, From the beginning of the First Punic war to 
the beginning of the Second, viz. 
Section 1. — Causes and commencement of the 

war — ^Invasion of Africa by Regulus 144 

2. — Death of Regulus — Final Triumph 

of the Romans 148 

XV. The Second Punic war, viz. 

Section 1. — Commencement of the war — Han- 
nibal's invasion of Italy 150 

2. — ^Victorious career of Hannibal 154 

— — 3. — Retrieval of t4ie Roman affairs — In- 
vasion of Africa by Scipio — Conclusion of 

the war 159 

XVI. Macedonian, Syrian, Third Punic, and Spanish 

wars 163 

XVn. From the Destruction of Carthage to the end of 
the Sedition of the Gracchi, viz. 

Section 1. — Murder of Tiberius Gracchus 168 

2. — Slaughter of Caius Gracchus and 

his adherents 172 

XVm. From the Sedition of Gracchus to the perpetual 
Dictatorship of Sylla, viz. 
Section 1.— The Jugurthine and Social wars. . 176 

2. — The cruel massacres perpetrated by 

Marius and Sylla 181 

XIX. From the perpetual Dictatorship of Sylla to the 

first Triumvirate 186 

XX. From the First Triumvirate to the death of Pom- 
pey, viz. 
Sectio7i 1. — CjEsar's wars in Gaul — Commence- 
ment of the Civil war 192 

2. — Csesar's victorious career 197 

3. — The campaign in Thessaly and 

Epirus 202 

4.— The battle of Pharsalia 206 

5.— Death of Pompey 210 

XXr. From the Destruction of the Commonwealth to 
the establishment of the first Emperor, Au- 
gustus, viz. 

Section 1. — Caesar's Egyptian campaign 216 

— -^— 2. — The African campaign 22" 



CONTENTS. 9 

Chapter XXI. Section 3. — Death of Caesar .Page 226 

4. — The Second Triumvirate 233 

— 5.— The Battle of Philippi 237 

6. — Dissensions of Antony and Au- 
gustus 242 

7.— The Battle of Actium 247 

8.— The Conquest of Egypt 253 

XXII. From the accession of Augustus to the death 
of Domitian, viz. 
Section 1. — The beneficent Administration of 

Augustus 260 

2. — Death of Augustus 265 

3. — The reign of Tiberius — Death of 

Germanicus 269 

4. — Death of Sejanus and Tiberius — 

Accession of Caligula 274 

5. — Extravagant cruelties of Caligula 

—His death 279 

6.— The Reign of Claudius 283 

7.— The reign of Nero. . , 289 

8. — Death of Nero— Reigns of Galba 

and Otho 293 

9. — The reigns of Vitellius and Ves- 
pasian — The siege of Jerusalem by Titus. . 298 

10. — The Reigns of Titus and Domitian 303 

11. — The assassination of Domitian. . 308 

XXIII. The Five good emperors of Rome, viz. 

Section 1. — The Reigns of Nerva and Trajan 312 

2.— The Reign of Adrian 317 

3.— The Reign of Antoninus Pius. . . 321 

4. — The reign of Marcus Aurelius. . . 326 

XXIV. From the accession of Commodus to the change 

of the seat of Government, from Rome to 
Constantinople, viz. 

Section 1 . — The Reigns of Commodus, Perti- 

nax, and Didius 320 

2. — The Reigns of Severus, Caracalla, 

Maximus, and Heliogabalus 333 

3. — The reigns of Alexander, Maxi- 

min, and Gordian 338 

4. — The Reigns of Philip, Decius, 

Gallus, Valerian, Claudius, Aurelian^ Taci- 
tus, and Probus 342 

5. — The rpigns of Carus, Carinus, 

Dioclesian, and Constantius — Accession of 
Constantine 346 

6. — The reign of Constantine 351 

XXV. From the death of Constantine, to the reunion 
of the Roman empire under Theodosius the 
Great, viz. 

Section 1. — The Reign of Constantius 463 



10 CONTENTS. 

Chapter XXV. Section 2. — The Reigns of Julian, Jovian, the Paox 
Valentinians, and Theodosius 472 

XXVI. From the death of Theodosius to the subver- 

sion of the Western Empire, viz. 

Section 1. — The division of the Roman do- 
minions into the Eastern and Western em- 
pires 481 

2. — Dechne and fall of the Western 

empire 488 

XXVII. Historical notices of the different barbarous 

tribes that aided in overthrowing the Roman 

empire. 497 

XXVIII. The progress of Christianity 605 

Cnronologicas Index • 391 



HISTORY OF ROME. 

INTRODUCTION. 



CHAPTER L 



GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 

1 . The outline of Italy presents a geographical unit^" and 
completeness which naturally would lead us to believe that 
it was regarded as a whole, and named as a single country, 
from the earliest ages. This opinion would, however, be 
erroneous ; while the country was possessed by various 
independent tribes of varied origin and different customs, 
the districts inhabited by each were reckoned separate 
states, and it was not until these several nations had fallen 
under the power of one predominant people that the physi- 
cal unity which the peninsula possesses was expressed by 
a single name. Italy was the name originally given to a 
small peninsula in Brut'tium, between the Scylacean and 
Napetine gulfs ; the name was gradually made to compre- 
hend new districts, until at length it included the entire 
country lying south of the Alps, between the Adriatic and 
Tuscan seas. 2. The names Hesperia, Saturnia, and 
CEnot'ria have also been given to this country by the poets ; 
but these designations are not properly applicable ; for Hes- 
peria was a general name for all the countries lying to the 
west of Greece, and the other two names really belonged to 
particular districts. 

3. The northern boundary of Italy, in its full extent, is 
the chain of the Alps, which forms a kind of crescent, with 
the convex side towards Gaul. The various branches of 
these mountains had distinct names ; the most remarkable 
were, the MaTitime Alps, extending from the Ligurian sea 
to Mount Vesulus, Veso ; the Collian, Graian, Penine, 
Rhoetian, Tridentine, Carnic, and Julian Alps, which nearly 
complete the crescent ; the Euganean, Venetian, and Pan- 
nonian Alps, that extend the chain to the east, 

11 



12 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

4. The political divisions of Italy have been frequently 
altered, but it may be considered as naturally divided into 
Northern, Central, and Southern Italy. 

The principal divisions of Northern Italy were LiguVia 
and Cisalpine Gaul. 

5. Only one half of Liguria was accounted part of Italy ; 
the remainder was included in Gaul. The Ligurians origin- 
ally possessed the entire line of sea-coast from the Pyrennees 
to the Tiber, and the mountainous district now called Pied- 
fnont ; but before the historic age a great part of their 
territory was wrested from them by the Iberians, the Celts, 
and the Tuscans, until their limits were contracted nearly 
to those of the present district attached to Genoa. Their 
chief cities were Genua, Genoa; Nicoe'a, Nice, founded by 
a colony from Marseilles ; and As'ta, ./^5/z. The Ligurians 
were one of the last Italian states conquered by the Romans ; 
on account of their inveterate hostility, they are grossly 
maligned by the historians of the victorious people, and 
described as ignorant, treacherous, and deceitful ; but the 
Greek writers have given a different and more impartial 
account; they assure us that the Ligurians were eminent 
for boldness and dexterity, and at the same time patient and 
contented. 

6. Cisalpine Gaul extended from Liguria to the Adriatic 
or Upper Sea, and nearly coincides with the modern district 
of Lombardy. The country is a continuous plain divided 
by the Pa'dus, Po, into two parts ; the northern, Gallia 
Transpada'na, was inhabited by the tribes of the Tauri'ni, 
In'subres, and Cenoma'nni ; the southern, Gallia Cispada'- 
na, was possessed by the Boi'i, Leno'nes, and Lingo'nes. 
7. These plains were originally inhabited by a portion of 
the Etrurian or Tuscan nation, once the most powerful in 
Italy; but at an uncertain period a vast horde of Celtic 
Gauls forced the passage of the Alps and spread themselves 
over the country, which thence received their name. 8. It 
was sometimes called Gallia Toga'ta, because the invaders 
conformed to Italian customs, and wore the toga. Cisalpine 
Gaul was not accounted part of Italy in the republican age ; 
its southern boundary, the river Rubicon, being esteemed 
by the Romans the limit of their domestic empire. 

9. The river Pa'dus and its tributary streams fertilized 
tliese rich plains. The principal rivers falling into the 
Padus were, from the north, the Du'ria, Durance; the 
Tici'nus, Tessino ; the Ad'dua, Adda; the Ol'lius, Oglio ; 



GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 13 

and the Min'tius^ Miiizio : from the south, the Ta'narus, 
Tanaro, and the Tre'bia. The Ath'esis, Adige; the Pla'vis, 
Paive^ fall directly into the Adriatic. 

10. The principal cities in Cisalpine Gaul were Roman 
colonies with municipal rights ; many of them have pre- 
served their names unchanged to the present day. The most 
remarkable were ; north of the Pa'dus, Terge'ste, Trieste; 
Aquilei'a; Pata'vium, Padua; Vineen'tia, Vero'na, all east 
of the Athe'sis : Man'tua ; Cremo'na; Brix'ia, Brescia; 
Mediola'num, Milan; Tici'num, Pavia ; and Augusta Tu- 
rino'rum, Turin; all west of the Athe'sis. South of the Po 
we find Raven'na; Bono'nia, Bologna; Muti'na, Modena ; 
Par'ma, and Placen'tia. 11. From the time that Rome was 
burned by the Gauls (B.C. 390), the Romans were harassed 
by the hostilities of this warlike people ; and it was not 
until after the first Punic war, that any vigorous efforts were 
made for their subjugation. The Cisalpine Gauls, after a 
fierce resistance, were overthrown by Marcell'us (B.C. 223) 
and compelled to submit, and immediately afterwards military 
colonies were sent out as garrisons to the most favourable 
situations in their country. The Gauls zealously supported 
An'nibal when he invaded Italy, and were severely punished 
when the Romans finally became victorious. 

12. North-east of Cisalpine Gaul, at the upper extremity 
of the Adriatic, lay the territory of the Venetians ; they 
were a rich and unwarlike people, and submitted to the 
Romans without a struggle, long before northern Italy had 
been annexed to the dominions of the republic. 

13. Central Italy comprises six countries, Etru'ria, La'- 
tium, and Campanula on the west; Um'bria, Pice'num, and 
Sam'nium, on the east. 

14. Etru'ria, called also Tus'cia (whence the modern 
name Tuscany) and Tyrrhe'nia, was an extensive mountain- 
ous district, bounded on the north by the river Mac'ra, and 
on the south and east by the Tiber. The chain of the 
Apennines, which intersects middle and Lower Italy, com- 
mences in the north of Etru'ria. The chief river is the 
Ar'nus, Arno, 15. The names Etruscan and Tyrrhenian, 
indifferently applied to the inhabitants of this country, 
originally belonged to different tribes, which, before the 
historic age, coalesced into one people. The Etruscans 
appear to have been Celts who descended from the Alps ; 
the Tyrrhenians were undoubtedly a part of the Pelas'gi 
who originally possessed the south-east of Europe. The 

B 



14 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTICW 

circumstances of the Pelasgic migration are differently 
related by the several historians, but the fact is asserted by 
all.* These Tyrrhenians brought with them the knowledge 
of letters and the arts, and the united people attained a 
high degree of power and civilization, long before the name 
of Rome was known beyond the precincts of Latium. They 
possessed a strong naval force, which was chiefly employed 
in piratical expeditions, and they claimed the sovereignty 
of the western seas. The first sea-fight recorded in history 
was fought between the fugitive Phocians,t and the allied 
fleets of the Tyrrhenians and the Carthaginians (B.C. 539.) 
16 To commerce and navigation the Etruscans were 
indebted for their opulence and consequent magnificence ; 
their destruction was owing to the defects of their political 
system. There were twelve Tuscan cities united in a 
federative alliance. Between the Mac'ra and Arnus were, 
Pi'SfS, Pisa ^ Floren'tia, Florence^ and Fae'sulse: between 
the Arnus and the Tiber, Volate'rrae, Volterra ; Volsin'ii, 
Bolsena; Clu'sium, Chiusi; Arre'tinm, Arrezzo ; Corto'- 
na; Peru'sia, Perugia, (near which is the Thrasamene 
lake) ; Fale'rii, and Ve'ii. 17. Each of these cities was 
ruled by a chief magistrate called lu'cumo, chosen for life ; 
he possessed regal power, and is frequently called a king by 
the Roman historians. In enterprises undertaken by the 
whole body, the supreme command was committed to one 
of the twelve lucmnones, and he received a lictor from each 
•city. But from the time that Roman history begins to 
assume a regular form, the Tuscan cities stand isolated, 
uniting only transiently and casually ; we do not, however, 
find any traces of intestine wars between the several states. 

18. The Etrurian form of government was aristocratical, 
and the condition of the people appears to have been miser- 
able in the extreme ; they were treated as slaves destitute 
of political rights, and compelled to labour solely for the 
benefit of their taskmasters. A revolution at a late period 
took place at Volsin'ii, and the exclusive privileges of the 
nobility abolished after a fierce and bloody struggle ; it is 
remarkable that this town, in which the people had obtained 
their rights, alone made an obstinate resistance to the Romans. 

19. The progress of the Tuscans in the fine arts is attested 
by the monuments that still remain ; but of their literature 

* See Pinnock's History of Greece, Chap. I. 
•\ See Historical Miscellany, Part IT. Chap. I. 



GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 15 

we know nothing; their language is unknown, and their 
books have perished. In the first ages of the Roman repub- 
lic, the children of the nobility were sent to Etru'ria for 
education, especially in divination and the art of soothsay- 
ing, in which the Tuscans were supposed to excel. The 
form of the Roman constitution, the religious ceremonies, 
and the ensigns of civil government, were borrowed from 
the Etrurians. 

20. La'tium originally extended along the coast from the 
Tiber to the promontory of Circe 'ii ; hence that district 
was called, old La'tium ; the part subsequently added, called 
new La'tium, extended from Circeii to the Li'ris, Garig- 
llano. The people were called Latins ; but eastward, to- 
wards the Apennines, were the tribes of the Her'nici, the 
iE'qui, the Mar'si, and the Sabines; and on the south were 
the Vols'ci, Ru'tuli, and Aurun'ci. The chief rivers in 
this country were the A'nio, Teverone ; and Al'lia, which 
fall into the Tiber; and the Liris, Garigliano ; which flows 
directly into the Mediterranean. 

21. The chief cities in old Latium were Rome; Ti'bur, 
Tivoli; Tus'culum, Frescati; Al'ba Lon'ga, of which no 
trace remains ; Lavin'ium ; An'tium ; Ga'bii ; and Os'tia, 
Civita Vecchia ; the chief towns in new Latium were 
Fun'di, Anx'ur or Terraci'na, Ar'pinum, Mintur'nae, and 
For'miae. 

22. Campa'nia included the fertile volcanic plains that 
lie between the Liris on the north, and the Silanus, Selo, 
on the south ; the other most remarkable river was the Vol- 
tur'nus, Volturno, The chief cities were, Ca'pua the capital, 
Linte/num, Cu'mae, Neapolis, Naples ; Hercula'neum, Pom- 
pe ii, Surren'tum, Saler'num, &:c. The original inhabitants 
of Campa'nia, were the Auso'nes and Op'ici or Osci, the most 
ancient of the native Italian tribes. The Tyrrhenian Pe- 
las'gi made several settlements on the coast, and are sup- 
posed to have founded Cap'ua. The Etruscans were after- 
wards masters of the country, but their dominion was of 
brief duration, and left no trace behind. Campa'nia was 
subdued by the Romans after the Volscian war. 

23. The soil of Campa'nia is the most fruitful, perhaps, 
in the world, but it is subject to earthquakes and volcanic 
eruptions. Mount Vesu'vius in the early ages of Italy was 
not a volcano ; its first eruption took place A. D. 79. 

24. Um'bria extended along the middle and east of Italy, 
from the river Rubicon in the north, to the iE'sis, Gesano, 



16 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

dividing it from Pise'num, and the Nar, Neva, separating it 
from Sam'nium in the south. The Umbrians were esteem- 
'ed one of the most ancient races in Italy, and were said to 
have possessed the gi*eater part of the northern and central 
provinces. They were divided into several tribes, which 
seem to have been semi-barbarous, and they were subject to 
the Gauls before they were conquered by the Romans. 
Their chief towns were Arimi'nium, Bimini; Spole'tium, 
Spoleto ; Nar 'nia, iVarm; and Ocricu'lum, Otriciili, 

25. Pice'num was the name given to the fertile plain that 
skirts the Adriatic, between the iE'sis, Gesano, and the 
Atar'nus, Fes car a. The chief cities were Anco'na and 
Asc'ulum Pice'num, Jlscoli, The Picentines were de- 
scended from the Sabines, and observed the strict and se- 
vere discipline of that warlike race, but they were destitute 
of courage or vigour. 

26. Sam'nium included the mountainous tract which 
stretches from the Atar'nus in the north, to the Fren'to in 
the south. It was inhabited by several tribes descended 
from the Sabines ^ and Ma'rsi, of which the Samnites were 
the most distinguished ; the other most remarkable septs 
were the Man-uci'ni and Pelig'ni in the north, the Fren- 
la'ni in the east, and the Hirpi'ni in the south. 27. The 
Samnites were distinguished by their love of \var, and their 
unconquerable attachment to liberty ; their sway at one time 
extended ovt Campa'nia, and the greater part of central 
Italy ; and ihe Romans found them the fiercest and most 
dangerous of their early enemies. The chief tow^ns in the 
Samnite territory were Alli'fae, Beneveulum, and Cau'dium. 

28. Lower Italy was also called Magna Grae'cia, from 
the number of Greek t colonies that settled on the coast; 
it comprised four countries ; Luca'nia and Brut'tium on the 
west, and Apu'lia and Cala'bria on the east. 

29. Luca'nia was a mountainous country between the 
Sil'arus, Selo, on the north, and the La'us, Lavo, on the 
south. The Lucanians were of Sabine origin, and con- 

* These colonies, sent out by the Sabines, are said to have originated 
from the observance of the Ver sacrum {sacred sprmg.) During certain 
years, every thing was vowed to the gods that was born between the 
calends (first day) of March and May, whether men or animals. At 
first they were sacrificed ; but in later ages this cruel custom was laid 
n^ide, and they were sent out as colonists. 

•f The history of these colonies is contained in the Historical Miii- 
^ellany, Part II. Chap. ii. 



GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 17 

quered the (Enotrians, who first possessed the country: 
they also subdued several Greek cities on the coast. The 
chief cities were Posido'nia or Paestum, He'lia or Ve'lia, 
Sib'aris and Thu'rii. 

30. Brut'tium is the modern Cala'bria, and received that 
name when the ancient province was wrested from the em- 
pire. It included the tongue of land from the river Laus to 
the southern extremity of Italy at Rhe'gium. The moun- 
tains of the interior v/ere inhabited by the Bruta'tes oi 
Brut'tii, a semi-barbarous tribe, at first subject to the Siba- 
rites, and afterwards to the Lucanians, In a late age they 
asserted their independence, and maintained a vigorous re- 
sistance to the Romans. As the Brut'tii used the Oscan 
language, they must have been of the Ausonian race. The 
chief towns were the Greek settlements on the coast, Con- 
sen'tia, Cosenza; Pando'sia, Cirenza^ Croto'na, Mame'r- 
tum, Petil'ia, and Rhe'gium, Reggio, 

31. Apu'lia extended along the eastern coast from the 
river Fren'to, to the eastern tongue of land which forms the 
foot of the boot, to which Italy has been compared. It was 
a very fruitful plain, without fortresses or harbours, and was 
particularly adapted to grazing cattle. It w^as divided by 
the river Au'fidus, Ofanto^ into Apu'lia Dau'nia, and Apu'- 
lia Pence 'tia, or pine-bearing Apulia. The chief towns 
were, in Dau'nia, Sipon'tum and Luce'nia: in Peuce'tia, 
Ba'rium, Can'nae, and Venu'sia. 

32. Cala'bria, or Messa'pia, is the eastern tongue of 
land which terminates at Cape Japy'gium, Santa Maria; 
it was almost wholly occupied by Grecian colonies. The 
chief towns were Brundu'sium, Brindisi: Callipolis, Gal- 
lipoli: and Taren'tum. 

33. The islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, which 
are now reckoned as appertaining to Italy, were by the Ro- 
mans considered separate provinces. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. How is Italy situated] >^^-^'^^'-^ ./ " T ' ^ ' ^"' 

2. By what names was the country known to the ancients 1 '1? '^ . v^ 

3. How is Italy bounded on the north 1 >- 

4. What districts were in northern Italy 1 

5. What was the extent of Liguria, and the character of its m 

habitants 1 

6. How was Cisalpine Gaul divided 1 

b3 



,.^^.a 



18 HISTORY OF ROME- — INTRODUCTION, 

7. By whom was Cisalpine Gaul inhabited T 

8. Why was it called Togata 1 

9. What are the principal river ri in northern Italy ! 

1 0. What are the chief cities in Cisalpine Gaul 1 

11. When did the Romans subdue this district 1 

1 2. Did the Venetians resist the Roman power 1 

13. What are the chief divisions of central Italy 1 

14. How is Etruria situated 1 

15. By what people was Etruria colonized ] 

1 6. What were the Tuscan cities ] 

17. How were the cities ruled ? 

1 8. What was the general form of Tuscan government ? 

1 9. For what were the Tuscans remarkable l 

20. What was the geographical situation of Latium 1 

21. What were the chief towns in Latium I 

22. What towns and people were in Campania 1 

23. For what is the soil of Campania remarkable 1 

24. What description is given of Umbria 1 

25. What towns and people were in Picenum ? 

26. From whom were the Samnites descended 1 

27. What was the character of this people 1 

28. How was southern Italy divided ] 

29. What description is given of Lucania 1 

30. By what people was Bruttium inhabited ? 

31. What is the geographical situation of Apulia ! 

32. What description is given of Calabria 1 

33. What islands belong to Italy 1 



CHAPTER II. 

THE LATIN LANGUAGE AND PEOPLE. CREDIBILITY OF 

THE EARLY HISTORY. 

The Latin lan^age contains two primary elements, the 
first intimately connected with the Grecian, and the second 
with the Oscan tongue ; to the former, for the most part, 
belong all words expressing the arts and relations of civi- 
lized life ; to the latter, such terms as express the w^ants of 
men before society has been organized. We are therefore 
warranted in conjecturing that the Latin people was a mixed 
race ; that one of its component parts came from some Gre- 
cian stock, and introduced the first elements of civilization, 
ind that the other was indigenous, and borrowed refinement 
from the strangers. The traditions recorded by the histo- 
rians sufiiciently confirm this opinion ; they unanimously 



THE LATIN LANGUAGE AND PEOPLE. 19 

assert that certain bodies of Pelasgi came into the country 
before the historic age, and coalesced with the ancient in- 
habitants. The traditions respecting these immigrations 
are so varied, that it is impossible to discover any of the 
circumstances ; but there is one so connected with the early 
history of Rome, that it cannot be passed over without no- 
tice. All the Roman historians declare, that after the de- 
struction of Troy, ^Eneas, \vith a body of the fugitives, arri- 
ved in Latium, and having married the daughter of king 
Lati'nus, succeeded him on the throne. It w^ould be easy 
to show that this narrative is so very improbable, as to be 
wholly unworthy of credit ; but how are we to account for 
the universal credence which it received ? To decide this 
question we must discuss the credibility of the early Roman 
history, a subject which has of late years attracted more 
than ordinary attention. 

The first Roman historian of any authority, was Fa'bius 
Pic'tor, who flourished at the close of the second Punic 
war ; that is, about five centuries and a half after the foun- 
dation of the city, and nearly a thousand years after the de- 
struction of Troy. The materials from which his narra- 
tive was compiled, were the legendary ballads, which are 
in every country the first record of warlike exploits ; the 
calendars and annals kept by the priests, and the documents 
kept by noble families to establish their genealogy. Im- 
perfect as these materials must necessarily have been under 
any circumstances, we must remember that the city of Rome 
was twice captured ; once by Porsenna, and a second time 
by the Gauls, about a century and a half before Fabius was 
born. On the latter occasion the city was burned to the 
ground, and the capitol saved only by the payment of an 
immense ransom. By such a calamity it is manifest that 
the most valuable documents must have been dispersed or 
destroyed, and the part that escaped thrown into great dis- 
order. The heroic songs might indeed have been preserved 
in the memory of the public reciters ; but there is little ne- 
cessity for proving that poetic historians would naturally 
mingle so much fiction with truth, that few of their asser- 
tions could be deemed authentic. The history of the four 
first centuries of the Roman state is accordingly full of the 
greatest inconsistences and improbabilities ; so much so, 
that many respectable writers have rejected the whole as 
unworthy of credit ; but this is as great an excess in seep 
ticism, as the reception of the whole would be of credulity 



2^ HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

But if the founders of the city, the date of its erection, and 
the circumstances under which its citizens were assembled 
be altogether doubtful, as will subsequently be shown 
assuredly the history of events that occurred four centuries 
previous must be involved in still greater obscurity. The 
legend of ^Eneas, when he first appears noticed as a pro- 
genitor of the Romans, differs materially from that which 
afterwards prevailed. Romulus, in the earlier version of 
the story, is invariably described as the son or grandson of 
^neas. He is the grandson in the poems of N^vius and 
Junius, who were both nearly contemporary with Fabius 
Pictor. This gave rise to an insuperable chronological dif- 
ficulty ; for Troy was destroyed B. C. 1184, and Rome was 
not founded until B. C. 753. To remedy this incongruity, 
a hst of Latin kings intervening between JEne'as and 
Kom ulus, was invented ; but the forgery was so clumsily 
executed, that its falsehood is apparent on the slightest in- 
spection. It may also be remarked, that the actions attri- 
buted to ^neas are, in other traditions of the same age and 
country, ascribed to other adventurers ; to Evander, a Pelas- 
gic leader from Arcadia, who is said to have founded a city 
on the site afterwards occupied by Rome ; or to Uly'sses^ 
whose son Tele'gonus is reported to have built Tus'culum! 
it then we deny the historical truth of a legend which 
seems to have been universally credited by the Romans 
how are we to account for the origin of the tale ? Was the 
tradition of native growth, or was it imported from Greece 
when the literature of that countiy was introduced into 
l^atium ? These are questions that can only be answered 
by guess ; but perhaps the following theory may in some 
degree be found satisfactory. We have shown that tradition, 
irom the earliest age, invariably asserted that Pelasgic colo- 
nies had formed settlements in central Italy; nothing is 
more notorious than the custom of the Pelasgic tribes to 
take the name of their general, or of some town in which 
they had taken up their temporary residence ; now ^me'a 
and ^'nus were common names of the Pelasgic towns: 
the city of Thessaloni'ca was erected on the site of the 
ancient ^ne'a; there was an ^'nus in Thrace,* another 
in Ihessaly,* another among the Locrians, and another in 
fc.pi rus :^ hence it is not very improbable but that some of 

. JlJi'LT'^^^ necessary to remark that the Pelas'gi were the original 
Bettlers m these countries. 



CREDIBILITY OF THE EARLY HISTORY. 21 

the Pelasgic tribes which entered Latium may have been 
called the ^ne'adae ; and the name, as in a thousand in- 
stances, preserved after the cause was forgotten. This 
conjecture is confirmed by the fact, that temples traditionally 
said to have been erected by a people called the ^ne'adae, 
are found in the Macedonian peninsula of PaU'ene,* in the 
islands of De'los, Cythe'ra, Zacy'nthus, Leuca'dia, and 
Sicily, on the western coasts of Ambra'cia and Epi'rus, and 
on the southern coast of Sicily. 

The account of several Trojans, and especially ^Ene'as, 
having survived the destruction of the city, is as old as the 
earliest narrative of that famous siege ; Homer distinctly 
asserts ii when he makes Neptune declare. 



Nor thus can Jove resign 



The future father of the Dardan line : 

The first great ancestor ohtain'd his grace, 

And still his love descends on all the race. 

For Priam now, and Priam's faithless kind, 

At length are odious to the all-seeing mind ; 

On great -^nt>as shall devolve the reign, 

And sons succeeding sons the lasting line sustain. 

Iliad, xx. 

But long before the historic age, Phrygia and the greater 
part of the western shores of Asia Minor were occupied by 
Grecian colonies, and all remembrance of ^Ene'as and his 
foUow^ers lost. When the narrative of the Trojan war, 
with other Greek legends, began to be circulated in Lati'um, 
it was natural that the identity of name should have led to 
the confounding of the jiEne'adas who had survived the 
destruction of Troy, with those who had come to La'tium 
from the Pelasgic iE'nus. The cities which w^ere said to 
be founded by the ^ne'ada3 were, Latin Troy, which pos- 
sessed empire for three years ; Lavinium, whose sway lasted 
thirty ; Alba, which was supreme for three hundred years ; 
and Rome, whose dominion was to be interminable, though 
some assign a limit of three thousand years. These num- 
bers bear evident traces of superstitious invention ; and the 
legends by which these cities are successively deduced from 
the first encampment of -^ne'as, are at variance with these 
fanciful periods. The account that Alba w-as built by a son 
of iEne'as, who had been guided to the spot by a white 
sow, which had farrowed thirty young, is clearly a story 

* In all these places we find also the Tyrrhenian Pelas'gi. 



22 HISTORY Oh ROME INTRODUCTION. 

framed from the similarity of the name to Albus (white, j 
and the circumstance of the city having been the capital of 
the thirty Latin tribes. The city derived its name from its 
position on the Alban mountain ; for *^lb, or J^lp, signifies 
lofty in the ancient language of Italy, and the emblem of a 
sow with thirty young, may have been a significant emblem 
of the dominion which it unquestionably possessed over the 
other Latin states. The only thing that we can establish as 
certain in the early history of La'tium is, that its inhabitants 
were of a mixed race, and the sources from whence they 
spnmg Pelasgic and Oscan ; that is, one connected with the 
Greeks, and the other with some ancient Italian tribe. We 
have seen that this fact is the basis of all their traditions, 
that it is confirmed by the structure of their language, and, 
we may add, that it is further proved by their political in- 
stitutions. In all the Latin cities, as well as Rome, we find 
the people divided into an aristocracy and democracy, or, 
as they are more properly called. Patricians and Plebeians. 
The experience of all ages warrants the inference, which 
may l)e best stated in the words of Dr. Faber: "In the 
progress of tlie human mind there is an invariable tendency 
not to introduce into an undisturbed community a palpable 
difierence betv.een lords and serfs, instead of a legal equality 
of rights ; but to abolish such difierence by enfranchising 
the serfs. Hence, from the universal experience of history, 
we may be sure that whenever this distinction is found to 
exist, the society must be composed of two races diff'ering 
from each other in point of origin." 

The traditions respecting the origin of Rome are innu 
merable ; some historians assert that its founder was a 
Greek ; others, ^Eneas and his Trojans ; and others give 
the honour to the Tyrrhenians : all, however, agree, that 
the first inhabitants were a Latin colony from Alba. Even 
those who adopted the most current story, which is followed 
by Dr. Goldsmith, believed that the city existed before the 
time of Rom'ulus, and that he was called the founder from 
being the first who gave it strength and stability. It seems 
probable that several villages might have been formed at an 
early age on the difi'erent hills, which Avere afterwards 
inckided in the circuit of Rome ; and that the first of them 
which obtained a decided superiority, the village on the 
Palatine hill, finally absorbed the rest, and gave its name to 
*' the eternal city " 

There seems to be some uncertainty whether Romulus 



I 



TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 23 

gave his name to the city, or derived his own from it ; the 
latter is asserted by several historians, but those who ascribe 
to the city a Grecian origin, with some show of probability 
assert that Romus (another form of Romulus) and Roma are 
both derived from the Greek p^f^», strength. The city, we 
are assured, had another name, which the priests were for- 
bidden to divulge ; but what that was, it is now impossible 
•to discover. 

We have thus traced the history of the Latins down to 
the period when Rome was founded, or at least when it 
became a city, and shown how little reliance can be placed 
on the accounts given of these periods by the early histori- 
ans. We shall hereafter see that great uncertainty rests on 
the history of Rome itself during the first four centuries of 
its existence. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 



1. The city of Rome, according to Varro, was founded 
in the fourth year of the sixth Olympiad, B.C. 753; but 
Cato, the censor, places the event four years later, in the 
second year of the seventh Olympiad. The day of its 
foundation was the 21st of April, which was sacred to the 
rural goddess Pa'les, when the rustics were accustomed to 
solicit the increase of their flocks from the deity, and to 
purify themselves for involuntary violation of the consecrated 
places. The account preserved by tradition of the ceremo- 
nies used on this occasion, confirms the opinion of those who 
contend that Rome had a previous existence as a village, 
and that what is called its foundation was really an enlarge- 
ment of its boundaries, by taking in the ground at the foot 
of the Palatine hill. The first care of Ro'mulus was to 
mark out the Pomoe'rium ; a space round the walls of the 
city, on which it was unlawful to erect buildings. 2. The 
person who determined the Pomoe'rium yoked a bullock 
and heifer to a plough, having a copper-share, and drew a 
furrow to mark the course of the future wall ; he guided the 
plough so that all the sods might fall inwards, and was 



24 HISTORY or ROME INTRODUCTIOX. 

followed by others, who took care that none should lie the 
other way. 3. When he came to the place where it was 
designed to erect a gate, the plough was taken up,* and 
carried to where the wall recommenced. The next cere- 
mony was the consecration of the commit'ium, or place of 
public assembly. A vault was built under ground, and filled 
wdth the firstlings of all the natural productions that sustain 
human life, and w^ith earth which each foreign settler had 
brought from his own home. This place was called Mun'- 
dus, and was supposed to become the gate of the lower 
world ; it w^as opened on three several days of the year, for 
the spirits of the dead. 

4. The next addition made to the city was the Sabine 
town,t which occupied the Quirinal and part of the Capito- 
line hills. The name of this town most probably was 
Qui'rium, and from it the Roman people received the name 
Quirites. The two cities were united on terms of equality, 
and the double-faced Ja'nus stamped on the earliest Roman 
coins was probably a symbol of the double state. They 
were at first so disunited, that even the rights of intermar- 
riage did not exist between them, and it was probably from 
Qui'rium that the Roman youths obtained the wivesj by 
force, which were refused to their entreaties. 5. The next 
addition w^as the Coelian hill,§ on which a Tuscan colony 
settled ; from these three colonies the three tribes of Ram'- 
nes, Ti'ties, and Lu'ceres were formed. 6. The Ram'nes, 
or Ram'nenses, derived their name from Rom'ulus ; the 
Titles, or Titien'ses, from Titus Tatius, the king of the 

* Hence a gate was called porta, from porta're, to carry. The 
reason of this part of the ceremony was, that the plough being deemed 
holy, it was unlawful that any thing unclean should pollute the place 
which it had touched ; but it was obviously necessary that things 
clean and unclean should pass through the gates of the city. It is 
remarkable that all the ceremonies here mentioned were imitated from 
the Tuscans. 

\ This, though apparently a mere conjecture, has been so fully proved 
by Niebuhr, (vol. i. p. 251,) that it may safely be assumed as an histo- 
rical fact. 

± See Chapter II. of the following history. 

§ All authors are agreed that the Coelian hill was named from Coeles 
Viben'na, a Tuscan chief; but there is a great variety in the date 
assigned to his settlement at Rome. Some make him coteraporary with 
Rom^ilus, others with the elder Tarquin, or Servius Tullius. In this 
uncertainty all that can be satisfactorily determined is, that at some early 
f)€riod a Tuscan colony settled in Rome. 



THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 25 

Sabines ; and the Lu'ceres, from Lu'ciimo, the Tuscan 
title of a general or leader,* From this it appears that the 
three tribesf were really three distinct nations, differing in 
their origin, and dwelling apart. 

7. The city was enlarged by Tullus Hostilius,J after the 
destruction of Alba, and the Viminal hill included withiu 
the walls ; Ancus Martius added mount Aventine, and the 
Esquiline and Capitoline§ being enclosed in the next reign, 
completed the number of the seven hills on which the 
ancient city stood. 

8. The hill called Jani'culum, on the north bank of t?t3 
Tiber, was fortified as an outw'ork by Ancus Martius, and 
joined to the city by the bridge ; he also dug a trench round 
the newly erected buildings, for their greater security, and 
called it the ditch of the Quipites. 9. The public works 
erected by the kings were of stupendous magnitude, but the 
private buildings were wretched, the streets narrow, and the 
houses mean. It was not until after the burning of the city 
by the Gauls that the city was laid out on a better plan ; 
after the Punic wars wealth flowed in abundantly, and pri- 
vate persons began to erect magnificent mansions. From the 
period of the conquest of Asia until the reign of Augustus, 
the city daily augmented its splendour, but so much was 
added by that emperor, that he boasted that " he found 
Rome a city of brick, and left it a city of marble." 

10. The circumference of the city has been variously 
estimated, some writers including in their computation a 
part of the suburbs ; according to Pliny it was near twenty 
miles round the walls. In consequence of this great ex- 
tent the city had more than thirty gates, of which the 
most remarkable were the Carmental, the Esquiline, the 
Triumphal, the Naval, and those called Tergem'ina and 
Cape'na. 

11. The division of the city into four tribes continued 
until the reign of Augustus ; a new arrangement was made 
by the emperor, who divided Rome into fourteen wards, or 

* Others say that they were named so in honour of Lu'ceres, king 
of Ardea, according to which theory the third would have been a 
Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian colony. 

■j- We shall hereafter have occasion to remark, that the Lu' ceres were 
subject to the other tribes. 

t See History, Chapter IV. 

§ The Pincian and Vatican hills were added at a much later period 
and these, with Janiculum, made the number ten. 

c 



26 HISTORY OF ROME— INTRODUCTION. 

regions.* The magnificent public and private buildings in 
a city so extensive and wealthy were very numerous, and a 
bare catalogue of them would fill a volume ;t our attention 
must be confined to those which possessed some historical 
importance. 

12. The most celebrated and conspicuous buildings were 
in the eighth division of the city, which contained the 
Capitol and its temples, the Senate House, and the Forum. 
The Capitoline-hill was anciently called Saturnius, from the 
ancient city of Satur'nia, of which it was the citadel ; it 
was afterwards called the Tarpeian mount, and finally re- 
ceived the name of Capitoline from a human headT being 
found on its summit when the foundations of the temple of 
Jupiter were laid. It had two summits ; that on the south 
retained the name Tarpeian ;§ the northern was properly 
the Capitol. 13, On this part of the hill Romulus first 
established his asylum., in a sacred grove, dedicated to 
some unknown divinity ; and erected a fort or citadel || on 
the Tarpeian summit. The celebrated temple of Jupiter 
Capitoli'nus, erected on this hill, was begun by the eider 
Tarquin, and finished by Tarquin the Proud. It was 
burned down in the civil v/ars between Ma'rius and Syl'la, 

* They were named as follow : 



I. 


Porta Cape'na 


6. 


Acta Se'raita 


11. 


Circus Max'imus 


^. 


Coelimon^tium 


7. 


Vita Lata 


12. 


Pici'na Pub'lica 


3. 


Tsis and Sera^'pis 


8. 


Forum Roma'num 


13. 


Aventinus 


4. 


Via Sa'cra 


9. 


Circus Flamin^ius 


14. 


Transtiberi'na. 


.6. 


Esquili'na 


10. 


Pala'tium 







The divisions made by Scrvius were named : the Suburan, which 
.comprised chiefly the Coelian mount ; the ColHne, which included the 
Viminal and Quirinal hills ; the Esquiline and Palatine, which evidently 
.coincided with the hills of the same name. 

f Among the public buildings of ancient Rome, when in her zenith, 
-are numbered 420 temples, five regular theatres, two amphitheatres, and 
seven circusses of vast extent ; sixteen public baths, fourteen aqueducts, 
from which a prodigious number of fountains were constantly supplied ; 
innumerable palaces and public halls, stateW columns, splendid porticos, 
and lofty obelisks. 

i: From caput, "a head." 

§ State criminals were punished by being precipitated from the Tar- 
peian rock ; the soil has been since so much raised by the accumulation 
of rums, that a fall from it is no longer dangerous. 

11 In the reign of Numa, the Quirinal hill was deemed the citadel of 
Rome; ai additional confirmation of Niebuhr's theor}^, that Quirium 
was a Sa /me town, which, being early absorbed in Rome, was mistaken 
ny S"'J39C)Ment writers for Cu'rcs. 



THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROMU. 27 

but restored by the latter, who adorned it with pillars taken 
from the temple of Jupiter at Olympia. It was rebuilt after 
similar accidents by Vespa'sian and Domitian, and on each 
occasion with additional splendour. The rich ornaments 
and gifts presented to this temple by different princes and 
generals amounted to a scarcely credible sum. The gold 
and jewels given by Augustus alone are said to have 
exceeded in value four thousand pounds sterling. A nail 
was annually driven into the wall of the temple to mark 
the course of time ; besides this chronological record, it 
contained the Sibylline books, and other oracles supposed 
to be pregnant with the fate of the city. There were several 
other temples on this hill, of which the most remarkable was 
that of Jupiter Feretrius, erected by Romulus, where the 
spolia opima were deposited. 

14. The Forum, or place of public assembly, was situated 
between the Palatine and Capitoline hills. It was sur- 
rounded with temples, basilicks,* and public offices, and 
adorned with innumerable statues. t On one side of this 
space were the elevated seats from which the Roman magis- 
trates and orators addressed the people ; they v/ere called 
Rostra, because they were ornamented with the beaks of 
some galleys taken from the city of Antium. In the centre 
of the forum was a place called the Curtian Lake, either 
from a Sabine general called Curtius, said to have been 
smothered in the marsh which was once there ; or from X 
Sie Roman knight who plunged into a gulf that opened sud- 
denly on the spot. The celebrated temple of Ja'nus, built 
entirely of bronze, stood in the Forum ; it is supposed to 
have been erected by Numa. The gates of this temple were 
opened in time of war, and shut during peace. So con- 
tinuous were the wars of the Romans, that the gates were 
only closed three times during the space of eight centuries. 
In the vicinity stood the temple of Concord, where the 
senate frequently assembled, and the temple of Vesta, where 
the palla'dium was said to be deposited. 

15. Above the rostra was the Senate-house, said to have 

* Basilicks were spacious halls for the administration of justice. 

-j- It is called Templum by Livy ; but the word templum with the 
Romans does not mean an edifice, but a consecrated inclosure. From 
its position, we may conjecture that the forum was originally a place of 
meeting common to the inhabitants of the Sabine town on the QuirinaU 
and the Latin town on the Palatine hill. 

i ^ee Chap. XIL ^ect. V. of the following History. 



28 HISTORY OF ROME IiNTRODUCTlOX. 

been first erected by Tullus Hostilius ; and near it the 
Comitium, or place of meeting for the patrician Curiae.* 
This area was at first uncovered, but a roof was erected at 
the close of the second Pu'nic war. 

16. The Cam 'pus Mar'tius, or field of Mars, was origin- 
ally the estate of Tarquin the Proud, and was, with his 
other property, confiscated after the expulsion of that 
monarch. It was a large space, where armies were mus- 
tered, general assemblies of the people held, and the young 
nobility trained in martial exercises. In the later ages, it 
was surrounded by several magnificent structures, and porti- 
cos were erected, under which the citizens might take their 
accustomed exercise in rainy weather. These improvements 
were principally made by Marcus AgTippa, in the reign of 
Augustus. 17. He erected in the neighbourhood, the Pan- 
the'on, or temple of all the gods, one of the most splendid 
buildings in ancient Rome. It is of a circular form, and its 
roof is in the form of a cupola or dome ; it is used at present 
as a Christian church. Near the Panthe'on were the baths 
and gardens which Agrippa, at his death, bequeathed to the 
Roman people. 

18. The theatres and circi for the exhibition of public 
spectacles were very numerous. The first theatre was 
erected by Pompey the Great ; but the Circus Maximus, 
where gladiatorial combats were displayed, was erected by 
Tarquinus Priscus ; this enormous building was frequently 
enlarged, and in the age of Pliny could accommodate tv^'o 
hundred thousand spectators. A still more remarkable edi- 
fice was the amphitheatre erected by Vespasian, called, from 
its enormous size, the Colosse'um. 

19. Public baths were early erected for the use of tho 
people, and in the later ages were among the most rem.ark- 
able displays of Roman luxury and splendour. Lofty arches, 
stately pillars, vaulted ceilings, seats of solid silver, costly 
marbles inlaid with precioas stones, were exhibited in these 
buildings with the most lavish profusion. 

20. The aqueducts for supplying the citj with water, 
were still more worthy of admiration ; they were supported 
by arches, many of them a hundred feet high, and carried 
over mountains and miorasses that might have appeared 
insuperable. ITie first aqueduct was erected by Ap'pius 
Co'oni«. th& censor, four hundred years after the founds- 

^^p tlir following chaptry. 



THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 29 

tion of the city ; but under the emperors there were not less 
than tvv'enty of these useful structures, and such was the sup 
ply of water, that rivers seemed to flow through the streets 
and sewers. Even now, though only three of the aqueducts 
remain, such are their dimensions that no city in Europe 
has a greater abundance of wholesome water than Rome. 

21. The Cloa'cae, or common sewers, attracted the won- 
der of the ancients themselves ; the largest was completed 
by Tarquin the Proud. The innermost vault of this aston- 
ishing structure forms a semicircle eighteen Roman palms 
wide, and as many high : this is inclosed in a second vault, 
and that again in a third, all formed of hewn blocks of pe- 
penno, fixed together without cement. So extensive were 
these channels, that in the reign of Augustus the city was 
subterraneously navigable. 

22. The public roads were little inferior to the aqueducts 
and Cloa'cae in utility and costliness ; the chief w^as the 
Appian road from Rome to Bnmdu'sium ; it extended three 
hundred and fifty miles, and was paved with huge squares 
through its entire length. After the lapse of nineteen cen- 
turies many parts of it are still as perfect as when it was 
first made. 

23. The Appian road passed through the following 
towns ; Ari'cia, Fo'rum Ap'pii, An'xur or Terraci'na, 
Fun'di, Mintur'nee, Sinue'ssa, Cap'ua, Can'dium, Bene- 
ven'tum, Equotu'ticum, Herdo'nia, Canu'sium, BaVium, 
and Brundu'sium. Between Fo'rum Ap'pii and Terraci'na 
lie the celebrated Pomptine marshes, formed by the over- 
flowing of some small streams. In the flourishing ages of 
Roman history these pestilential marshes did not exist, or 
were confined to a very limited space ; but from the decline 
of the Roman empire, the waters gradually encroached, un- 
til the successful exertions made by the Pontifis in modern 
times to arrest their baleful progress. Before the drainage 
of Pope Sixtus, the marshes covered at least thirteen thou- 
sand acres of ground, which in the earlier ages was the 
most fruitful portion of the Italian soil. 



Questions for Examination. 

When was Rome founded 1 

What ceremonies were used in determining trf r^-jTAiirirrn 
How was the comitium consecrated 1 
What was the first ad'^ition made to Home ! 
c2 



30 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

6. What was the next addition 1 

6. Into what tribes were the Romans divided 1 

7. What were the hills added in later times to Rome ? 

8. Had the Romans any buildings north of the Tiber 1 

9. When did Rome become a magnificent city 1 

10. What was the extent of the city 1 

11. How was the city divided? 

12. Which was the most remarkable of the seven hills 1 

13. What buildings were on the Capitoline hilll 

14. What description is given of the forum ] 

15. Where was the senate-house and comitium 1 

16. What use was made of the Campus MartiusT 

17. What was the Pantheon .1 

18. Were the theatres and circii remarkable 1 

19. Had the Romans public baths ] 

20. How was the city supplied with water 1 
81, Were the cloacse remarkable for their size T 

22. Which was the chief Italian road 1 

23, What were the most remarkable places on the Appian road 1 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. 



I. The ir.ost remarkable feature in the Roman constitu- 
tion is the division of the people into Patricians and jt^le- 
beians, and our first inquiry must be the origin of this sepa- 
ration. It is clearly impossible that such a distinction could 
have existed from the very beginning, because no persons 
would have consented in a new community to the investing 
of any class with peculiar privileges. We find that all the 
Roman kings, after they had subdued a city, drafted a por- 
tion of its inhabitants to Rome ; and if they did not destroy 
the subjugated place, garrisoned it with a Roman colony. 
The strangers thus brought to Rome were not admitted to a 
participation of civic rights ; they were like the inhabitants 
of a corporate town who are excluded from the elective 
franchise : by successive immigrations^ the number of per- 
sons thus disqualified became more numerous than that of 
the fir^t inhabitants or old freemen, and they naturally 
sought a share in the government, as a means of protecting 
their persons and properties. On the other hand, the men 
who possessed the exclusive power of legislation, stniggled 
hard to retain their hereditary privilege^,, and when forced 



TPIE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. 31 

to make concessions, yielded as little as tliey possibly could 
to the popular demands. ?vIodern history furnishes us with 
numerous instances of similar struggles between classes, and 
of a separation in interests and feelings between inhabitants 
of the same country, fully as strong as that between the pa- 
tricians and plebeians at Rome. 

2. The first tribes were divided by Ro'mulus into thirty 
cu'rix, and each cu'ria contained ten gentes or associations 
The individuals of each gens v^ere not in all cases, and pro 
bably not in the majority of instances, connected by birth r^ 
the attributes of the members of a gens, according to Cicero, 
were, a common name and participation in private religious 
rites ; descent from free ancestors ; the absence of legal dis- 
qualification. 3. The members of these associations were 
united by certain laws, which conferred peculiar privileges, 
called jura gentium $ of these the most remarkable were, 
the succession to the property of every member who died 
without kin and intestate, and the obligation imposed on all 
to assist their indigent fellows under any extraordinary bur- 
then.t 4. The head of each gens was regarded as a kind 
of father, and possessed a paternal authority over the mem- 
bers ; the chieftancy was both elective and hereditary ;| 
that is, the individual was always selected from some par- 
ticular family. 

5. Besides the members of the gens, there were attached 
to it a number of dependents called clients, w^ho owed sub- 
mission to the chief as their patron, and received from him 
assistance and protection. The clients were generally fo- 
reigners who came to settle at Rome, and not possessing 
municipal rights, were forced to appear in the courts of law, 
&c. by proxy. In process of time this relation assumed a 
feudal form, and the clients were bound to the same duties 
as vassals§ in the middle ages. 

6. The chiefs of the gentes composed the senate, and 
were called " fathers," (patres.) In the time of Romulus, 

* The same remark may be applied to the Scottish clans and the an- 
cient Irish septs, which were very similar to the Roman gentes, 

•[ When the plebeians endeavoured to procure the repeal of the laws 
which prohibited the intermarriage of the patricians and plebeians, the 
principal objection made by the former was, that these rights and obli- 
gations of the gentes (jura gentium) would be thrown into confusion. 

t This was also the case with the Irish tanists, or chiefs of septs ; the 
people elected a tanist, but their choice was confined to the members of 
the ruling family. 

§ See Historical Miscellany Part III. Chap. i. 



32 HISTORY OF ROME IMRODUCTIOX. 

the senate at first consisted only of one hundred members, 
who of course represented the Latin tribe Ramne'nses ; the 
number was doubled after the union w^ith the Sabines, and 
the new members were chosen from the Titienses. The 
Tuscan tribe of the Lu 'ceres remained unrepresented in the 
senate until the reign of the first Tarquin, w^hen the legisla- 
tive body received another hundred'^ from that tribe. Tar- 
quin the elder was, according to history, a Tuscan lucumo, 
and seems to have owxd his elevation principally to the ef- 
forts of his compatriots settled at Rome. It is to this event 
we must refer, in a great degree, the number of Tuscan 
ceremonies which are to be found in the political institu- 
tions of the Romans. 

7. The gentes were not only represented in the senate, 
but met also in a public assembly called *' comitia curiata." 
In these comitia the kings w^ere elected and invested with 
royal authority. After the complete change of the consti- 
tution in later ages, the '' comitia curiata"! rarely assem- 
bled, and their power was limited to religious matters ; but 
during the earlier period of the republic, they claimed and 
frequently exercised the supreme pov/ers of the state, and 
were named emphatically. The People. 

8. The power and prerogatives of the kings at Rome, 
were similar to those of the Grecian sovereigns in the heroic 
ages. The monarch w^as general of the army, a high priest.J 
and first magistrate of the realm ; he administered justice in 
person every ninth day, but an appeal lay from his sentence, 
in criminal cases, to the general assemblies of the people. 

* They were called " patres nunonim gentium," the senators of tht 
inferior gentes. 

-j- The " comitia curiata," assembled in the comi'tiam, the general 
assemblies of the people were held in the forum. The patrician curiae 
were called, emphatically, the council of the people ; (concilium populi ;) 
the third estate was called plebeian, (plebs.) This distinction between 
populus and plebs was disregarded after the plebeians had established 
their claim to equal rights. The Enghsh reader will easily understand 
the difference, if he considers that the patricians were precisely similar 
\(j the members of a close corporation, and the plebeians to the other 
mhabitants of a city. In London, for example, the common council 
may represent the senate, the lively answer for the populus, patricians, 
or comitia curiata, and the general body of other inhabitants will cor- 
respond with the plebs. 

t There were certain sacrifices which the Romans believed could only 
be offered by a king ; after the abolition of royalty, a priest, named the 
petty sacrificing king, (rex sacrificulus,) was elected to perform this 
lutv. 



THE ROMAN CONSTITUTIOX. 33 

The pontiffs and augurs, however, were in some measure 
independent of the sovereign, and assumed the uncontrolled 
direction of the religion of the state. 

9. The entire constitution was remodelled by Ser'vius 
Tui'lius, and a more liberal form of government introduced. 
His first and greatest achievement was the formation of the 
plebeians into an organized order of the state, invested with 
political rights. He divided them into four cities and 
twenty-six rustic tribes, and thus made the number of tribes 
the same as that of the curise. This was strictly a geo- 
graphical division, analagous to our parishes, and had no 
connection with families, like that of the Jewish tribes. 

10. Still more remarkable was the institution of the cen- 
sus, and the distribution of the people into classes and cen- 
turies proportionate to their wealth. The census was a 
periodical valuation of all the property possessed by the 
citizens, and an enumeration of all the subjects of the state: 
there were five classes, ranged according to the estimated 
value of their possessions, and the taxes they consequently 
paid. The first class contained eighty centuries out of the 
hundred and seventy ; the sixth class, in which those were 
included who were too poor to be taxed, counted but for 
one. We shall hereafter have occasion to see that this 
arrangement was also used for military purposes ; it is only 
necessary to say here, that the sixth class were deprived of 
the use of arms, and exempt from serving in war. 

11. The people voted in the comitia centuriata by centu- 
ries ; that is, the vote of each century was taken separately 
and counted only as one. By this arrangement a just in- 
fluence was secured to property, and the clients of the patri- 
cians in the sixth class prevented from out-numbering the 
free citizens. 

12. Ser'vius Tul'lius undoubtedly intended that the co- 
mitia centuriata should form the third estate of the realm, 
and during his reign they probably held that rank ; but 
when, by an aristocractic insurrection he was slain in the 
senate-house, the power conceded to the people was again 
usurped by the patricians, and the comitio centuriata did not 
recover the right* of legislation before the lawst of the 
twelve tables were established. 

* Perhaps it would be more accurate to say the exclusive right of 
legislation ; for it appears that the comitia centuriata were sometimes 
summoned to give their sanction to laws which had been previously 
enacted by the curia;. f See Chap. XII. 



34 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

13. The law which made the debtor a slave to his credi- 
tor w^as repealed by Ser'vius, and re-enacted by his Succes- 
sor ; the patricians preserved this abominable custom during 
several ages, and did not resign it until the state had been 
brought to the very brink of ruin. 

14. During the reign of Ser'vius, Rome was placed at 
the head of the Latin confederacy, and acknowledged to be 
the metropolitan city. It was deprived of this supremacy 
after the war vAih Porsen'na, but soon recovered its former 
greatness. 

15. The equestrian rank was an order in the Roman 
state from the very beginning. It was at first confined to 
the nobility, and none but the patricians had the privilege 
of serving on horseback. But in the later ages, it became a 
political dignity, and persons were raised to the equestrian 
rank by the amount of their possessions. 

16. The next great change took place after the expulsion 
of the kings ; annual magistrates, called consuls, w^ere elect- 
ed in the comitia centuriata, but none but patricians could 
hold this ofiice. 17. The liberties of the people were soon 
after extended and secured by certain laws, traditionally at- 
tributed to Vale'rius Public 'ola, of which the most im- 
portant was that w^hich allov/ed ^ an appeal to a general as- 
sembly of the people from the sentence of a magistrate. 
18. To deprive the plebeians of this privilege was the darling 
object of the patricians, and it was for this purpose alone 
that they instituted the dictatorship. From the sentence of 
this magistrate there Avas no appeal to the tribes or centu- 
ries, but the patricians kept their own privilege of being 
tried before the tribunal of the curies. 19. The powder of 
the state w^as now usurped by a factious oligarchy, whose 
oppressions were more grievous than those of the worst ty- 
rant ; they at last became so intolerable, that the common- 
alty had recourse to arms, and fortified that part of the city 
which was exclusively inhabited by the plebeians, while 
others formed a camp on the Sacred Mount at some distance 
from Rome. A tumult of this kind was called a secession; 
It threatened to terminate in a civil war, which would have 
been both long and doubtful ; for the patricians and their 
clie^its were probably as numerous as the people. A recon- 

* The Romans were previously acquainted with that great principle 
of justice, the right of trial by a person's peers. In the earliest ages the 
patricians had a right of appeal to the curioD ; the Valerian laws extend- 
ed the same right to the plebeian p. 



THE ROMAN CONSTITUTIOX. 35 

ciliation was effected, and the plebeians placed under the 
protection of magistrates chosen from their own body, called 
tribunes of the people. 

20. The plebeians, having now authorised leaders, began 
to struggle for an equalization of rights, and the patricians 
resisted them with the most determined energy. In this 
protracted contest the popular cause prevailed, though the 
patricians made use of the most violent means to secure 
their usurped powers. The first triumph obtained by the 
people was the right to summon patricians before the 
comitia tributa, or assemblies of people in tribes ; soon after 
they obtained the privilege of electing their tribunes at these 
comitia, instead of the centmia'ta ; and finally, after a fierce 
opposition, the patricians were forced to consent that the 
state should be governed by a written code. 

21. The laws of the twelve tables did not alter the legal 
relations between the citizens ; the struggle was renewed 
with greater violence than ever after the expulsion of the 
decem'viri, but finally terminated in the complete ti'iumph 
of the people. The Roman constitution became essentially 
democratical ; the ofiices of the state were open to all the 
citizens ; and although the difterence between the patrician 
and plebeian families still subsisted, they soon ceased of 
themselves to be political parties. From the time that 
equal rights were granted to all the citizens, Rome advanced 
rapidly in wealth and power ; the subjugation of Italy was 
effected within the succeeding century, and that was soon 
followed by foreign conquests. 

22. In the early part of the struggle between the patri- 
cians and plebeians, the magistracy, named the censorship, 
was instituted. The censors were designed at first merely 
to preside over the taking of the census, but they afterwards 
obtained the power of punishing, by a deprivation of civil 
rights, those who were guilty of any flagrant immorality. 
The patricians retained exclusive possession of the censor- 
ship, long after the consulship had been opened to the 
plebeians. 

23. The senate,* which had been originally a patrician 

* The senators were called conscript fathers, (patres conscripti,) either 
from their being enrolled on the censor's list, or more probably from the 
addition made to their numbers after the expulsion of the kings, in order 
to supply the places of those who had been murdered by Tarquin. The 
new senators were at first called conscript, and in the process of time 
the name was extended to the entire body. 



36 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

council, was gradually opened to the plebeians ; when the 
free constitution was perfected, every person possessing a 
competent fortune that had held a superior magistracy, was 
enrolled as a senator at the census immediately succeeding 
the termination of his office. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What is the most probable account given of the origin of the dis- 

tinction between the patricians and the plebeians at Rome ? 

2. How did Romulus subdivide the Roman tribes'? 

3. By what regulations were the gentes governed \ 
4 Who were the chiefs of the gentes 1 

5. What was the condition of the clients ] 

6. By whom were alterations made in the number and constitution of 

the senate 1 

7. What assembly was peculiar to the patricians 1 
-8. What were the powers of the Roman kings'? 

^ 9. What great change was made in the Roman constitution by Serviua 
TuUius ] 

10. For what purpose was the census instituted? 

11. How were votes taken in the comitia centuriatal 

12. Were the designs of Servius frustrated'? 

13. What was the Roman law respecting debtors'? 
14^. When did the Roman power decline'? 

15. What changes were made in the constitution of the equestrian rank! 

16. What change was made after the abolition of royalty 1 

17. How were the liberties of the people secured 1 

18. Why was the office of dictator appointed"? 

19 How did the plebeians obtain the protection of magistrates chosen 
from their own order'? 

20. What additional triumphs were obtained by the plebeians'? 

21. What was the consequence of the establishment of freedom'? 
22 For what purpose was the censorship instituted "? 

23. What change took place in the constitution of the senate 1 



THE ROMAN TENURE OF LAND. 37 



CHAPTER V. 



THE ROMAN TENURE OF LAND. COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. 

[As this chapter is principally designed for advanced students, it has no 
been thought necessary to add questions for examination.] 

The contests respecting agrarian laws occupy so large a 
space in Roman history, and are so liable to be misunder- 
stood, that it is necessary to explain their origin at some 
length. According to an almost universal custom, the right 
of conquest was supposed to involve the property of the 
land. Thus the Normans who assisted William I. were 
supposed to have obtained a right to the possessions of the 
Saxons ; and in a later age, the Irish princes, whose estates 
were not confirmed by a direct grant from the English 
crown, were exposed to forfeiture w^hen legally summoned 
to ptove their titles. The extensive acquisitions made by 
the Romans, were either formed into . extensive national 
domains, or divided into small lots among the poorer classes. 
The usufruct of the domains was monopolized by the patri- 
cians who rented them from the state ; the smaller lots were 
assigned to the plebeians, subject to a tax called tribute, but 
not to rent. An agrarian lav/ was a proposal to make an 
assignment of portions of the public lands to the people, 
and to limit the quantity of national land that could be 
farmed by any particular patrician.* Such a law may have 
been frequently impolitic, because it may have disturbed 
ancient possessions, but it could never have been unjust; for 
the property of the land was absolutely fixed in the state. 
The lands held by the patricians, being divided into exten- 
sive tracts, were principally used for pasturage ; the small 
lots assigned to the plebeians were, of necessity, devoted to 
agriculture. Hence arose the first great cause of hostility 
between the two orders ; the patricians were naturally eager 
to extend their possessions in the public domains, which 
enabled them to provide for their numerous clients , and in 
remote districts they frequently wrested the estates from the 
free proprietors in their neighbourhood ; the plebeians, on 

* The Licinian law provided that no one should rent at a time moro 
than 500 acres of public land. ' 

D 



38 HISTORY OF ROME—INTRODUCTIOX* 

the Other hand, deemed that they had the best right to the 
land purchased by their blood, and saw with just indigna- 
tion, the fruits of victory monopolized by a single order in 
the state. The tribute paid by the plebeians increased this 
hardship, for it Avas a land-tax levied on estates, and conse- 
quently fell most heavily on the smaller proprietors ; indeed, 
in many cases, the possessors of the national domains paid 
nothing. 

From all this it is evident that an agrarian law only 
removed tenants who held from the state at will, and did 
not in any case interfere with the sacred right of property ; 
but it is also plain that such a change must have been fre- 
quently inconvenient to the individual in possession. It 
also appears, that had not agrarian laws been introduced, the 
great body of the plebeians would have become the clients 
of the patricians, and the form of government would have 
been a complete oligarchy. ^?- 

The chief means to which the Romans, even from the 
earliest ages, had recourse for securing their conquests, and 
at the same time relieving the poorer classes of citizens, 
was the establishment of colonies in the conquered states. 
The new citizens formed a kind of garrison, and were held 
together by a constitution formed on the model of the parent 
state. From, what has been said above, it is evident that a 
law for sending out a colony v/as virtually an agrarian law, 
since lands were invariably assigned to those who were thus 
induced to abandon their homes. 

The relations between Rom.e and the subject cities in 
Italy were very various. Some, called municipia, were 
placed in full possession of the rights of Roman citizens, but 
could not in all cases vote in the comltia. The privileges of 
the colonies were more restricted, for they were absolutely 
excluded from the Roman comitia and magistracies. The 
federative* states enjoyed their own constitutions, but were 
bound to supply the Romans with tribute and auxiliary 
forces. Finally, the subject states were deprived of their 
internal constitutions, and were governed by annual prefects 
chosen in Rome. 

Before discussing the subject of the Roman constitution, 
we mufex observe that it was, like our own, gradually formed 
by practice ; there was no single written code like those of 

* The league by which the Latin states were bound (jus Latii) was 
more favourable than that granted to the other Italians C jus Italicum.) 



THE ROMAN RELIGION. 39 

Athens and Sparta, but changes were made whenever they 
were required by circumstances ; before the plebeians 
obtained an equality of civil rights, the state neither com- 
manded respect abroad, nor enjoyed tranquillity at home. 
The patricians sacriliced their own real advantages, as well 
as the interests of their country, to maintain an ascendancy 
as injurious to themselves, as it was unjust to the other citi- 
zens. But no sooner had the agrarian laws established a 
more equitable distribution of property, and other popular 
laws opened the magistracy to merit without distinction of 
rank, than the city rose to empire with unexampled rapidity. 



CHAPTER VL 

THE ROMAN RELIGION. 



1. We have shown that the Romans were, most probably, 
a people compounded of the Latins, the Sabines, and the 
Tuscans ; and that the first and last of these component 
parts were themselves formed from Pelasgic and native 
tribes. The original deities* worshipped by the Romans 
were derived from the joint traditions of all these tribes ; 
Blit the religious institutions and ceremonies were almost 
wholly borrowed from the Tuscans. Unlike the Grecian 
mythology^ with which, in later ages, it was united, the 
Roman system of religion had all the gloom and mystery of 
the eastern superstitions; their gods were objects of fear 
rather than love, and were worshipped more to avert the con- 
sequences of their anger than to conciliate their favour. A 
consequence of this system was, the. institution of human 
sacrifices, which were not quite disused in Rome until a 
late period of the republic. 

2. The religious institutions of the Romans form an 
essential part of their civil government ; every public act, 
whether of legislation or election, was connected with cer- 
tain determined forms, and thus received the sanction of a 
higher power. Every public assembly was opened by the 

* The reader will find an exceedingly interesting account of the 
deities peculiar to the Romans, in Mr. Keightley's very valuable work 
on Mythology. . . 



40 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

magistrate and au^rs taking the auspices, or signs by which 
they believed that the will of the gods could be determined ; 
and if any imfavourable omen was discovered, either then 
or at any subsequent time, the assembly was at once dis- 
missed. 3. The right of taking auspices was long the 
peculiar privilege of the patricians, and frequently afforded 
them pretexts for evading the demands of the plebeians ; 
when a popular law was to be proposed, it was easy to dis- 
cover some unfavourable omen w^hich prohibited discussion ; 
when it was evident that the centuries were about to annul 
some patrician privilege, the augurs readily saw or heard 
some signal of divine wrath, w^hich prevented the vote from 
being completed. It was on this account that the plebeians 
would not consent to place the comitia tributa under the 
sanction of the auspices. 

4. The augurs were at first only three in number, but 
they were in later ages increased to fifteen, and formed into 
a college. Nothing of importance was transacted without 
their concurrence in the earlier ages of the republic, but 
after the second punic war, their inlluence was considerably 
diminished.* 5. They derived omens from five sources : 1, 
from celestial phenomena, such as thunder, lightning, comets, 
&c. ; 2, from the flight of birds ; 3, frojn the feeding of the 
sacred chickens ; 4, from the appearance of a beast in any 
unusual place ; 5, from any accident that occurred unex 
pectedly. 

6. The usual form of taking an augury was very solemn ; 
the augur ascended a tower, bearing in his hand a curved 
stick called a Utuiis, He turned his face to the east, and 
marked out some distant objects as the limits within which 

* The poet Ennius, who was of Grecian descent, ridiculed very sfuc- 
cossfully the Roman sup«rstitions ; the following fragment, translated 
by Dunlop, would, proba])ly, have been punished as blasphemous in the 
first ages of the repubUc : — 

For no ^larsian augar (whom fools view with awe,) 
IN'or diviner, nor star-gazer, care I a straw ; 
The Isis-taught quack, an expounder of dreams, 
Is neither in science nor art what he seems ; 
Superstitious and shameless they prowl through our streets, 
Some hungry, some crazy, but all of them cheats. 
Impostors, who vaunt that to others they'll show 
^ A path which themselves neither travel nor know: 

Since thev promise us wealth if we pay for their pains, 
T/et thcni take from that wealLh and bestow what remains. 



THE R03iAN RELIGION*. 41 

he would nicike his observations, and divided mentally the 
enclosed space into four divisions. He next, with covered 
head, offered sacrifices to the gods, and prayed that they 
would vouchsafe some manifestation of their will. After 
these preliminaries he made his observations in silence, and 
then announced the result to the expecting people. 

7. The Arusp'ices were a Tuscan order of priests, who 
attempted to predict futurity by observing the beasts offered 
in sacrifice. They formed their opinions most commonly 
from inspecting the entrails, but there was no circumstance 
too trivial to escape their notice, and which they did not 
believe in some degree portentous. The arusp'ices v/ere 
most commonly consulted by individuals ; but their opinions, 
as well as those of the augurs, were taken on all important 
affairs of state. The arusp'ices seem not to have been 
appointed officially, nor are they recognised as a regular 
order of priesthood. 

8. The pontiffs and fia'mens, as the superior priests 
were designated, enjoyed great privileges, and were gene- 
rally men of rank. When the republic was abolished, the 
emperors assumed the office of pontifex mxaximus, or chief 
pontiff, deeming its povv^ers too extensive to be entrusted to 
a subject. 

9. The institution of vestal virgins was older than the 
city itself, and was regarded by the Romans as the most 
sacred part of their religious system. In the time of Numa 
there were but four, but two more were added by Tarquin ; 
probably the addition made by Tarquin was to give the 
tribe of the Lu'ceres a shar^ in this important priesthood. 
The duty of the vestal virgins was to keep the sacred fire 
that burned on the altar of Vesta from being extinguished ; 
and to preserve a certain sacred pledge on-w^hich the very 
existence of Rome was supposed to depend. What this 
pledge was we have no means of discovering ; some sup- 
pose that it was the Trojan Falla'dhim, others, with more 
probability, some traditional mystery brought by the Pelas'gi 
from Samothrace. 

10. The privileges conceded to the vestals were very 
great; they had the most honourable seats at public games 
and festivals ; they were attended by a lictor with fasces like 
the magistrates ; they were provided with chariots when they 
required them ; and they possessed the power of pardoning 
any criminal whom they met on the way to execution, if 
they declared that the meeting was accidental. The magis- 

D 2 



42 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

trates were obliged to salute them as they passed, and the 
fasces of the consul were lowered to do them reverence. 
To will ih old from them marks of respect subjected the 
offender to public odium ; a personal insult w^as capitally 
punished. They possessed the exclusive privilege of being 
buried within the city ; an honour which the Romans rarely 
extended to others. 

11. The vestals were bound by a vow of perpetual vir- 
ginity, and a violation of this oath was cruelly punished. 
The unfortunate offender w^as buried alive in a vault con- 
structed beneath the Fo'rum by the elder Tarquin. The 
terror of such a dreadful fate had the desired effect ; there 
were only eighteen instances of incontinence among the 
ves4als, during the space of a thousand years. 

12. The mixture of religion with civil polity, gave per- 
manence and stability to the Roman institutions ; notwith- 
standing all the changes and revolutions in the government 
the old forms were preserved ; and thus, though the city was 
taken by Porsenna, and burned by the Gauls, the Roman 
constitution survived the ruin, and was again restored to its 
pristine vigour. 

13. The Romans always adopted the gods of the con- 
quered nations, and, consequently, when their empire became 
very extensive, the number of deities was absurdly excessive, 
and the variety of religious worship perfectly ridiculous. 
The rulers of the world wanted the taste and ingenuity of 
the lively Greeks, who accommodated every religious system 
to their own, and from some real or fancied resemblance, 
identified the gods of Olym'pus with other nations. The 
Romans never used this process of assimilation^ and, con- 
sequently, introduced so much confusion into their mytho- 
logy, that philosophers rejected the entire system. This 
circumstance greatly facilitated the progress of Christianity, 
whose beautiful simplicity furnished a powerful contrast to 
the confused and cumbrous mass of divinities, worshipped 
in the time of the emperors. 



Questions for Examination, 

1 . How did the religion of the Romans differ from that of the Greeks ' 

2. Was the Roman religion connected wdth the government 1 

3. How was the right of taking the auspices abused 1 

i Who were the augurs ] 5 



THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY, 4^ 

5. From what did the augurs take omens 1 

6. What were the forms used in taking the auspices 1 

7. Who were the aruspiccs] 

8. What other priests had the Romans 1 

9. What was the duty of the vestal ^^rgins ': 
10. Did the vestals enjoy great privileges] 

J 1 . How were the vestals punished for a breach of their vows 1 

12. Why was the Roman constitution very permanent] 

13. Whence arose the confusion in the religious system of the Romans] 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 

1. It has been frequently remarked by ancient writers, 
that the strength of a free state consists in its infantry ; and, 
on the other hand, th-at when the infantry in a state become, 
more valuable than the cavalry, the power of the aristocracy 
is diminished, and equal rights can no longer be withheld 
from the people. The employment of mercenary soldiers 
in modern times renders these observations no longer appli- 
cable ; but in the military states of antiquity, where the 
citizens themselves served as soldiers, there are innumerable 
examples of this mutual connection between political and 
military systems. It is further illustrated in the history of 
the middle ages ; for we can unquestionably trace the origin 
of free institutions in Europe to the time when the hardy 
infantry of the commons were first found able to resist the 
charges of the brilliant chivalry of the nobles. 2. Rome was, 
from the very commencement, a military state ; as with the 
Spartans, all their civil institutions had a direct reference to 
warlike affairs ; their public assemblies v/ere marshalled like 
armies ; the order of their line of battle was regulated by 
the distinction of classes in the state. It is, therefore, 
natural to conclude, that the tactics of the Roman armies 
underwent important changes v/hen the revolutions men- 
tioned in the preceding chapters were effected, though we 
cannot trace the alterations with precision, because no his- 
torians appeared until the military system of the Romans 
had been brought to perfection. 

3. The strength of the Tuscans consisted principally m 
their cavalry ; and if we judge from the importance attri- 
buted to the equestrian rank in the -earliest ages, we may 



44 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

suppose that the early Romans esteemed this force equally 
valuable. It was to Ser'vius Tul'iius, the great patron of 
the commonalty, that the Romans were mdebted for the 
formation of a body of infantry, which, after the lapse of 
centuries, received so many improvements that it became 
invincible. 

4. The ancient battle array of the Greeks was the phalanx ; 
the troops were drawn up in close column, the best armed 
being in front. The improvements made in this system of 
tactics by Philip, are recorded in Grecian history; they 
chiefly consisted in making the evolutions of the entire body 
more manageable, and counteracting the difhculties which 
attended the motions of this cumbrous mass. 

5. The Romans originally used the phalanx ; and the 
lines were formed according to the classes determined by the 
centuries. Those who were sufficiently wealthy to purchase 
a full suit of armour, formed the front ranks ; those who 
could only purchase a portion of the defensive weapons, 
filled the centre ; and the rear was formed by the poorer 
classes, who scarcely required any armour, being protected 
by the lines in front. From this explanation, it is easy to see 
why, in the constitution of the centuries by Servius Tullius, 
the first class were perfectly covered with mail, the second 
had hehPxets and breast-plates but no protection for the body, 
the third, neither a coat of miail, nor greaves. 6. The 
defects of this system are sufficiently obvious ; an unex- 
pected attack on the flanks, the breaking of the line by 
rugged and uneven ground, and a thousand similar accidents, 
exposed the unprotected portions of the army to destruction ; 
besides, a line with files ten deep was necessarily slow in 
its movements and evolutions. Another and not less impor- 
tant defect was, that the whole should act together ; and, 
consequently, there were. few opportunities for the display 
of individual bravery. 

7. It is not certainly known who was the great com- 
mander that substituted the living body of the Roman legion 
for this inanimate mass ; but there is some reason to believe 
that this wondrous improvement was effected by Camil'lus. 
Every legion was in itself an army, combining the advan- 
tages of every variety of weapon, with the absolute per- 
fection of a military division. 

8. The legion consisted of three lines or battalions ; the 
Hasta'ti, the Frin'cipes, and the Tria'rii; there were be- 
sides two classes, which we may likewise call battalions, 



THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 45 

the RGra'riij or Velites, consisting of light armed troops ; 
and the ^ccen'si, or supernumeraries, who were ready to 
supply the place of those that fell. Each of the two first 
battalions contained fifteen manip'zdl, consisting of sixty 
privates, commanded by two centurions, and having each a 
separate standard {vexii'lum) borne by one of the privates 
called vexilla'rius ; the manip'uli in the other battalions 
were fewer in number, but contained a greater portion of 
men ; so that, in round numbers, nine hundred men may be 
allowed to each battalion, exclusive of officers. If the offi- 
cers and the troop of three hundred cavalry be taken into 
account, we shall find that the legion, as originally consti- 
tuted, contained about five thousand men. The Romans, 
however, did not always observe these exact proportions, 
and the number of soldiers in a legion varied at different 
times of their history.* 

9. A cohort was formed by taking a manipulus from 
each of the battalions ; more frequently two nianipuli were 
taken, and the cohort then contained six hundred men. The 
cavalry were divided into fiir'mse, consisting each of thirty 
men. 

10. A battle was usually commenced by the light troops, 
who skirmished with missile weapons ; the hasta'ti then ad- 
vanced to the charge, and if defeated, fell back on the prin'- 
cipes ; if the enemy proved still superior, the two front 
lines retired to the ranks of the tria'rii, which being com- 
posed of veteran troops, generally turned the scale. But 
this order was not always observed ; the number of divi- 
sions in the legion made it extremely flexible, and the com- 
mander-in-chief could always adapt the form of his line to 
circumstances. 

11. The levies of troops were made in the Cam 'pus 
Mar'tius, by the tribun3s appointed to command the legions. 
The tribes which w^ere to supply soldiers were determined 
by. lot, and as each came forward, the tribunes, in their turn, 
selected such as seemed best fitted for war. Four legions 
was most commonly the number in an army. When the 
selected individuals had been enrolled as soldiers, one was 
chosen from each legion to take the military oath of obe- 
dience to the generals ; the other soldiers swore in succes- 
sion, to observe the oath taken by their foreman. 

* This is virtually the same account as that given by Niebuhr, but 
he excludes the accensi and cavalry from his computation, which brings 
down the amount to 3600 soldiers. 



46 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

12. Such was the sacredness of this obligation, that even 
in the midst of the political contests by which the city was 
distracted, the soldiers, though eager to secure the freedom 
of their country, would not attempt to gain it by mutiny 
against their commanders. On this account the senate fre- 
quently declared war, and ordered a levy as an expedient to 
prevent the enactment of a popular law, and were of course 
opposed by the tribunes of the people. 

13. There was no part of the Roman discipline more ad- 
mirable than their form of encampment. No matter how 
fatigued the soldiers might be by a long march, or how 
harassed by a tedious battle, the camp was regularly mea- 
sured out and fortified by a rampart and ditch, before any 
one sought sleep or refreshment. Careful watch was kept 
during the night, and frequent picquets sent out to guard 
against a surprise, and to see that the sentinels were vigi- 
lant. As the arrangement in every camp was the same, 
every soldier knew his exact position, and if an alarm oc- 
curred, could easily find the rallying point of his division. 
To this excellent system Polyb'ius attributes the superiority 
of the Romans over the Greeks ; for the latter scarcely ever 
fortified their camp, but chose some place naturally strong, 
and did not keep their ranks distinct. 

14. The military age extended from the sixteenth to the 
forty-sixth year ; and under the old constitution no one could 
hold a civic ofiice who had not served ten campaigns. The 
horsemen were considered free after serving through ten 
campaigns, but the foot had to remain during twenty. 
Those v/ho had served out their required time were free for 
the rest of their lives, unless the city was attacked, when all 
under the age of sixty were obliged to arm in its defence. 

15. In the early ages, when wars were begun and ended 
in a few days, the soldiers received no pay ; but when the 
conquest of distant countries became the object of Roman 
ambition, it became necessary to provide for the pay and 
support of the army. This ofi[ice was given to the quaes- 
tors, who were generally chosen from the younger nobility, 
and were thus prepared for the higher magistracies by ac- 
quiring a practical acquaintance v/ith finance. 

16. The soldiers were subject to penalties of life and limb 
at the discretion of the commander-in-chief, without the in- 
tervention of a court-martial ; but it deserves to be recorded 
that this power was rarely abused. 17. There were seve- 
ral species of rewards to excite emulation ; the most honour- 



THE ROMAN ARMY AND XAVV* 47 

able were, the civic crown of gold to him who had saved 
the life of a citizen ; the mural crown to him Avho had first 
scaled the wall of a besieged towai ; a gilt spear to him who 
had severely wounded an enemy ; but he who had slain 
and spoiled his foe, received, if a horseman, an ornamental 
trapping ; if a foot soldier, a goblet. 

18. The lower classes of the centuries were excused from 
serving in the army, except on dangerous emergencies ; but 
they supplied sailors to the navy. We learn from a docu- 
ment preserved by Polyb'ius, that the Romans w^ere a naval 
power at a very early age. 19. This interesting record is 
the copy of a treaty concluded with the Carthaginians, in 
the year after the expulsion of the kings. It is not men- 
tioned by the Roman historians, because it decisively es- 
tablishes a fact which they studiously labour to conceal, 
that is, the weakness and decline of the Roman power dur- 
ing the two centuries that folio w^ed the abolition of royalty, 
when the power of the state v/as monopolized by a vile 
aristocracy. In this treaty Rome negociates for the cities 
of La'tium, as her dependencies, just as Carthage does for 
her subject colonies. But in the course of the following 
century, Rome lost her supremacy over the Latin cities, and 
being thus nearly excluded from the coast, her navy was 
ruined. 

20. At the commencement of the first Punic war, the Ro- 
mans once more began to prepare a fleet, and luckily ob- 
tained an excellent model in a Carthaginian ship that had 
been driven ashore in a storm. 21. The vessels used for 
war, were either long ships or banked galleys ; the former 
were not much used in the Punic wars, the latter being 
found more convenient. The rowers of these sat on banks 
or benches, rising one above the other, like stairs ; and 
from the number of these benches, the galleys derived their 
names ; that which had three rows of benches was called a 
trireme; that which had four, a qiiadrireme ; and that 
which had five, a qulnqidreme. Some vessels had turrets 
erected in them for soldiers and w^arlike engines ; others 
had sharp prows covered with brass, for the purpose of 
dashing against and sinking their enemies. 

22. The naval tactics of the ancients were very simple; 
the ships closed very early, and the battle became a contest 
between single vessels. It was on this account that the 
personal valour of the Romans proved more than a match 



48 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

Tor the naval skill of the Carthaginians, and enabled them 
to add the empire of the sea to that of the land. 

23. Before concluding this chapter, we must notice the 
triumphal processions granted to victorious commanders. 
Of these there are two kinds ; the lesser triumph, called an 
ovation,'^ and the greater, called, emphatically, the triumph. 
In the former, the victorious general entered the city on 
foot, wearing a crown of myrtle ; in the latter, he was borne 
in a chariot, and w^ore a crow^n of laurel. The ovation was 
granted to such generals as had averted a threatened w^ar, or 
gained some great advantage without inflicting great loss on 
the enemy. The triumph was allowed only to those v/ho 
had gained some signal victory, which decided the fate of a 
protracted war. The following description, extracted from 
Plutarch, of the great triumph granted to Paulus iSmilius, 
for his glorious termination of the Macedonian w^ar, will 
give the reader an adequate idea of the splendour displayed 
by the Romans on these festive occasions. 

The people erected scaffolds in the forum and circus, and 
all other parts of the city where they could best behold the 
pomp. The spectators were clad in white garments ; all 
the temples were open, and full of garlands and perfumes ; 
and the ways cleared and cleansed by a great many officers , 
who drove away such as thronged the passage, or straggled 
up and dowm. 

The triumph lasted three days ; on the first, which was 
scarce long enough for the sight, w^ere to be seen the statues, 
pictures, and images of an extraordinary size, which were 
taken from the enemy, drawn upon seven hundred and fifty 
chariots. On the second was carried, in a great many wains, 
the fairest and richest armour of the Macedonians, both of 
brass and steel, all newly furbished and glittering: which, 
although piled up with the greatest art and order, yet seemed 
to be tumbled on heaps carelessly and by chance ; helmets 
w^ere thrown on shields, coats of mail upon greaves ; Cretan 
targets and Thracian bucklers, and quivers of arrows, lay 
huddled among the horses' bits ; and through these appeared 
the points of naked swords, intermixed with long spears. 
All these arms were tied together with such a just liberty, 
that they knocked against one another as they were drawn 

* From ovis, a sheep, the animal on this occasion offered in sacrifice ; 
in the greater triumph the victim was a milk-white bull hung over with 
garlands, and having his horns tipped with gold. 



GEOGRAPHY OF THE EMPIRE. G] 

north by the Danube, on the south by Mount Scar'dus, 
Tchar-dag ; on the west by the Pan'nonia, and on the east 
by the river Ce'brus, Isker : 7. Moe'sia Inferior, having 
the Danube on the north ; the Ce'brus on the west ; the 
chain of mount Has'mus on the south, and the Pon'tus 
Eux'imus, Black Sea, on the east. 

9. Illyricum included the districts along the eastern coast 
of the Adriatic, from Rhae'tia to the river Dri'nus, JDrino 
Brianco, in the south, and the Sa'vus, Save, on the east. 
It was subdued by the Romans about the time of the 
Macedonian war. 

10. Macedon and Greece were subdued after the con- 
quest of Carthage ; for the particulars of their geography, 
the student is referred to the introduction prefixed to the 
last edition of the Grecian History. Thrace was governed 
by its owm kings, who were tributary to the Romans until 
the reign of the emperor Claudian, when it was made a 
province. 

11. Da'cia was first subdued by the emperor Trajan, and 
was the only province north of the Danube ; its boundaries 
were, the Carpathian mountains on the north, the Tibis'- 
cus, Theiss, on the west, the Hiera'sus, Fruth, on the east, 
and the Danube on the south. 

12. The principal Asiatic provinces were, Asia Minor, 
Syria, and Phoeni'cia. Beyond the Euphra'tes, Arme'nia 
and Mesopota'mia were reduced to provinces by Trajan, 
but abandoned by his successor Adrian. 

13. The African provinces were, Egypt, Cyrena'ica, 
Numidia, and Maurita'nia. 

14. The principal states on the borders of the empire 
were, Germa'nia and Sarma'tia in Europe, Arme'nia and 
Par'thia in Asia, and ^thio'pia in Africa. 

15. Eastern Asia, or India, was only known to the Ro- 
mans by a commercial intercourse, which was opened with 
that country soon after the conquest of Egypt. 

It was divided into India on this side the Ganges, and 
India beyond tke Ganges, which included Se'rica, a country 
of which the Romans possessed but little knowledge. India 
at the w^estern side of the Ganges contained, 1. The terri- 
tory between the In'dus and Gan'ges : 2. The western 
coast, now called Malabar, which was the part best known, 
and, 3. The island of Taproba'ne, Ceylon. 

16. The commerce between Europe and southern Asia 
became important in the reign of Alexan'der the Great ; 

F 



62 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 

the greater part of the towns founded by that mighty con 
queror were intended to facilitate this lucrative trade.* Afte) 
his death, the Ptol'emys of Egypt became the patrons of 
Indian traffic, which was unwisely neglected by the kings 
of Syria. When Egypt was conquered by the Romans, the 
commerce with India was not interrupted, and the principal 
mart for Indian commerce under the Roman emperors, was 
always Alexandria. The jealousy of the Parthians excluded 
strangers from their territories, and put an end to the trade 
that was carried on between northern India, the shores of 
the Caspian sea, and thence to the ^Egean. In consequence 
of this interruption. Palmy 'ra and Alexandri'a became the 
great depots of eastern commerce, and to this circumstance 
they owed their enormous wealth and magnificence. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the boundaries of the Roman empire ? 

2. How was Spain divided 1 

3. When was Spain annexed to the Roman empire 1 

4. What countries were included in Transalpine Gaul 1 

5. How was Gaul divided 1 

6. What islands in the Mediterranean were included in the Roman 

empire ] 

7. When was Britain invaded by the Romans, and how much of the 

country did they subdue 1 

8. Into what provinces were the countries south of the Danube divided 1 

9. What was the extent of Illyricum 1 

] 0. What were the Roman provinces in the east of Europe 1 

1 1 . By whom was Dacia conquered 1 

1 2. What were the Asiatic provinces ] 

1 3. What were the African provinces % 

14. What were the principal states bordering on the empire ? 

1 5. Was India known to the Romans \ 

16. What cities under the Romans enjoyed the greatest commerce 

with India 1 

* See Pinnock's Grecian History. 



END OF THE INTRODUCTION. 



HISTORY OF ROME. 



CHAPTER I. 

OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS. 

1. The Romans were particularly desirous of being 
thought descendants of the gods, as if to hide the meanness 
of their real ancestry, ^ne'as, the son of Venus and An- 
chi'ses, having escaped from the destruction of Troy, after 
many adventures and dangers, arrived in Italy, a. m. 2294, 
where he was kindly received by Lati'nus, king of the La- 
tins, who promised him his daughter Lavin'ia in marriage. 
2. Turnus, king of the Eu'tuli, was the first who opposed 
iEne'as, he having long made pretensions to her himself. 
A war ensued, in which the Trojan hero was victorious, 
and Turnus slain. In consequence of this, Lavin'ia be- 
came the wife of iEne'as, who built a city to her honour, 
and called it Lavin'ium. Some time after, engaging in a 
war against Mezen'tius, one of the petty kings of the coun- 
try, he was vanquished in turn, and died in battle, after a 
reign of four years. 3. Asca'nius his son, succeeded to the 
kingdom ; and to him SilVius, a second son, whom he had 
by Lavin'ia. It would be tedious and uninteresting to recite 
a dry catalogue of the kings that followed, of whom we 
know little more th^n the names ; it will be sufficient to say, 
that the succession continued for nearly four hundred years 
in the same family, and that Nu'mitor, the fifteenth from 
iEne'as, was the last king of Alba. 

Nu'mitor, who took possession of the kingdom in conse- 
quence of his father's will, had a brother named Amulius, 
to whom were left the treasures which had been brought 
from Troy. 4. As riches too generally prevail against right, 
Amu'lius made use of his wealth to supplant his brother, 
and soon found means to possess himself of the kingdom. 
Not contented with the crime of usurpation, he added that 
of murder also. Nu'mitor's sons first fell a sacrifice to his 
suspicions ; and to remove all apprehensions of being one 

63 



64 HISTORY OF ROxME. 

day disturbed in his ill-gotten power, he caused Rhe'a Sil'- 
via, his brotlier's only daughter, to become a vestal, 

5. His precautions, however, were all frustrated in the 
event. Rhe'a Sil'via, and, according to tradition. Mars the 
god of war, were the parents of two boys, w^ho were no 
sooner born, than devoted by the usurper to destruction. 

7. The mother was condemned to be buried alive, the usual 
punishment for vestals who had violated their vows, and 
the twins were ordered to be flung into the river Tiber. 

8. It happened, however, at the time this rigorous sentence 
was put into execution, that the river had, more than usual, 
overflowed its banks, so that the place where the children 
were thrown being distant from the main current, the water 
was too shallow to drown them. It is said by some, that 
they vv^ere exposed in a cradle, which, after floating for a 
time, was, by the water's retiring, left on dry ground ; that 
a wolf, descen-ding from the mountains to drink, ran, at the 
cry of the children, and fed them under a fig-tree, caressing 
and licking them as if they had been her own young, the 
infants hanging on to her as if she had been their mother, 
until Faus'tulus, the king's shepherd, stiTick with so sur- 
prising a sight, conveyed them home, and delivered them to 
his wife, Ac'ca Lauren'tia, to nurse, who brought them up 
as her ov»^n. 9. Others, however, assert, that from the 
vicious life of this vv^oman, the shepherds had given her the 
nickname of Lupa, or wolf, which they suppose might pos- 
sibly be the occasion of this marvellous story. 

10. Eomu'lus and Ee'mus, the twins, in whatever man- 
ner preserved, seemed early to discover abilities and de- 
sires above the meanness of their supposed origin. From 
their very infancy, an air of superiority and grandeur 
seemed to discover their rank. They led, however, the 
shepherd's life like the rest ; worked for their livelihood, 
and built their own huts. But pastoral idleness displeased 
them, and, from tending their flocks, they betook them- 
selves to the chase. Then, no longer content with hunting 
wild beasts, they turned their strength against the robbers 
of their country, w^hom they often stripped of their plunder, 
and divided it among the shepherds. 11. The youths w]io 
continually joined them so increased in number, as to ena- 
ble them to hold assemblies, and celebrate games. In one 
of their excursions, the two brothers were surprised. Re'- 
mus was taken prisoner, carried before tlie king, and accu- 
sed of being a plunderer and robber on Nu'mitor's lands. 



OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS. 65 

Kom'ulus had escaped ; but Re'mus, llie king sent to Nu'- 
mitor, that he might do himself justice. 

12. From many circumstances. Faus'tulus suspected the 
twins under his care to be the same that Amulius had ex- 
posed on the Ti'ber, and at length divulged his suspicions 
to Rom'ulus. Nu'mitor made the same discovery to Re'- 
mus. From that time nothing was thought of but the ty- 
rant's destruction. He was beset on all sides ; and, during 
the am.azement and distraction that ensued, was taken and 
slain ; while Nu'mitor, who had been deposed for forty 
years, recognised his grandsons, and was once more placed 
on the throne. 

13. The tw^o brothers, leaving Nu'mitor the kingdom of 
Alba, determined to build a city upon the spot where they 
had been exposed and preserved. But a fatal desire of 
reigning seized them both, and created a diiterence between 
these noble youths, wdiich terminated tragically. Birth- 
right in the case of twins could claim no precedence ; they 
therefore were advised by the king to take an omen from 
the flight of birds, to know to which of them the tutelar 
gods w^ould decree the honour of governing the rising city, 
and, consequently, of being the director of the other. 14. In 
compliance with this advice, each took his station on a dif 
ferent hill. To Re'mus appeared six vultures ; in the mo 
ment after, Rom'ulus saw twelve. Two parties had been 
formed for this purpose ; the one declared for Re'mus, who 
first saw the vultures ; the other for Rom'ulus, who saw the 
greater number. Each party called itself victorious ; the 
one having the first omen, the other that which was most 
complete. This produced a contest which ended in a bat- 
tle, wherein Re'mus was slain. It is even said, that he 
was killed by his brother, who, being provoked at his leap- 
ing contemptuously over the city wall, struck him dead 
upon the spot. 

15. Rom'ulus being now sole commander and eighteen 
years of age, began the foundation of a city that was one 
day to give lav/s to the world. It was called Rome, after 
the name of the founder, and built upon the Palatine hill, 
on which he had taken his successful omen, a. m. 3252 ; 
ANTE c. 752. The city was at first nearly square, contain- 
ing about a thousand houses. It was almost a mile in cir- 
cumference, and commanded a small territory round it of 
eight miles over. 16. However, small as it appears, it was 
^-^et worse inhabited ; and the first method made use of to 

F 2 



HISTORY OF ROME. 



increase its numbers, was the opening of a sanctuary for all 
malefactors and slaves, and such as were desirous of novel- 
ty ; these came in great multitudes, and contributed to in- 
crease the number of our legislator's new subjects. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the origin of the Romans 1 

2. Who first opposed ^neas, and what was the result ] 

3. Who were the successors of ^neas \ 

4. What was the conduct of AmuUus 1 

5. What event frustrated his precautions % 

6. What followed ] 

7. What was the sentence on Rhea Silvia and her children 1 

8. How were the children preserved 1 

9. What is supposed to have occasioned this marvellous story 1 

10. What was the character and conduct of Romulus and Remus 1 

11. In what manner were they surprised? 

12. How was the birth of Romulas and Remus discovered, and whal 

consequences followed 1 

13. What caused a difference between the brothers 1 

14. Relate the circumstances which followed? 

15. By whom was Rome built, and what was then its situation '^ 

16. By what means v/as the new city peopled ? 



CHAPTER II. 

FROM THE BUILDING OF ROME TO THE DEATH OF ROMULUS. 

I. Scarcely was the city raised above its foundation, 
when its rude inhabitants began to think of giving some 
form to their constitution, Rom'ulus, by an act of great 
generosity, left them at liberty to choose whom they would 
for their king ; and they, in gratitude, concurred to elect 
him for their founder. He, accordingly, was acknowledged 
as chief of their religion, sovereign magistrate of Rome, 
and general of the army. Beside a guard to attend his 
person, it was agreed, that he should be preceded wherever 
he went, by twelve lictors, each armed with an axe tied up 
in a bundle of rods ;* these were to serve as executioners of 

* This symbol of authority was borrowed from his neighbours, the 
Ktrurians. 



ROMULUS. 67 

the law, and to impress his new subjects with an idea of 
his authority. 

2. The senate, who were to act as counsellors to the 
king, was composed of a hundred of the principal citizens 
of Rome, consisting of men whose age, wisdom, or valour, 
gave them a natural authority over their fellow-subjects. 
The king named the first senator, who was called prince of 
the senate, and appointed him to the government of the 
city, whenever war required his own absence. 

3. The patricians, who composed the third part of the 
legislature, assumed to themselves the power of authorising 
those laws which were passed by the king, or the senate. 
All things relative to peace or war, to the election of magis- 
trates, and even to the choosing a king, were confirmed by 
suffrages in their assemblies. 

4. The plebeians were to till the fields, feed cattle, and 
follow trades ; but not to have any share in the government, 
to avoid the inconveniences of a popular power. 

5. The first care of the new-created king was, to attend 
to the interests of religion. The precise form of their wor- 
ship is unknown ; but the greatest part of the religion of 
that age consisted in a firm reliance upon the credit of theii 
soothsayers, who pretended, from observation on the flight 
of birds, and the entrails of beasts, to direct the present, 
and to dive into futurity. Rom'ulus, by an express law, 
commanded that no election should be made, nor enterprise 
undertaken, without first consulting them. 

6. Wives were forbidden, upon any pretext w^hatsoever, 
to separate from their husbands ; while, on the contrary, 
the husband v/as empowered to repudiate the wife, and 
even, in some cases, to put her to death. The laws between 
children and their parents were still more severe ; the father 
had entire power over his offspring, both of fortune and life ; 
he could imprison and sell them at any time of their lives, 
or in any stations to which they were arrived. 

7. After endeavouring to regulate his subjects by law, 
Rom'uius next gave orders to ascertain their numbers. The 
whole amounted to no more than three thousand foot, and 
about as many hundred horsemen, capable of bearing armis. 
These, therefore, were divided equally into three tribes, and 
to each he assigned a different part of the city. Each of 
these tribes was subdivided into ten curias, or companies, 
consisting of a hundred men each, with a centurion to com- 
mand it ; a priest called curio, to perform the sacrifices , 



68 HISTORY OF ROME. 

and two of the principal inhabitants, called duumviri, to 
distribute justice. 

8. By these judicious regulations, each day added strength 
to the new city ; multitudes of people flocked in from all 
the adjacent towns, and it only seemed to w^ant women to 
insure its duration. In this exigence, Rom'ulus, by the 
advice of the senate, sent deputies among the Sab'ines, his 
neighbours, entreating their alliance ; and, upon these terms, 
oflfering to cement the strictest confederacy wdth them. The 
Sab'ines, who v/ere at that time considered as the most 
warlike people of Italy, rejected the proposal with disdain. 
9. Rom'ulus, therefore, proclaimed a feast, in honour of 
Neptune,^ throughout all the neighbouring villages, and 
made the most magnificent preparations for celebrating it. 
These feasts were generally preceded by sacrifices, and 
ended in shows of wrestlers, gladiators, and chariot-courses. 
The Sab'ines, as he had expected, w^ere among the forernxO?: 
who came to be spectators, bringing their wives and daughters 
wath them, to share the pleasures of the sight. 10. In the 
mean time the games began, and while the strangers were 
most intent upon the spectacle, a number of the Roman 
youth rushed in among them with drawn swords, seized 
the youngest and most beautiful women, and carried them 
ofif by violence. In vain the parents protested against this 
breach of hospitality; the virgins were carried aw^ay and 
became the waves of the Romans. 

11. A bloody war ensued. The cities of Cae'nina,! 
Antem'n3e,J and Crustumi'num,§ were the first who resolved 
to avenge the common cause, which the Sab'ines seemed 
too dilatory in pursuing. But all these, by making separate 
inroads, became an easy conquest to Rom'ulus, w^ho made 
the most merciful use of his victories ; instead of destroying 
their towns, or lessening their numbers, he only placed 
colonies of Romans in them, to serve as a frontier to repress 
more distant invasions. 

12. Ta'tius, king of Cures, a Sabine city, w^as the last, 
although the most formidable, who undertook to revenge the 

* More properly in honour of Con'sus, a deity of Sabine origin, whom 
the Romans, in a later age, confounded with Neptune. (See Keightley'a 
Mythology.) 

■f- A town of Latium. near Rome. (Li\T.) 

i A city of the Sabines, between Rome and the Anio, from whence 
its name, — Ante Amnem. (Dionys. Hal.) 

§ A town of Etruria, near Veii. (Virg.) 



ROMULUS. 69 

disgrace his country had suffered. He entered the Roman 
territories at the head of twenty-five thousand men, and not 
content with a superiority of forces, he added stratagem 
also. 13. Tarpe'ia, who was daughter to the commander 
of the Capit'oline hill, happened to fall into his hands, as 
she went without the walls of the city to fetch water. Upon 
her he prevailed, by means of large promises, to betray one 
of the gates to his army. The reward she engaged for, 
was what the soldiers wore on their arms, by which she 
meant their bracelets. They, however, either mistaking 
her meaning, or willing to punish her perfidy, threw their 
bucklers upon her as they entered, and crushed her to death. 
14. The Sab'ines being thus possessed of the Capit'oline, 
after some time a general engagement ensued, which was 
renewed for several days, with almost equal success, and 
neither army could think of submitting ; it was in the val- 
ley between the Capit'oline and Quiri'nal hills that the last 
engagement was fought between the Romans and the 
Sab'ines. 15. The battle was now become general, and 
the slaughter prodigious ; when the attention of both sides 
was suddenly turned from the scene of horror before them 
to another. The Sab'ine women, v/ho had been carried off 
by the Romans, flew in between the ccmbatantF, with their 
hair loose, and their ornaments neglected, regardless of their 
own danger ; and, w^ith loud outcries, implored their hus- 
bands and their fathers to desist. Upon this the combatants, 
as if by natural impulse, let fall their weapons. 16. An 
accommodation ensued, by v/hich it was agreed, that Rom'- 
ulus and Ta'tius should reign jointly in Rome, with equal 
power and prerogative ; that a hundred Sab'ines should be 
admitted into the senate ; that the city should retain its for- 
mer name, but the citizens should be called Qui'rites, after 
Cu'res, the principal town of the Sab'ines ; and that both 
nations being thus united, such of the Sab'ines as chose it, 
should be admitted to live in and enjoy all the privileges of 
citizens of Rome. 17. The conquest of Came'ria was the 
only military achievement under the two kings, and Ta'tius 
was killed about five years after by the Lavin'ians, for having 
protected some of his servants who had plundered them and 
slain their ambassadors ; so that, by this accident, Rom'ulus 
once more saw himself sole monarch of Rome. 18. Soon 
after the death of Ta'tius, a cruel plague and famine having 
broken out at Rome, the Camerini embraced the opportunity 
to lay waste the Roman territory. But Rom'ulus gave then- 



70 HISTORY OF ROME. 

battle, killed six thousand on the spot, and returned ir. 
triumph to Rome. He took likewise Fidenae, a city about 
forty furlongs distant from his capital, and reduced the 
Veien'tes to submission. 

19. Successes like these produced an equal share of pride 
in the conqueror. From being contented with those limits 
which had been wisely assigned to his power, he began to 
affect absolute sway, and to controul those laws to which 
he had himself formerly professed implicit obedience. The 
senate was particularly displeased at his conduct, as they 
found themselves used only as instruments to ratify the 
rigour of his commands. 20. We are not told the precise 
manner which they employed to get rid o£ the tyrant. 
Some say that he w^as torn in pieces in the senate-house ; 
others, that he disappeared while reviewing his army ; 
certain it is, that, from the secrecy of the fact, and the con- 
cealment of the body, they took occasion to persuade the 
multitude that he was taken up into heaven ; thus, him 
whom they could not bear as a king, they were contented 
to worship as a god. Rom'ulus reigned thirty-seven years ; 
and, after his death, had a temple built to him, under the 
name of Quiri'nus. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the first proceedings of the rude inhabitants of Rome 1 

2. Of whom was the senate composed 1 

3. Who were the patricians ] 

4. Who were the plebeians? 

6. What was the first care of the new king 1 
In what did the Rehgion of Rome consist ? 

6. What were the laws between husband and wife, and between 

parents and children 7 

7. What were the regulations directed by Romulus 1 

8. What was the result of these regulations 1 

9. What conduct did Romulus adopt in consequence 1 

10. What treatment did the Sabines experience 1 

11. Did they tamely acquiesce in this outrage? 

12. W^ho undertook to revenge the disgrace of the Sabines ? 

13. What was this stratagem, and how was its perpetrator rewarded? 

14. Did the possession of the Capitoline put an end to the war ! 

15. What put a stop to this sanguinary conflict? 

16. What were the terms of accommodation? 

17. W^as this joint sovereignty of long continuance? 

18. Was Romulus successful in military affairs ? 
' 9. What was the consequence ? 

20. What was the Lianner of his death ? 



NUMA POMPILIUS. 71 

CHAPTER III. 

FROM THE DEATH OF ROMULUS, TO THE DEATH OF NUMA 
POMPILIUS, THE SECOND KING OF ROME. U. C. 38. 

1. Upon the death of Rom'ulus, the city seemed greatly 
divided in the choice of a successor. The Sab'iiies were 
for having a king chosen from their body ; but the Romans 
couid not endure the thoughts of advancing a stranger to the 
throne. In this perplexity, the senators undertook to supply 
the place of the king, by taking the government each of 
them in turn, for five days, and during that time enjoying 
all the honours and all the privileges of royalty. 2. This 
new form of government continued for a year ; but the ple- 
beians, who saw this method of transferring power was only 
multiplying their masters, insisted upon altering that mode 
of government. The senate being thus driven to an elec- 
tion, at length pitched upon Nu'ma Pompirius, a Sab'ine, 
and their choice was received with universal approbation 
by the people.* 

3. Nu'ma Pompil'lus, who was now about forty, had 
long been eminent for his piety, his justice, his moderation, 
and exemplary life. He was skilled in all the learning and 
philosophy of the Sab'ines, and lived at home at Ca''res,t 
contented with a private fortune ; unambitious of higher 
honours. It was not, therefore, without reluctance, that he 
accepted the dignity; which, when he did so, produced 
such joy, that the people seemed not so much to receive a 
king as a kingdom. 

4. No monarch could be more proper for them than 
Nu'ma, at a conjuncture when the government was com- 
posed of various petty states lately subdued, and but ill 
united to each other : they wanted a master who could, by 
his laws and precepts, soften their fierce dispositions ; and, 
by his example, induce them to a love of religion, and 
every milder virtue. 5. Numa's whole time, therefore, was 

* Nu'ma Pompil'ius was the fourth son of Pompil'ius Pom'po, an 
illustrious SaVine. He had married Ta'tia, the daughter of Ta'tius, the 
colleague of Rom'ulus, and on the death of his wife, gave himself op 
entirely to solitude and study. (Plutarch — Livy.) 

■)- More probably at Quirium, the Sabine town which was united witc 
Rome. (See Introduction, Ohap. II.) 



72 HISTORY OF ROME. 

spent in inspiring his subjects with a love of piety, and a 
veneration for the gods. He built many new temples, insti- 
tuted sacred offices and feasts ; and the sanctity of his life 
gave strength to his assertion — that he had a particular cor- 
respondence with the goddess Ege'ria* By her advice he 
built the temple of Janus ^ which was to be shut in time of 
peace, and open in war. He regulated the appointment of 
the vestal virgins, and added considerably to the privileges 
which they had previously enjoyed. 

6. For the encouragement of agriculture, he divided those 
lands, v/hich Romulus had gained in war, among the poorer 
part of the people ; he regulated the calendar, and abolished 
the distinction betw^een Romans and Sabines, by dividing 
the people according to their several trades, and compelling 
them to live together. Thus having arrived at the age of 
fourscore years, and having reigned forty-three in profound 
peace, he died, ordering his body, contrary to the custom 
of the times, to be buried in a stone coffin ; and his books 
of ceremonies, which consisted of twelve in Latin, and as 
many in Greek, to be buried by his side in another.* 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Upon the death of Romulus, what took place in regard to his 

successor 1 

2. How long did this order of things continue ? 

3. What was the character of Numa Pompilius 1 

4. Was Numa a monarch suited to this peculiar conjuncture 1 

5. Relate the acts of Numa ] 

6. What were the further acts of Numa ] 

7. What orders did he leave at his death 1 

* The age of Nu'ma is scarcely more historical than that of Rom'ulus, 
but the legends respecting it are fewer and pa^ake less of extravagance. 
Indeed, he had himself discouraged the songs of the bards, by ordering 
the highest honours to be paid to Tac'ita, the Came'na or Muse of 
Silence. His memory was best presented by the religious ceremonies 
ascribed to him by universal tradition. The later poets loved to dwell 
on his peaceful virtues, and on the pure affection that existed between 
him and the nymph Egeria. They tell us that when the king served 
up a moderate repast to his guests on earthen-ware, she suddenly 
changed the dishes into gold, and the plain food into the most sumptu- 
ous viands. They also add, that when he died, Egeria melted away 
in tears for his loss, and was changed into a fountain. 



GEOGRAPHY OF THE EMPIRE. Gl 

north by the Danube, on the south by Mount Scar'dus, 
Tchar-dag ; on the west by the Pan'nonia, and on the east 
by the river Ce'brus, Isker : 7. Moe'sia Inferior, having 
the Danube on the north ; the Ce'brus on the west ; the 
chain of mount Hae'mus on the south, and the Pon'tus 
Eux'imus, Black Sea, on the east. 

9. Illyricum included the districts along the eastern coast 
of the Adriatic, from Rhas'tia to the river Dri'nus, Drino 
JBrianco, in the south, and the Sa'vus, Save^ on the east. 
It was subdued by tlie Romans about the time of the 
Macedonian war. 

10. Macedon and Greece were subdued after the con- 
quest of Carthage ; for the particulars of their geography, 
the student is referred to the introduction prefixed to the 
last edition of the Grecian History. Thrace was governed 
by its own kings, who were tributary to the Romans until 
the reign of the emperor Claudian, when it vv^as made a 
province. 

11. Da'cia was first subdued by the emperor Trajan, and 
was the only province north of the Danube ; its boundaries 
were, the Carpathian mountains on the north, the Tibis'- 
cus, Theiss, on the west, the Hiera'sus, Fruth, on the east, 
and the Danube on the south. 

12. The principal Asiatic provinces were, Asia Minor, 
Syria, and Phoeni'cia. Beyond the Euphra'tes, Arme'nia 
and Mesopota'mia were reduced to provinces by Trajan, 
but abandoned by his successor Adrian. 

13. The African provinces were, Egypt, Cyrena'ica, 
Numidia, and Maurita'nia. 

14. The principal states on the borders of the empire 
were, Germa'nia and Sarma'tia in Europe, Arme'nia and 
Par'thia in Asia, and ^thio'pia in Africa. 

15. Eastern Asia, or India, was only known to the Ro- 
mans by a commercial intercourse, which was opened with 
that country soon after the conquest of Egypt. 

It was divided into India on this side the Ganges, and 
India beyond tke Ganges, which included Se'rica, a country 
of which the Romans possessed but little knowledge. India 
at the western side of the Ganges contained, 1. The terri- 
tory between the In'dus and Gan'ges : 2. The western 
coast, now called Malabar, which was the part best known, 
and, 3. The island of Taproba'ne, Ceylon, 

16. The commerce between Europe and southern Asia 
became important in the reign of Alexan'der the Great; 

F 



62 HISTORY OF ROME IXTRODUCTIOX. 

the greater part of the towns founded by that mighty con 
queror were intended to facilitate this hacrative trade.* Aftei 
his death, the Ptol'emys of Egypt became the patrons of 
Indian traffic, which was unwisely neglected by the kings 
of Syria. When Egypt was conquered by the Romans, the 
commerce with India was not interrupted, and the principal 
mart for Indian commerce under the Roman emperors, wag 
always Alexandria. The jealousy of the Parthians excluded 
strangers from their territories, and put an end to the trade 
that was carried on between northern India, the shores of 
the Caspian sea, and thence to the iEgean. In consequence 
of this interruption, Palmy 'ra and Alexandri'a became the 
great depots of eastern commerce, and to this circumstance 
they owed their enormous wealth and magnificence. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the boundaries of the Roman empire? 

2. How was Spain divided ? 

3. When was Spain annexed to the Roman emjMre 1 

4. What countries were included in Transalpine Gaul ? 

5. How was Gaul divided 1 

6. What islands in the Mediterranean were included in the Roman 

empire ] 

7. When was Britain invaded by the Romans, and how much of the 

country did they subdue 1 

8. Into what provinces were the countries south of the Danube divided 1 

9. What was the extent of Illyricum ] 

1 0. What were the Roman provinces in the east of Europe 1 

1 1 . By whom was Dacia conquered ? 

1 2. What were the Asiatic provinces 1 

1 3. What were the African provinces 1 

'4. What were the principal states bordering on the empire 1 

1 5. Was India known to the Romans ? 

16. What cities under the Romans enjoyed the greatest commerce 

with India ? 

* See Pinnock's Grecian History. 



END OF THE INTRODUCTION. 



HISTORY OF ROME. 



CHAPTER I. 

OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS. 

1. The Romans were particularly desirous of being 
thought descendants of the gods, as if to hide the meanness 
of their real ancestry. JEne'as^ the son of Venus and An- 
chi'ses, having escaped from the destruction of Troy, after 
many adventures and dangers, arrived in Italy, a. m. 2294, 
where he was kindly received by Lati'nus, king of the La- 
tins, who promised him his daughter Lavin'ia in marriage. 
2. Turnus, king of the JRu'tuIi, was the first who opposed 
iEne'as, he having long made pretensions to her himself, 
A war ensued, in which the Trojan hero was victorious, 
and Turnus slain. In consequence of this, Lavin'ia be- 
came the wife of iEne'as, who built a city to her honour, 
and called it Lavin'ium. Some time after, engaging in a 
war against Mezen'tius, one of the petty kings of the coun- 
try, he was vanquished in turn, and died in battle, after a 
reign of four years. 3. Asca'nius his son, succeeded to the 
kingdom ; and to him Sil'vius, a second son, whom lie had 
by Lavin/ia. It would be tedious and uninteresting to recite 
a dry catalogue of the kings that followed, of whom we 
know little more than the names ; it will be sufficient to say, 
that the succession continued for nearly four hundred years 
in the same family, and that Nu'mitor, the fifteenth from 
-^ne'as, was the last king of Alba. 

Nu'mitor, who took possession of the kingdom in conse- 
quence of his father's will, had a brother named Amu'lius, 
to whom were left the treasures which had been brought 
from Troy. 4. As riches too generally prevail against right, 
Amu'lius made use of his wealth to supplant his brother, 
and soon found means to possess himself of the kingdom. 
Not contented with the crime of usurpation, he added that 
of murder also. Nu'mitor's sons first fell a sacrifice to his 
suspicions ; and to remove all apprehensions of being one 

63 



64 HISTORY OF ROME. 

day disturbed in his ill-gotten power, he caused Rhe'a Sil'- 
via, his brotlier's only daughter, to become a vestal, 

5. His precautions, however, w^ere all frustrated in the 
event. Rhe'a Sil'via, and, according to tradition, Mars the 
god of war, were the parents of two boys, who were no 
sooner born, than devoted by the usurper to destruction. 

7. The mother was condemned to be buried alive, the usual 
punishment for vestals Avho had violated their vow^s, and 
the twins were ordered to be flung into the river Tiber. 

8. It happened, however, at the time this rigorous sentence 
was put into execution, that the river had, more than usual, 
overflowed its banks, so that the place where the children 
were thrown being distant from the main current, the water 
was too shallow^ to drown them. It is said by some, that 
they were exposed in a cradle, which, after floating for a 
time, was, by the water's retiring, left on dry ground ; that 
a wolf, descending from the mountains to drink, ran, at the 
cry of the children, and fed them under a fig-tree, caressing 
and licking them as if they had been her own young, the 
infants hanging on to her as if she had been their mother, 
until Faus'tulus, the king's shepherd, stnick with so sur- 
prising a sight, conveyed them home, and delivered them to 
his wife, Ac'ca Lauren'tia, to nurse, w^ho brought them up 
as her own. 9. Others, however, assert, that from the 
vicious life of this woman, the shepherds had given her the 
nickname of Lupa, or wolf, which they suppose might pos- 
sibly be the occasion of this marvellous story. 

10. Romu'lus and Re'mus, the twins, in wdiatever man- 
ner preserved, seemed early to discover abilities and de- 
sires above the meanness of their supposed origin. From 
their very infancy, an air of superiority and grandeur 
seemed to discover their rank. They led, however, the 
shepherd's life like the rest ; worked for their livelihood, 
and built their own huts. But pastoral idleness displeased 
them, and, from tending their flocks, they betook them- 
selves to the chase. Then, no longer content with hunting 
wild beasts, they turned their strength against the robbers 
of their country, whom they often stripped of their plunder, 
and divided it among the shepherds. 11. The youths wlio 
continually joined them so increased in number, as to ena- 
ble them to hold assemblies, and celebrate games. In one 
of their excursions, the two brothers were surprised. Re'- 
mus was taken prisoner, carried before the king, and accu- 
sed of being a plunderer ajid robber on Nu'mitor's lands. 



OF THE ORIGIN Or THE ROMANS. 65 

Kom'ulus had escaped; but Re'mus, the king sent to Nu'- 
mitor, that he might do himself justice. 

12. From many circumstances, Faus'tulus suspected the 
twins under his care to be the same that Am.u'lius had ex- 
posed on the Ti'ber, and at length divulged his suspicions 
to Rom'ulus. Nu'mitor made the same discovery to Re'- 
mus. From that time nothing was thought of but the ty- 
rant's destruction. He was beset on all sides ; and, during 
the amazement and distraction that ensued, was taken and 
slain ; while Nu'mitor, who had been deposed for forty 
years, recognised his grandsons, and was once more placed 
on the throne. 

13. The two brothers, leaving Nu'mitor the kingdom ol 
Alba, determined to build a city upon the spot where they 
had been exposed and preserved. But a fatal desire of 
reigning seized them both, and created a difference between 
these noble youths, v/hich terminated tragically. Birth- 
right in the case of twins could claim no precedence ; they 
therefore were advised by the king to take an omen from 
the flight of birds, to know to which of them the tutelar 
gods w^ould decree the honour of governing the rising city, 
and, consequently, of being the director of the other. 14. In 
compliance with this advice, each took his station on a dif 
ferent hill. To Re'mus appeared six vultures ; in the mo 
ment after, Rom'ulus saw twelve. Tw^o parties had been 
formed for this purpose ; the one declared for Re'mus, who 
first saw the vultures ; the other for Rom'ulus, w^ho saw the 
greater number. Each party called itself victorious ; the 
one having the first omen, the other that which was most 
complete. This produced a contest which ended in a bat- 
tle, wher^n Re'mus was slain. It is even said, that he 
was killed by his brother, who, being provoked at his leap- 
ing contemptuously over the city wall, struck him dead 
upon the spot. 

15. Rom'ulus being now sole commander and eighteen 
years of age, began the foundation of a city that w^as one 
day to give laws to the w^orld. It was called Rome, after 
the name of the founder, and built upon the Talatine hill, 
on which he had taken his successful omen, a. m. 3252 ; 
ANTE c. 752. The city was at first nearly square, contain- 
ing about a thousand houses. It was almost a mile in cir- 
cumference, and commanded a small territory round it of 
eight miles over. 16. However, small as it appears, it was 
yet worse inhabited ; and the first method made use of to 

F 2 



86 HISTORY OF ROME. 

increase its numbers, was the opening of a sanctuary for all 
malefactors and slaves, and such as were desirous of novel- 
ty ; these came in great multitudes, and contributed to in- 
crease the number of our legislator's new subjects. 



Questions for Examination. 

1 . What was the origin of the Romans ? 

2. Who first opposed MnediS, and what was the result ? 

3. Who were the successors of ^neas ? 

4. What was the conduct of Amulius 1 

5. Wliat event frustrated his precautions 1 

6. What followed 1 

7. What was the sentence on Rhea Silvia and her children ] 

8. How were the children preserved 1 

9. What is supposed to have occasioned this marvellous story ? 

1 0. What was the character and conduct of Romulus and Remus ] 

1 1 . In what manner were they surprised 1 

12. How was the birth of Romulus and Remus discovered, and what 

consequences followed 1 

1 3. What caused a difference between the brothers 1 

14. Relate the circumstances which followed] 

15. By whom was Rome built, and what w^as then its situation ^ 

16. By what means was the new city peopled ? 



CHAPTER II. 

FROM THE BUILDING OF ROME TO THE DEATH OF ROMULUS. 

1. Scarcely was the city raised above its foundation, 
when its rude inhabitants began to think of giving some 
form to their constitution, Rom'ulus, by an act of great 
generosity, left them at liberty to choose whom they would 
for their king ; and they, in gratitude, concurred to elect 
him for their founder. He, accordingly, was acknowledged 
as chief of their religion, sovereign magistrate of Rome, 
and general of the army. Beside a guard to attend his 
person, it was agreed, that he should be preceded wherever 
lie went, by twelve lidors, each armed with an axe tied up 
in a bundle of rods ;* these were to serve as executioners of 

* This symbol of authority was borrowed from his neighbours, the 
pjtrurians. 



ROMULUS. 67 

the law, and lo impress his new subjects with an idea of 
his authority. 

2. The senate, who were to act as counsellors to the 
king, was composed of a hundred of the principal citizens 
of Rome, consisting of men whose age, wisdom, or valour, 
gave them a natural authority over their fellow-subjects. 
The king named the first senator, who was called prince of 
the senate, and appointed him to the government of the 
city, whenever war required his own absence. 

3. The patricians, who composed the third part of the 
legislature, assumed to themselves the power of authorising 
those laws which w^ere passed by the king, or the senate. 
All things relative to peace or war, to the election of magis- 
trates, and even to the choosing a king, were confirmed by 
suffrages in their assemblies. 

4. The plebeians were to till the fields, feed cattle, and 
follow trades ; but not to have any share in the government, 
to avoid the inconveniences of a popular power. 

5. The first care of the new-created king was, to attend 
to the interests of religion. The precise form of their wor- 
ship is unknown ; but the greatest part of the religion of 
that age consisted in a firm reliance upon the credit of their 
soothsayers, who pretended, from observation on the flight 
of birds, and the entrails of beasts, to direct the present, 
and to dive into futurity. Rom'ulus, by an express law, 
commanded that no election should be made, nor enterprise 
undertaken, without first consulting them. 

6. Wives were forbidden, upon any pretext whatsoever, 
to separate from their husbands ; while, on the contrary, 
the husband was empowered to repudiate the wife, and 
even, in some cases, to put her to death. The laws between 
children and their parents w^ere still more severe ; the father 
had entire power over his offspring, both of fortune and life ; 
he could imprison and sell them at any time of their lives, 
or in any stations to which they were arrived. 

7. After endeavouring to regulate his subjects by law, 
Rom'ulus next gave orders to ascertain their numbers. The 
whole amounted to no more than three thousand foot, and 
about as many hundred horsemen, capable of bearing arms. 
These, therefore, were divided equally into three tribes, and 
to each he assigned a different part of the city. Each of 
these tribes was subdivided into ten curiae, or companies, 
consisting of a hundred men each, with a centurion to com- 
mand it ; a priest called curio, to perform the sacrifices , 



68 HISTORY OF ROME. 

and two of the principal inhabitants, called dnumviri, to 
distribute justice. 

8. By these judicious regulations, each day added strength 
to the new city ; multitudes of people flocked in from all 
the adjacent towns, and it only seemed to want women to 
insure its duration. In this exigence, Rotn'ulus, by the 
advice of the senate, sent deputies among the Sab'ines, his 
neighbours, entreating their alliance ; and, upon these terms, 
oflfering to cement the strictest confederacy with them. The 
Sab'ines, who were at that time considered as the most 
warlike people of Italy, rejected the proposal with disdain. 
0. Rom'ulus, therefore, proclaimed a feast, in honour of 
Neptune,"^ throughout all the neighbouring villages, and 
made the most magnificent preparations for celebrating it. 
These feasts were generally preceded by sacrifices, and 
ended in shows of wrestlers, gladiators, and chariot-courses. 
The Sab'ines, as he had expected, were among the foremost 
who came to be spectators, bringing their wives and daughters 
\\\i\\ them, to share the pleasures of the sight. • 10. In the 
mean time the games began, and while the strangers were 
most intent upon the spectacle, a number of the Roman 
youth rushed in among them with drawn swords, seized 
the youngest and most beautiful women, and carried them 
off by violence. In vain the parents protested against this 
breach of hospitality ; the virgins were carried away and 
became the waives of the Romans. 

11. A bloody war ensued. The cities of Cae'nina,t 
Antem'nae,J and Crustumi'num,§ were the first who resolved 
to avenge the common cause, which the Sab'ines seemed 
too dilatory in pursuing. But all these, by making separate 
inroads, became an easy conquest to Rom'ulus, who made 
the most merciful use of his victories ; instead of destroying 
their towns, or lessening their numbers, he only placed 
colonies of Romans in them, to serve as a frontier to repress 
more distant invasions. 

12. Ta'tius, king of Cures, a Sabine city, w^as the last, 
although the most formidable, who undertook to revenge the 

* More properly in honour of Con'sus, a deity of Sabine origin, whom 
the Romans, in a later age, confounded with Neptune. (See Keightley'a 
Mythology.) 

f A town of Latium, near Rome. (Livy.) 

i A city of the Sabines, between Rome and the Anio, from whence 
its name, — Ante Aranem. (Dionys. Hal.) 

§ A town of Etruria, near Veii. (Virg.) 



ROMULUS. 69 

disgrace his country had suffered. He entered the Roman 
territories at the head of twenty-five thousand men, and not 
content with -a superiority of forces, he added stratagem 
also. 13. Tarpe'ia, who was daughter to the commander 
of the Capit'oline hill, happened to fall into his hands, as 
she went without the walls of the city to fetch water. Upon 
her he prevailed, by means of large promises, to betray one 
of the gates to his army. The reward she engaged for, 
was what the soldiers wore on their" arms, by which she 
meant their bracelets. They, hov/ever, either mistaking 
her meaning, or willing to punish her perfidy, threw their 
bucklers upon her as they entered, and crushed her to death. 
14. The Sab'ines being thus possessed of the Capit'oline, 
after some time a general engagement ensued, which was 
renewed for several days, with almost equal success, and 
neither army could think of submitting ; it was in the val- 
ley between the Capit'oline and Quiri'nal hills that the last 
engagement was fought between the Romans and the 
Sab'ines. 15. The battle was now become general, and 
the slaughter prodigious ; when the attention of both sides 
was suddenly turned from the scene of horror before them 
to another. The Sab'ine women, who had been carried off 
by the Romans, flew in betv\'een the combatants, with their 
hair loose, and their ornaments neglected, regardless of their 
own danger ; and, with loud outcries, implored their hus- 
bands and their fathers to desist. Upon this the combatants, 
as if by natural impulse, let fall their weapons. 16. An 
accommodation ensued, by which it was agreed, that Rom'- 
ulus and Ta'tius should reign jointly in Rome, with equal 
power and prerogative ; that a hundred Sab'ines shoidd be 
admitted into the senate ; that the city should retain its for- 
mer name, but the citizens should be called Qui'rites, after 
Cu'res, the principal town of the Sab'ines ; and that both 
nations being thus united, such of the Sab'ines as chose it, 
should be admitted to live in and enjoy all the privileges of 
citizens of Rome. 17. The conquest of Came'ria was the 
only military achievement under the two kings, and Ta'tius 
was killed alDOUt five years after by the Lavin'ians, for having 
protected some of his servants who had plundered them and 
slain their ambassadors ; so that, by this accident, Rom'ulus 
once more saw himself sole monarch of Rome. 18. Soon 
after the death of Ta'tius, a cruel plague and famine havin|[ 
broken out at Rome, the Camerini embraced the opportunity 
to lay waste the Roman territory. But Rom'ulus gave then* 



70 HISTORY OF ROME, 

battle, killed six thousand on the spot, and returned ir 
triumph to Rome. He took likewise Fidense, a city about 
forty furlongs distant from his capital, and reduced the 
Veien'tes to submission. 

19. Successes like these produced an equal share of pride 
in the conqueror. From being contented with those limits 
which had been wisely assigned to his power, he began to 
affect absolute sway, and to controul those laws to which 
he had himself formerly professed implicit obedience. The 
senate was particularly displeased at his conduct, as they 
found themselves used only as instruments to ratify the 
rigour of his commands. 20. We are not told the precise 
manner whixjh they employed to get rid of the tyrant. 
Some say that he was torn in pieces in the senate-house ; 
others, that he disappeared while reviewing his army ; 
certain it is, that, from the secrecy of the fact, and the con- 
cealment of the body, they took occasion to persuade the 
multitude that he was taken up into heaven ; thus, him 
whom they could not bear as a king, they were contented 
to worship as a god. Rom'ulus reigned thirty-seven years; 
and, after his death, had a temple built to him, under the 
name of Quiri'nus. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the first proceedings of the rude inhabitants of Romel 

2. Of whom was the senate composed ] 

3. Who were the patricians ] 

4. Who were the plebeians ] 

5. What was the first care of the new king ? 
In what did the ReHgion of Rome consist ? 

6. What were the laws between husband and wife, and betweeffi 

parents and children ] 

7. What were the regulations directed by Romulus 1 

8. What was the result of these regulations 1 

9. What conduct did Romulus adopt in consequence 1 

10. What treatment did the Sabines experience ] 

11. Did they tamely acquiesce, in this outrage ? 

12. Who undertook to revenge the disgrace of the Sabines ? 

13. What was this stratagem, and how was its perpetrator rewarded? 

14. Did the possession of the Capitoline put an end to the war ! 

15. What put a stop to this sanguinary conflict] 

16. What were the terms of accommodation? 

17. Was this joint sovereignty of long continuance? 

18. Was Romulus successful rn military affairs ? 
' 9. What was the consequence 1 

20. Wha-^ was the Lianner of his death 1 



NUMA POMPILIUS. 71 



CHAPTER III. 

FROM THE DEATH OF ROMULUS, TO THE DEATH OF NUMA 
POMPILIUS, THE SECOND KING OF ROME. U. C. 38. 

1. Upon the death of Rom'ukis, the city seemed greatly 
divided in the choice of a successor. The Sab'ines were 
for having a king chosen from their body ; but the Romans 
could not endure the thoughts of advancing a stranger to the 
throne. In this perplexity, the senators undertook to supply 
the place of the king, by taking the government each of 
them in turn, for five days, and during that time enjoying 
all the honours and all the privileges of royalty. 2. This 
new form of government continued for a year ; but the ple- 
beians, who saw this method of transferring power was only 
multiplying their masters, insisted upon altering that mode 
of government. The senate being thus driven to an elec- 
tion, at length pitched upon Nu'ma Pompirius, a Sab'ine, 
and their choice was received with universal approbation 
by the people.* 

3. Nu'ma Pompirius, who was now about forty, had 
long been eminent for his piety, his justice, his moderation, 
and exemplary life. He was skilled in all the learning and 
philosophy of the Sab'ines, and lived at home at Cu''res,t 
contented with a private fortune ; unambitious of higher 
honours. It was not, therefore, without reluctance, that he 
accepted the dignity; which, when he did so, produced 
such joy, that the people seemed not so much to receive a 
king as a kingdom. 

4. No monarch could be more proper for them than 
Nu'ma, at a conjuncture when the government was com- 
posed of various petty states lately subdued, and but ill 
united to each other : they wanted a master who could, by 
his laws and precepts, soften their fierce dispositions ; and, 
by his example, induce them to a love of religion, and 
every milder virtue. 5. Numa's whole time, therefore, was 

* Nu'ma Pompil'ius was the fourth son of Pompil'ius Pom'po, an 
illustrious Sab'ine. He had married Ta'tia, the daughter of Ta'tius, the 
colleague of Rom'ulus, and on the death of his wife, gave himself up 
entirely to solitude and study. (Plutarch — Livy.) 

■\ More probably at Quirium, the Sabine town which was united wilC 
Rome. (See Introduction, Ohap. II.) 



72 HISTORY OF ROMK. 

spent ill inspiring his subjects with a love of piety, and a 
veneration for the gods. He built many new temples, insti- 
tuted sacred offices and feasts ; and the sanctity of his life 
gave strength to his assertion — that he had a particular cor- 
respondence with the goddess Ege'ria, By her advice he 
built the temple of Janus, w^hich was to be shut in time of 
peace, and open in war. He regulated the appointment of 
the vestal virgins, and added considerably to the privileges 
which they had previously enjoyed. 

6. For the encouragement of agriculture, he divided those 
lands, which Romulus had gained in war, among the poorer 
part of the people ; he regulated the calendar, and abolished 
the distinction betw^een Romans and Sabines, by dividing 
the people according to their several trades, and compelling 
them to live together. Thus having arrived at the age of 
fourscore years, and having reigned forty- three in profound 
peace, he died, ordering his body, contrary to the custom 
of the times, to be buried in a stone coffin ; and his books 
of ceremonies, which consisted of tw^elve in Latin, and as 
many in Greek, to be buried by his side in another.* 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Upon the death of Romulus, what took place in regard to his 

successor 1 

2. How long did this order of things continue? 

3. What was the character of Numa Pompilius ? 

4. Was Numa a monarch salted to this peculiar conjuncture ? 

5. Relate the acts of Numa 1 

6. What were the further acts of Numa T 

7. What orders did he leave at his death ] 

* The age of Nu'ma is scarcely more historical than that of Rom'ulus, 
but the legends respecting it are fewer and paHake less of extravagance. 
Indeed, he had himself discouraged the songs of the bards, by ordering 
the highest honours to be paid to Tac'ita, the Came'na or Muse of 
Silence. His memory was best preser^'ed by the religious ceremonies 
ascribed to him by universal tradition. The later poets loved to dwell 
on his peaceful virtues, and on the pure affection that existed between 
him and the nymph Egeria. They tell us that when the king served 
up a moderate repast to his guests on earthen-ware, she suddenly 
changed the dishes into gold, and the plain food into the most sumptu- 
ous viands. They also add, that when he died, Egeria melted away 
in tears for his loss, and was changed into a fountain. I 



TULLUS HOSTILIUS. T3 



CHAPTER IV. 



FROM THE DEATH OF NUMA, TO THE DEATH OF TULLUS 
HOSTILIUS, THE THIRD KING OF ROME. U. C. 82. 

1. At the death of Nu'ma, the government once more 
devolved upon the senate, and so continued, till the people 
elected Tullus Hostil'ius for their king, which choice had 
also the concurrence of the other part of the constitution. 
This monarch, the grandson of a noble Roman,* who had 
formerly signalized himself against the Sab'ines, was every 
way unlike his predecessor, being entirely devoted to war, 
and more fond of enterprise than even the founder of the 
empire himself had been ; so that he only sought a pretext 
for leading his forces to the field. 

2. The Albans, by committing some depredations on the 
Roman territory, were the first people that gave him an 
opportunity of indulging his favourite inclinations. The 
forces of the two states met about five miles from Rome, 
prepared to decide the fate of their respective kingdoms ; 
for, in these times, a single battle was generally decisive. 
The two armies were for some time drawn out in array, 
awaiting the signal to begin, both chiding the length of that 
dreadful suspense, when an unexpected proposal from the 
Alban general put a stop to the onset. 3. Stepping in be- 
tween both armies, he offered the Romans to decide the 
dispute by single combat ; adding, that the side whose 
champion was overcome, should submit to the conqueror. 
A proposal like this, suited the impetuous temper of the 
Roman king, and was embraced with joy by his subjects, 
each of whom hoped that he himself should be chosen to 
fight the cause of his country. 4. There were, at that time, 
three twin brothers in each army ; those of the Romans 
were called Hora'tii, and those of the Albans Curia'tii ; all 
six remarkable for their courage, strength, and activity, 
and to these it was resolved to commit the management of 
the combat.t At length the champions met, and each, to- 

* It seems to have been part of the compact between the Romans and 
Sabines, that a king of each people should reign aiternatel}^ 

f The Hora'tii and Curia' tii were, according to Diony^'sius of Halicar* 
nas'bus, the sons of two sisters, daughters of Sequin'ius, an illustrious 
citizen of Alba. One married to Curia'tius, a citizen of Alba, and the 
other to Hora'tius, a Roman : so that the champions were near relative* 

G 



74 HISTORY OF ROME. 

tally regardless of his own safety, only sought the destruc- 
tion of his opponent. The spectators, in horrid silence, 
trembled at every blow, and wished to share the danger, 
till fortune seemed to decide the glory of the field. 5. Vic 
tory, that had hitherto been doubtful, appeared to declare 
against the Romans : they beheld two of their champions 
lying dead upon the plain, and the three Curia'tii, who 
were wounded, slowly endeavouring to pursue the survi- 
vor, who seemed by flight to beg for mercy. Too soon, 
however, they perceived that his flight was only pretended, 
in order to separate his three antagonists, whom he waa 
unable to oppose united ; for quickly after, stopping hia 
course, and turning upon the first, who followed closely 
behind, he laid him dead at his feet : the second brother, 
who was coming up to assist him that had already fallen, 
shared the same fate. 6. There now remained but the las\ 
Curia'tius to conquer, who, fatigued and disabled by his 
wounds, slowly advanced to offer an easy victory. He waa 
killed, almost unresisting, while the conqueror, exclaiming, 
" Two have I already sacrificed to the manes of my bro- 
thers, the third I will offer up to my country," despatched 
him as a victim to the superiority of the Romans, whom 
now the Alban army consented to obey.* 

7. But the virtues of that age were not without alloy ; 
that very hand that in the morning was exerted to save his 
country, w^as, before night, imbrued in the blood of a sister: 
for, returning triumphant from the field, it raised his indig- 
nation to behold her bathed in tears, and lamenting the loss 
of her lover, one of the Curia'tii, to whom she had been be- 
trothed. This so provoked him beyond the powers of suf- 
ferance, that in a rage he slew her; but the action displeased 
the senate, and drew after it the condemnation of the magib 
trate. He was, hov/ever, pardoned, by making his appeal 
to the people, but obliged to pass under the yoke ; an igno- 
minious punishment, usually inflicted on prisoners of vv^ar. "f 

8. Tullus having greatly increased the power and wealth 
of Rome by repeated victories, now thought proper to de- 
mand satisfaction of the Sab'ines for the insults which had 
been formerly offered to some Roman citizens at the temple 

* This obedience of the Albans was of short duration ; they soon re- 
!»elled and were defeated by Tullus, who razed the city of Alba to the 
ground, and transplanted the inhabitants to Rome, where he conferred 
«n them the privileges of citizens. 

I Livy, lib. i. cap. 26. Dion. Hal. 1. 3. 



j 



ANCUS MARTIUS. 



75 




The victorious Horatiat killiog his sister. 



f)f the goddess Fero'nia, which was common to both nations 
A war ensued, which lasted some years, and ended in the 
total overthrow of the Sab'ines. 

Hostil'ius died after a reign of thirty-two years ; some say 
oy lightning; others, with more probability, by treason. 



Questions for Examination. 

1 . On whom devolved the government on the death of Numa, and what 

is the character of his successor ? 

2. What opportunity first offered of indulging the new king's inclina- 

tions ] 

3. What proposal was oflfered, and accepted for deciding the dispute 1 
4 — -6. Rebate the circumstances which attended the combat, and the re 

suit of it. 

7. What act followed the victory 1 

8. What conquest was next achieved 1 



CHAPTER V. 



FROM THE DEATH OF TULLUS HOSTILIUS TO THE DEATH OF AN 
CUS MARTIUS THE FOURTH KING OF ROME. U. C. 115. 

1 . After an interregnum^ as in the former case, Ancus 
Mar'tius, the grandson of Numa, was elected king by the 
people, and their choice was afterwards confirmed by the 
senate. As this monarch was a lineal descendant from 



76 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Numa, so he seemed to make him the great object of his 
imitation. He instituted the sacred ceremonies, which were 
to precede a declaration of war ;* but he took every occa- 
sion to advise his subjects to return to the arts of agricul-^ 
ture, and to lay aside the less useful stratagems of war. 

2. These institutions and precepts were considered by the 
neighbouring powers rather as marks of cowardice than of 
wisdom. The Latins therefore began to make incursions 
upon his territories, but their success was equal to their 
justice. An'cus conquered the Latins, destroyed their cities, 
removed th^ir inhabitants to Rome, and increased his do- 
minions by the addition of part of theirs. He quelled also 
an insurrection of the Ve'ii, the Fiden'ates, and the VoVsci; 
and over the Sab'ines he obtained a second triumph. 

3. But his victories over the enemy were by no means 
comparable to his w^orks at home, in raising temples, forti- 
fying the city, making a prison for malefactors, and build- 
ing a sea-port at the mouth of the Ti'ber, called Os'tia, by 
which he secured to his subjects the trade of that river, and 
that of the salt-pits adjacent. Thus having enriched his 
subjects, and beautified the city, he died, after a reign of 
twenty-four years. 



Questions for Examination, 

). Who was elected by the people after the interregnum, and what 

measures did he pursue 1 
55. In what Ught did his enemies consider his institutions 1 

With what success did they oppose him 1 
3, What were the other acts of Ancus ? 

How many years did he reign 1 

* First an ambassador was sent to demand satisfaction for the alleged 
injury ; if this were not granted within thirty-three days, heralds were 
a])pointed to proclaim the war in the name of the gods and people of 
Rome. At the conclusion of their speech, they threw their javelins into 
the enemy's confines, and departed. 



TARQUIMUS PRISCUS. 77 



CHAPTER VI. 

FROM THE DEATH OF ANGUS MARTIUS, TO THE DEATH OF TAR* 
QUINIUS PRISCUS THE FIFTH KING OF ROME. U. C. 13Q. 

1. Lu'cius Tarquin'ius Pris'cus was appointed guardian 
to the sons of the late king, and took the surname of Tar- 
quin'ius from the city of Tarqidn'ia^ whence he last came. 
His father was a merchant of Corinth/* who had acquired 
considerable wealth by trade, and had settled in Italy, upon 
account of some troubles at home. His son, who inherited 
his fortune, married a woman of family in the city of Tar- 
quin'ia. 2. His birth, profession, and country, being con- 
temptible to the nobles of the place, he, by his wife's per- 
suasion, came to settle at Rome, where merit also gave a 
title to distinction. On his way thither, say the historians, 
as he approached the city gate, an eagle, stooping from 
above, took off his hat, and flying round his chariot for 
some time, with much noise, put it on again. This his 
wife Tan'aquil, who it seems was skilled in augury, inter- 
preted as a presage that he should one day wear the crown. 
Perhaps it was this which first fired his ambition to pursue 
it. 3. Ancus being dead, and the kingdom, as usual, de- 
volving upon the senate, Tarquin used all his power and 
arts to set aside the children of the late king, and to get 
himself elected in their stead. For this purpose, upon the 
day appointed for election, he contrived to have them sent 
out of the city ; and in a set speech, in which he urged his 
friendship for the people, the fortune he had spent among 
them, and his knowledge of their government, he offered 
himself for their king. As there was nothing in this ha- 
rangue that could be contested, it had the desired effect, 
and the people, with one consent, elected him as their sove- 
reign. 

4. A kingdom thus obtained by intrigue, was, notwith- 
standing, governed with equity. In the beginning of his 
reign, in order to recompense his friends, he added a hun- 
dred members more to the senate, which made them, in all, 
three hundred. 

* Corinth (now Corito) was a celebrated city of ancient Greece, situ- 
ated on th« isthmus of that name, about sixty stadia or furlongs from 
the sea. Its original name was Ephy're. 

G 2 



79 HISTORY OF ROJfE. 

5. But his peaceful endeavours were soon interrupted 
by the inroads of his restless neighbours, particularly the 
Latins, over whom he triumphed, and whom he forced to 
beg for peace. He then turned his arms against the Sabines, 
who had risen once more, and had passed the river Ti'ber ; 
but attacking them with vigour, Tarquin routed their army ; 
50 that many who escaped the sword, were drowned in 
attempting to cross over, while their bodies and armour, 
rtoating down to Rome, brought news of the victory, even 
Ijefore the messengers could arrive that were sent with the 
tidings. These conquests were followed by several advan- 
tages over the Latins, from whom he took many towns, 
though without sraining any decisive victory. 

6. Tarquin, having thus forced his enemies into submi? 
sion, was resolved not to let his subjects grow corrupt 
t] trough indolence. He therefore undertook and perfected 
sevei-ai public works for the convenience and embellishment 
of the city.* 

7. Li his time it was, that the augurs came into a great 
increase of reputation. He found it his interest to promote 
the superstition of the people ; for this was, in fact, but to 
increase their obedience. Tan'aquil, his wife, was a great 
pretender to this art; but Ac'cius Nae'vius was the most 
celebrated adept of the kind ever known in Eome. 8. L'pon 
a certain occasion, Tarquin, being resolved to try the augur's 
skill, asked him, whether what he was then pondering in 
his mind could be effected ? Xee'vius, havii>g consrJted his 
auguries, boldly affirmed that it might : '• Why, then,' ' 
cries the king, with an insulting smile, " I had thoughts of 
cutting this whetstone with a razor." " Cut boldly," re- 
plied the augur ; and the king cut it through accordingly. 
TTienceforward nothing was undertaken in Rome without 
consulting the augurs. ?.nd obtaining their advice and ap- 
probation. 

9. Tarquin was 1.^:.. v^^xxient with a kingdom, withou* 
haying also the ensigns of royalty. Li imitation of the 
Lyd'ian kings, he assumed a crown of gold, an ivor>^ 
throne, a sceptre with an eagle on the top, and robes of 
purple. It was, perhaps, the splendour of these royalties 
that first raised the en^y of the late king's sons, who had 



* Preparations for building the Capitol were made in this reign. T!i? 
dty wa5 likewise fortified with stone walls, and the cloacsp, or co^lm''l^ 
tcwers, constructed by the m'Jiiificence of this prince. ySee In trod.) 



TARQUINIUS^ PRISCUS. 79 

now, for above thirty-seven years, quietly submitted lo his 
government. His design also of adopting Ser'vius Tul'- 
lius, his son-in-law, for his successor, might have contri- 
buted to inflame their resentment. 10. Whatever w^as the 
cause of their tardy vengeance, they resolved to destroy 
him ; and, at last, found means to effect their purpose, by 
hiring two ruffians, who, demanding to speak with the king, 
pretending that they came for justice, struck him dead in 
his palace with the blow of an axe. The lictors, however, 
who waited upon the person of the king, seized the mur- 
derers as they were attempting to escape, and put them to 
death : but the sons of Ancus, who were the instigators, 
found safety in flight. 

11. Thus fell Lu'cius Tarquin'ius, surnamed Pris'cus, to 
distinguish him from one of his successors of the same 
name. He was eighty years of age, and had reigned thirty- 
eight years.* 



Questions for Exammation^ 

1. Who was Lucius Tarquinius Priscusi 

2. What occasioned his removal to Rome, and what circumstancet 

attended itl 
.3. Was this presage fulfilled, and by what means'^ 

4. In what manner did he govern 1 

5. Was Tarquin a warlike prince 1 

6. How did he improve his idctories ] 

7. By what act did he insure the obedience of his subjects ? 

8. What contributed to increase the reputation of the augurs ? 

9. What part of his conduct is supposed to have raised the envy of 

the late king's sons 1 

10. What was the consequence of this envy and resentment"? 

1 1 . What was his age, and how long did he reign ] 

* The history of the elder Tarquin presents insuperable difficulties. 
We are told that his original name was Lu'cumo ; but that, as has been 
mentioned in the Introduction, was the Etrurian designation of a chief 
magistrate. One circumstance, however, is unquestionable, that with 
him began the greatness and the splendour of the Roman city. He 
commenced those vaulted sewers which still attract the admbation of 
posterity ; he erected the first circus for the exhibition of public specta- 
cles ; he planned the Capitol, and commenced, if he did not complete . 
the first city wall. The tradition that he was a Tuscan prince, appears 
to be well founded ; but the Corinthian origin of his family is very 
improbable. 



80 HISTORY OF ROME. 



CHAPTER VII. 

FROM THE DEATH OF TARQUINIUS PRISCUS TO THE DEATH OF 
SERVIUS TULLIUS, THE SIXTH KING OF ROME. U. C. 176. 

1. The report of the murder of Tarquin filled all his 
subjects with complaint and indignation ; while the citizens 
ran from every quarter to the palace, to learn the truth of 
the account, or to take vengeance on the assassins. 2. In 
this tumult, Tan'aquil, wddow of the late king, considering 
the danger she must incur, in case the conspirators should 
succeed to the crown, and desirous of seeing her son-in-law 
his successor, with great art dissembled her sorrow, as well 
as the king's death. She assured the people, from one of 
the windows of the palace, that he was not killed, but only 
stunned by the blow ; that he would shortly recover ; and 
that in the meantime he had deputed his power to Ser'vius 
Tullius, his son-in-law. Ser'vius, accordingly, as it had 
been agreed upon between them, issued from the palace, 
adorned with the ensigns of royalty, and, preceded by his 
lictors, went to despatch some affairs that related to the 
public safety, still pretending that he took all his instruc- 
tions from the king. This scene of dissimulatio7i continued 
for some days, till he had made his party good among the 
nobles ; when, the death of Tarquin being publicly ascer- 
tained, Ser'vius came to the crown, solely at the senate's 
appointment, and without attempting to gain the suffrages 
of the people. 

3. Ser'vius was the son of a bondwoman, who had been 
taken at the sacking of a town belonging to the Latins, and 
was born Avhilst his mother was a slave. While yet an in- 
fant in his cradle, a lambent flame* is said to have played 
round his head, which Tan'aquil converted into an omen of 
future greatness. 

4. Upon being acknowledged king, he determined to 
make a great change in the Roman constitution by admit- 
ting the plebeians to a participation in the civil government 
The senate was too weak to resist the change when it was 
proposed, but it submitted with great reluctance. 5. Ser'- 
vius divided all the Romans into classes and centuries, 

* A flame of fire gliding about without doing any harm. 



SERVIUS TULLiUS. 81 

according to their wealth and the amount of taxes paid to 
the state. The number of centuries in the first class nearly 
equalled that of all the others ; a great advantage to the 
plebeians ; for the lower classes being chiefly clients of the 
patricians, were always inclined to vote according to the 
prejudices or interests of their patrons. 

6. The classification by centuries was also used for mili- 
tary purposes ; the heavy armed infantry being selected from 
the richer classes ; the light troops, whose arms and armour 
could be obtained at less expense, were levied among the 
lower centuries. 

7. In order to ascertain the increase or decay of his sub- 
jects, and their fortunes, he instituted another regulation, 
which he called a lustrum. By this, all the citizens were 
to assemble in the Cam'pus Mar'tius,* in complete armour, 
and in their respective classes, once in five years, and there 
to give an exact account of their families and fortune. 

8. Having enjoyed a long reign, spent in settling the do- 
mestic policy of the state, and also not inattentive to foreign 
concerns, he conceived reasonable hopes of concluding it 
with tranquillity and ease. He even had thoughts of laying 
down his power ; and, having formed the kingdom into a 
republic, to retire into obscurity ; but so generous a design 
was frustrated ere it could be put into execution. 

9. In the beginning of his reign, to secure the throne by 
every precaution, he had married his two daughters to the 
two grandsons of Tarquin ; and as he knew that the women, 
as well as their intended husbands, were of opposite dispo- 
sitions, he resolved to cross their tempers, by giving each 
to him of a contrary turn of mind ; her that was meek and 
gentle to him that was bold and furious ; her that was un- 
governable and proud, to him that was remarkable for a 
contrary character ; by this he supposed that each would 
correct the failings of the other, and that the mixture would 
be productive of concord. 10. The event, however, proved 
otherwise. Lu'cius, the haughty son-in-law, soon grew 
displeased with the meekness of his consort, and placed his 
whole affections upon his brother's wife, TuFlia, who an- 
swered his passion with sympathetic ardour. As their 
wishes were ungovernable, they soon resolved to break 

* A large plain at Rome, without the walls of the city, where the 
Roman youth performed their exercises. Cam'pus is the Latin word 
for field; and this field or plain was called Mar'tius, because it waa 
dedicated to Mars, the god of war. 



82 HISTORY OF ROME. 

through every restraint that prevented their union ; th(!y 
both undertook to murder their respective consorts ; they 
succeeded, and were soon after married together. 11. A 
first crime ever produces a second ; from the destruction of 
their consorts, they proceeded to conspiring that of the 
king. They began by raising factions against him, alleging 
his illegal title to the crown, and Lu'cius claiming it as his 
own, as heir to Tarquin. At length, when he found the 
senate ripe for seconding his views, he entered the senate- 
house, adorned with all the ensigns of royalty, and, placing 
himself upon the throne, began to harangue them on the 
obscurity of the king's birth, and the injustice of his title. 
12. While he was yet speaking, Ser'vius entered, attended 
by a few followers, and seeing his throne thus rudely in- 
vaded, offered to push the usurper from his seat ; but Tar- 
quin, being in the vigour of youth, threw the old king down 
the steps which led to the throne ; some of his adherents, 
who were instracted for that purpose, followed him, as he 
was feebly attempting to get to the palace, dispatched him 
by the way, and threv/ his body, all mangled and bleeding, 
as a public spectacle, into the street. 13. In the mean time, 
Tul'lia, burning with impatience for the event, was informed 
of what her husband had done, and, resolving to be among 
the first who should salute him as monarch, ordered her 
chariot to the senate-house. But as her charioteer ap- 
proached the place where the body of the old king, her 
father, lay exposed and bloody ; the man, amazed at the 
inhuman spectacle, and not willing to trample upon it with 
his horses, offered to turn another way ; this serving only 
to increase the fierceness of her anger, she threw the foot- 
stool at his head, and ordered him to drive over the body 
without hesitation.* 

14. This was the end of Ser'vius Tul'lius, a prince of 
eminent justice and moderation, after an useful and prosper- 
ous reign of forty-four years. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What effect had the murder of Tarquin on his subjects *? 

2. By what means was the succession assured to Servius Tullius 1 

* The blood of the good old king is said to have dyed the chariot 
wheels, and even the clothes of the inhuman daughter ; from that time 
the street where it happened was called vicus sceleratus, the wicked or 
accursed street. 



TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS. S3 

3. Who was Servius 1 

4. What was the chief object of his reign 1 

5. What was the nature of the change made by Servius in the Roman 

constitution 1 
G. Was the classification by centuries used for civil purposes only 1 

7. What other important measure did he adopt 1 

8. What hopes did he entertain in his old age ? 

9. By what means did he hope to secure tranquil possession of the 

throne 1 
10. How was it that the event failed to answer his expectations] 
1 1 To what farther crimes did the commencement lead 1 
12. What followed] 

1 3 What was the conduct of his daughter on this melancholy occasion ] 
14. Wbat was the character of Servius, and how long did he reign ] 



CHAPTER VIII. 



FROM THE DEATH OF SERVIUS TULLIUS TO THE BANISHMENT 
OF TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS, THE SEVENTH AND LAST KING 
OF ROME. U. C. 220. 

1. Lu'cius Tarquin'ius, afterwards called Super'bus, or 
the Proud, having placed himself upon the throne, in con- 
sequence of this horrid deed, was resolved to support his 
dignity with the same violence with which it was acquired. 
Regardless of the senate or the people's approbation, he 
seemed to claim the crown by an hereditary right, and re- 
fused burial to the late king's body, under pretence of his 
being an usurper. 2. All the good part of mankind, how- 
ever, looked upoQ his accession with detestation and hor- 
ror : and this act of inefficient cruelty only served to confirm 
their hatred. 3. Conscious of this, he ordered all such as 
ne suspected to have been attached to Ser'vius, to be put to 
death ; and fearing the natural consequences of his tyranny, 
he increased the guard round his person. 

4. His chief policy seems to have been to keep the peo- 
ple always employed either in wars or public works, by 
which means he diverted their attention from his unlawful 
method of coming to the crown. He first marched against 
the Sab'ines, who refused to pay him obedience ; and he 
soon reduced them to submission. 5. In the meantime, 
many of the discontented patricians, abandoning their na- 
tive country, took refuge in Ga'bii, a city of Latium, about 



S4 HISTORY OF ROME. 

twelve miles from Rome, waiting an opportunity to take up 
arms, and drive Tarquin from his throne. To escape this 
danger. Tarquin had recourse to the following stratagem. 
6. He caused his son Sextus to counterfeit desertion, upon 
pretence of barbarous usage, and to seek refuge among the 
inhabitants of the place. There, by artful complaints and 
studied lamentations, Sextus so prevailed upon the pity of 
the people, as to be chosen their governor, and, soon after, 
general of their army. 7. At first, in every engagement, 
he appeared successful ; till, at length, finding himself en- 
tirely possessed of the confidence of the state, he sent a 
trusty messenger to his father for instructions. Tarquin 
made no answer ; but taking the messenger to the garden, 
he cut down before him the tallest poppies. Sextus readily 
understood the meaning of this reply, and found means to 
destroy or remove, one by one, the principal men of the 
city ; taking care to confiscate their efi'ects among the 
people. 8. The charms of this dividend kept the giddy 
populace blind to their approaching ruin, till they found 
themselves at last without counsellors or head ; and, in the 
end, fell under the power of Tarquin, without even striking 
a blow.* 

9. But, while he was engaged in wars abroad, he took 
care not to sufier the people to continue in idleness at home. 
He undertook to build the Capitol, the foundation of which 
had been laid in a former reign ; and an extraordinary event 
contributed to hasten the execution of his design. A woman, 
in strange attire, made her appearance at Rome, and came 
to the king, ofi'ering to sell nine books, which, she said, 
were of her own composing. 10. Not knowing the abili- 
ties of the seller, or that she was, in fact, one of the cele- 
brated Sybils, whose prophecies were never found to fail, 
Tarquin refused to buy them. Upon this she departed, and 
burning three of her books, returned again, demanding the 
same price for the six remaining. 11. Being once more 
despised as an impostor, she again departed, and burning 
three more, she returned with the remaining three, still 
asking the same price as at first. Tarquin, surprised at the 

* This story is manifestly a fiction formed from the Greek traditions 
respecting Zopy'nus and Thrasybu'lus. It is decisively contradicted by 
the fact, that a treaty for the imion of the Romans and Gabians, on 
equitable terms, was preserved in the Capitol. It was painted on a 
shield covered ^vith the hide of the bull which had been sacrificed at thi 
ratification of the leas^ue 



TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS. 85 

inconsistency of her behaviour, consulted the augurs, to be 
advised what to do. These much blamed him for not buy- 
ing the nine, and commanded him to take the three remain- 
ing, at whatsoever price they were to be had. 12. The 
woman, says the historian, after thus selling and delivering 
the three prophetic volumes, and advising him to have a 
special attention to what they contained, vanished from be- 
fore him, and w^as never seen after. A trick this, invented 
probably by Tarquin himself, to impose upon the people ; and 
to find in the Sybil's leaves whatever the government might 
require. However this w^as, he chose proper persons to 
keep them, who, though but two at first, were afterwards 
increased to fifteen, under the name of Quindecemviri, The 
important volumes were put into a stone chest, and a vault 
in the newly designed building was thought the properest 
place to secure them.^' 

13. The people, having been now for four years together 
employed in building the Capitol, began, at last, to wish for 
something new to engage them ; Tarquin, therefore, to 
satisfy their wishes, proclaimed war against the Ru'tuli, 
upon 2. frivolous pretence of their having entertained some 
malefactors^ whom he had banished ; and invested their 
chief city, Ar'dea, which lay about sixteen miles from Rome. 
14. While the army was encamped before this place, the 
king's son Sextus Tarquinius, Collati'nus a noble Roman, 
and some others > sitting in a tent drinking together, the dis- 
course turned upon wives, each man preferring the beauty 
and virtue of his own. Collati'nus offered to decide the 
dispute by putting it to an immediate trial, whose wife 
should be found possessed of the greatest beauty, and most 
sedulously employed at that very hour : being heated wdth 
wine, the proposal was relished by the whole company ; 
and, taking horse without delay, they posted to Rome, 
though the night w^as already pretty far advanced. 

15. There they found Lucre'tia, the wife of Collati'nus, 
not like the other women of her age, spending the time in 
ease and luxury, but spinning in the midst of her maids, 
and cheerfully portioning out their tasks. Her modest 
beauty, and the easy reception she gave her husband and 
his friends, so charmed them all, that they unaniinously 
gave her the preference, but kindled, in the breast of Sextus 
Tarquin'ius, a detestable passion, which occasioned the 

* The Capitol, or temple of Jupiter Capitoli'nus. 

H 



86 HISTORY OF ROME. 

grossest insult and injury to Lucre 'tia, who, detesting the 
iight, and resolving to destroy herself for the crime of an- 
other, demanded her husband Collati'nus, and Spu'rius, her 
father, to come to her ; an indelible disgrace having befallen 
the family. 16. They instantly obeyed the summons, 
bringing with them Valerius, a kinsman of her father, and 
Junius Bru'tus, a reputed idiot, whose father Tarquin had 
murdered, and who liad accidentally met the messenger by 
the way. 17. Their arrival only served to increase Lucre '- 
tia's poignant anguish ; they found her in a state of the 
deepest desperation, and vainly attempted to give her relief. 
After passionately charging Sextus Tarquin'ius with the 
basest perfidy towards her husband and injury to herself, she 
drew Q,poinard from beneath her robe, and instantly plung- 
ing it into her bosom, expired without a groan. 18. Struck 
with sorrow, pity, and indignation, Spu'rius and Collati'nus 
gave vent to their grief; but Bru'tus, drawing the poinard, 
reeking, from Lucre'tia's w^ound, and lifting it up towards 
heaven, '' Be witness, ye gods," he cried, " that, from this 
moment, I proclaim myself the avenger of the chaste Lu- 
cretia's cause ; from this moment I profess myself the 
enemy of Tarquin and his wicked house ; from henceforth 
this life, while life continues, shall be employed in opposi- 
tion to tyranny, and for the happiness and freedom of my 
much-loved country." 19. A new amazement seized the 
hearers : he, whom they had hitherto considered as an idiot, 
ROW appearing, in his real character, the friend of justice, 
and of Rome. He told them, that tears and lamentations 
were unmanly, when vengeance called so loudly ; and, de- 
livering the poinard to the rest, imposed the same oath upon 
them which he himself had just taken. 

20. Ju'nius Brutus was the son of Marcus .Tu'nius, who 
was put to death by Tarquin the Proud, and the grandson 
of Tarquin the elder. He had received an excellent educa- 
tion from his father, and had, from nature, strong sense and 
an inflexible attachment to virtue ; but knowing that Tar- 
quin had murdered his father and his eldest brother, he 
counterfeited a fool, in order to escape the same danger, 
and thence obtained the surname of Bru'tus. Tarquin, 
thinking his folly real, despised the man ; and having pos- 
sessed himself of his estate, kept him as an idiot in his 
Jiouse, merely with a view of making sport for his children. 

21. Brutus, however, only waited this opportunity to 
avenge the cause of his family. He ordered Lucre 'tia's 



TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS. 87 

(lead body to be brought out to view, and exposing it in the 
public forum^ inflamed the ardour of the citizens by a dis- 
play of the horrid transaction. He obtained a decree of the 
senate, that Tarquin and his family should be for ever 
banished from Rome, and that it should be capital for any 
to plead for, or to attempt his future return. 22. Thus this 
monarch, who had now reigned twenty-five years, being 
expelled his kingdom, went to take refuge with his family 
at Ci'ra, a little cit)r of Etru'ria. In the mean time the 
Roman army made a truce with the enemy, and Bru'tus was 
proclaimed deliverer of the people. 

Thus ended with Tarquin, after a continuance of two 
hundred and forty-five years, the regal state of Rome. 



Questions fo r Examination, 

1. What was the conduct of Lucius Tarquinius at the commencement 

of his reign ] 

2. Was his claim quietly acquiesced in 1 

3. What means did he adopt for his security 1 

4. By what means did he divert the people's attention from the un- 

lawful manner in which he acquired the crown 1 

5. What happened in the mean time ] 

6. To what mean artifice did he have recourse 1 

7. How did Sextus accomplish his father's design ? 

8. What were the effects of this measure ] 

9. In what way did he employ his subjects at home during his ab- 

sence, and what extraordinary event occurred ? 

10. Did he accept her offer ] 

11. Was her second application successful, and what followed 1 

12. What became of the Sybil, and what is the general opinion re- 

specting this transaction 1 

13. Upon wnat pretence did Tarquin proclaim war against the Rutulil 

14. W^hat remarkable event took place at the siege of Ardeal 

1 5. What was the consequence of this intemperate frolic 1 

16. How did Lucretia support the loss of her honour 1 

17. Did they obey her summons, and who did they bring with them*? 

18. What was the consequence of their arrival 1 

\ 9. What effect had this dreadful catastrophe on those present 1 

20. How was this unexpected resolution received ] 

21. Give some account of Brutus. 

22. For what reason, and by what means, did Brutus endeavour the 

abolition of royalty 1 

23. What became of Tarquin after his expulsion 1 



88 HISTORY OF ROME. 

CHAPTER IX. 
THE COMMONWEALTH. 

FROM THE BANISHMENT OF TARQUIN, TO THE APPOINTMENl 
OF THE DICTATOR. U. C. 245. 

1 . The regal power being overthrown, a republican form 
of government was substituted in its room. The senate, 
however, reserved by far the greatest share of the authority 
to themselves, and decorated their ow^n body with all the 
spoils of deposed monarchy. The centuries of the people 
chose from among the senators, instead of a king, two an- 
nual magistrates, whom they called Consuls,* with power 
equal to that of the regal, and v/ith the same privileges and 
the same ensigns of authority. 

2. Bru'tus, the deliverer of his country, and Collati'nus, 
the husband of Lucre 'tia, were chosen the first consuls in 
Rome. 

3. But this new republic, however, which seemed so 
grateful to the people, had like to have been destroyed in 
its very commencement. A party was formed in favour of 
Tarquin. Some young men of the principal families in the 
state, who had been educated about the king, and had 
shared in all the luxuries and pleasures of the court, under- 
took to re-establish monarchy. 4. This party secretly in- 
creased every day ; and what may create surprise, the sons 
of Bru'tus himself, and the Aqui'lii, the nephews of Colla- 
ti'nus, were among the number. 5. Tarquin, who was in- 
formed of these intrigues in his favour, sent ambassadors 
from Etru'ria to Rome, under a pretence of reclaiming the 
estates of the exiles ; but, in reality, with a design to give 
spirit to his faction. 6. The conspiracy was discovered by 
a slave who had accidentally hid himself in the room where 
the conspirators used to assemble. 7. Few situations could 
liave been more terribly affecting than that of Bru'tus : a 
father placed as a judge upon the life and death of his own 

* These were first called Praetors, next Jadices, and aftervv^ards Con- 
suls: a Consulendo, from their consultmg the good of the Common 
wealth. They had the royal ornaments, as the golden crown, sceptre, 
purple robes, lictors, and the ivory and curule chairs. The crowns and 
sceptres were, however, used only on extraordinary days of triumph. - 
?ee Introduction 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 89 

children, impelled by justice to condemn, and by nature to 
spare them. 8. The young men pleaded nothing for them- 
selves ; but, with conscious guilt, awaited their sentence in 
silence and agony. 9. The other judges who were present 
felt all the pangs of nature ; CoUati'nus wept, and Vale'rius 
could not repress his sentiments of pity. Brutus, alone, 
seemed to have lost all the softness of humanity ; and, with 
a stern countenance and a tone of voice that marked his 
gloomy resolution, demanded of his sons if they could 
make any defence, to the crimics with w^hich they had been 
charged. This demand he made three several times ; but 
receiving no answer, he at length turned himself to the exe- 
cutioner : "Now," cried he, "it is your part to perform 
the rest." 10. Thus saying, he again resumed his seat 
with an air of determined majesty ; nor could all the senti- 
ments of paternal pity, the imploring looks of the people, 
nor yet the tears of his sons, who were preparing for exe- 
cution, alter the tenor of his resolution. Bru'tus, unmoved 
by any motive but the public good, pronounced upon them 
the sentence of death, and by his office was obliged to see it 
put in execution. The prisoners w^ere scourged and then 
beheaded, and Bru'tus beheld the cruel spectacle ; but, in 
spite of his stoic firmness, could not stifle the sentiments of 
nature w^hich he sacrificed to the necessity of his office. 

11. Tarquin's hopes of an insurrection in his favour be 
ing thus overset, he now resolved to force himself upon his 
former throne by foreign assistance. He prevailed upon the 
Veians to assist him, and, with a considerable army, ad- 
vanced towards Rome. 

12. The consuls w^ere not remiss in preparations to op- 
pose him. Vale'rius commanded the foot, and Bru'- C u. c. 
tus being appointed to head the cavalry, went out to \ 246. 
meet him on the Eoman border. 13. A'runs, the son of 
Tarquin, who commanded the cavalry for his father, seeing 
Bru'tus at a distance, resolved, by one great attempt, to de- 
cide the fate of the day before the engaging of the armies ; 
when, spurring his horse he flew to him with fury. Bru'- 
tus perceived his approach, and singled out from the ranks, 
they met with such ungoverned rage, that, eager only to as- 
sail, and thoughtless of defending, they both fell dead upon 
the field together. 14. A bloody battle ensued, with equal 
slaughter on both sides : but the Romans, remaining in pos- 
session of the field of battle, claimed the victory. In con 
sequence, Vale'rius returned in triumph to Rome. 

H 2 



90 HISTORY OF ROME. 

15. In the mean time Tarquin, no way intimidated by 
his misfortunes, prevailed upon Porsen'na, one of the kings 
of Etruria, to espouse his cause, and in person to undertake 
his quarrel. 18. This prince, equally noted for courage 
and conduct marched directly to Rome, with a numerous 
army, and laid siege to the city ; while the terror of hi^ 
name and arms filled all ranks of the people with dismay 
The siege was carried on with vigour ; a furious attack was 
made upon the place ; the consuls opposed in vain, and 
were carried off wounded from the field ; while the Romans, 
flying in great consternation, were pursued by the enemy to 
the bridge, over which both victors and vanquished were 
about to enter the city in the confusion. 17. All now ap- 
peared lost, when Hora'tius Co'cles, who had been placed 
there as sentinel to defend it, opposed himself to the toiTcnt 
of the enemy, and, assisted only by tvv'o more, for some 
time sustained the whole fury of the assault, till the bridge 
was broken down behind him. When he found the com- 
munication thus cut oiF, plunging with his arms into the tor- 
rent of the Tiber, he swam back victorious to his fellow- 
soldiers, and was received with just applause.* 

18. Still, however, Porsen'na was determined upon taking 
the city ; and though five hundred of his men were slain in 
a sally of the Romans, he reduced it to the greatest straits, 
and turning the siege into a blockade, resolved to take it by 
famine. 19. The distress of the besieged soon began to be 
insufferable, and all things seemed to threaten a speedy sur- 
render, when another act of fierce bravery, still superior to 
that which had saved the city before, again brought about 
its safety and freedom. 

20. Mu'tius, a youth of undaunted courage, was resolved 
to rid his country of an enemy that so continued to oppress 
it ; and, for this purpose, disguised in the habit of an Etru'- 
rian peasant, entered the camp of the enemy, resolving to 
die or to kill the king. 21. With this resolution he made 
up to the place where Rorsen'na was paying his troops, 
with a secretary by his side ; but mistaking the latter for 
the king, he stabbed him to the heart, and was immediately 
apprehended and brought into the royal presence. 22. Up- 

* For this heroic act, Ilora'tius was crowned on his return ; his statue 
Kas erected in the temple of Vulcan ; as much land was given him as a 
plough could surround with a furrow in one da}^ and a tax was volun- 
tarily imposed to make him a present in some degree suitable to the ser- 
cjce he had performed. y- 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 91 

on Porsen'na's demanding who he was, and the cause of sc 
heinous an action, Mu'tius, without reserve, informed him 
of his country and his design, and at the same time thrust- 
ing his right hand into a lire that was burning upon the al- 
tar before him, " You see," cried he, " how little I regard 
the severest punishment 3/our cruelty can inflict. A Roman 
knows not only how to act, but how to suffer ; I am not the 
only person you have to fear ; three hundred Roman youths, 
like me, have conspired your destruction ; therefore prepare 
for their attempts." 23. Porsen'na, amazed at so much in- 
trepidity, had too noble a mind not to acknowledge merits 
though found in an enemy ; he therefore ordered him to be 
safely conducted back to Rome, and offered the besieged 
conditions of peace.* 24. These were readily accepted on 
their side, being neither hard nor disgraceful, except that 
twenty hostages were demanded; ten young men, and as 
many virgins, of the best families in Rome. 25. But even 
in this instance also, as if the gentler sex w^ere resolved to 
be sharers in the desperate valour of the times, Cie'lia, one 
of the hostages, escaping from her guards, and pointing out 
the way to the rest of her female companions, swam over 
the Tiber on horseback, amidst showers of darts from the 
enemy, and presented herself to the consul. 28. This ma- 
gistrate, fearing the consequences of detaining her, sent her 
back ; upon which Porsen'na, not to be outdone in genero- 
sity, not only gave her liberty, but permitted her to choose 
such of the hostages of the opposite sex as she should think 
lit, to attend her. 27. On her part, she, with all the mo- 
desty of a Roman virgin, chose only such as were under 
fourteen, alleging, that their tender age w^as least capable 
of sustaining the rigours of slavery .t 28. The year after 
the departure of Porsen'na, the Sab'ines invading the Ro- 
nvan territories, committed great devastations. The war 
that ensued w-as long and bloody; but at length the Sab'ines 

* From this time he obtained the additional name of Scaevola, or left- 
handed, from his having lost the use of his right hand by the fire. 

■j- IN'ational pride induced the Romans to conceal the fact that the city 
was surrendered to Porsenna; Tacitus, however, expressly declares that 
it was, and Pliny informs us of the severe conditions imposed by the con- 
queror ; one of the articles prohibited them from using iron except for 
the purposes of agriculture. Plutarch, in his Roman Questions, declares 
that there was a time when the Romans paid a tenth of their produce to 
the Etrurians, but that they were freed from the disgraceful tribute by 
Hercules ; this tradition appears to refer to the conquest of the city by 
Porsenna. 



92 KISTORV or KO>IE. 

were compelled to purchase a peace, with corn, money, and 
the cession of part of their territory. 

29. Tarquin, by means of his son-in-law, Man'lius, once 
more stirred up the Latins to espouse his interest, and took 
the most convenient opportunity when the plebeians were at 
variance with the senators concerning the payment of their 
debts.* These refused to go to war, unless their debts were 
remitted upon their return : so that the consuls, finding their 
authority insufficient, offered the people to elect a temporary 
magistrate, who should have absokite power, not only over 
all ranks of the state, but even over the laws themselves. 
To this the plebeians readily consented, willing to give up 
their own power for the sake of abridging that of their su- 
periors. 30. In consequence of this, Lar'tius was created 
the first dictator of Rome, for so was this high office called, 
being nominated to it by his colleague in the consulship. 
31. Thus the people, who could not bear the very name of 
king, readily submitted to a magistrate possessed of m.uch 
greater power ; so much do the names of things mislead us, 
and so little is any form of government irksome to the peo- 
ple, when it coincides with their prejudices. 



Questions for Examinaiion, 

1. What form of government was substituted for the regal? 

2. Who were the first consuls 1 

3. Did this new government appear stable at its commencement 1 

4. Was this party formidable, and who were the most remarkable of 

its members ? 

5. What share had Tarquin in this conspiracy ? 

6. By what means was it discovered ? 

7. In what unhappy situation was Brutus placed 1 

8. What had the criminals to say in extenuation of their offences ? 

9. What effect had this scene on the judges 1 

10. Did not paternal affection cause him to relent 1 

11. What measures did Tarquin next pursue! 

12. What steps were taken to resist him 1 

* Besides this, by his emissaries, he engaged the meaner sort of citi- 
zens and the slaves in a conspiracy. The former were, at an appointed 
time, to seize the ramparts, and the latter to murder their masters at the 
game instant. The gates wei^ then to be .opened to the Tar'quins, who 
were to enter Rome while it was yet reeking with the blood of the 
senators. This conspiracy was discovered to the consul by two o 
Tarquin's principal agents. 



THE COMMON WEALTH, 93 

13. What remarkable event attended the meeting of the armies 1 

14. Did this decide the fate of the day 1 

15. Did Tarquin relinquish his hopes ? 

1 6. In what manner did Porsenna attempt the restoration of Tarquin ? 

17. By what heroic action was the city saved 1 

18. Did Porsenna persevere in his attempt 1 

1 9. What was the consequence 1 

20. What was this act of heroism 1 

21. Did he succeed 1 

22. What followed ? 

23. How did Porsenna act on the occasion 1 

24. Were these conditions accepted ] 

25. What remarkable circumstance attended the delivery of the hostages'! 

26. How did the consul act on the occasion 1 

27. Whom did she choose? 

28. What happened after the departure of Porsenna 1 

29. What measures did Tarquin next resort to 1 

30. What was the consequence 1 

31. What inference may be drawn from this 1 



CHAPTER X. 



FROM THE CREATION OF THE DICTATOR, TO THE 
ELECTION OF THE TRIBUNES. U. C. 255. 

1. Lar'tius, being created dictator,* entered upon his 
office, surrounded with lictors and all the ensigns of ancient 
royalty ; and, seated upon a throne in the midst of the peo- 
ple, ordered the levies to be made, in the manner of the 
kings of Rome. 2. The populace looked with terror upon 
a magistrate whom they had invested with uncontrollable 
power, and each went peaceably to range himself under his 
respective standard. 3. Thus going forth to oppose the 
enemy, he, after concluding a truce for a year, returned with 
his army, and, in six months, laid down the dictatorship, with 
the reputation of having exercised it with blameless lenity. 

4. But, though for this time the people submitted to be 
'ed forth, they yet resolved to free themselves from the 

* The power of the dictator was absolute ; he could, of his own will, 
make peace or war, levy forces, lead them forth, disband them, and even 
dispense with the existing laws, at his pleasure, without consulting the 
senate. 



94 HISTORY OF ROME. 

yoke ; and, though they could not get their grievances re 
dressed, yet they determined to fly from those whom they 
could not move to compassion. The grievances, therefore, 
continuing, they resolved to quit a city which gave them no 
shelter, and to form a new establishment without its limits. 
They, therefore, under the conduct of a plebc'ian, named 
Sicin'ius Bellu'tus, retired to a mountain, hence called the 
Mons Sacer, within three miles of Eome. 

5. Upon the news of this defection, the city was filled 
with tumult and consternation : those who wished well to 
the people made every attempt to scale the walls, in order 
to join it. 6. The senate was not less agitated than the 
rest ; some were for violent measures, and repelling force 
Dy force ; others were of opinion that gentler arts were to 
be used, and that even a victory over such enemies would 
be worse than a defeat. At length, it was resolved to send 
a messenger, entreating the people to return home, and 
declare their grievances ; promising, at the same time, an 
oblivion of all that had passed. 

7. This message not succeeding, Mene'nias Agrip'pa, one 
of the wisest and best of the senators, was of opinion, that 
the demands of the people were to be complied with. It 
was resolved, therefore, to enter into a treaty, and to make 
them such offers as should induce them to return. 8. Ten 
commissioners were deputed. The dignity and popularity 
of the ambassadors procured them a very respectful recep- 
tion among the soldiers, and a conference began. They 
employed all their oratory ; while Sicin'ius and Lu'cius 
Ju'nius, who were speakers for the soldiery, aggravated 
their distresses with all that masculine eloquence which is 
the child of nature. 

9. The conference had now continued for a long time, 
when Mene'nius Agrip'pa, who had been originally a pie- 
be 'ian himself, a shrewd man, and who, consequently, knew 
what kind of eloquence was most likely to please the people, 
addressed them with that celebrated fable of the body and- 
the members, which is so finely told by Livy.* 

* Titus Livius was born at PacVua (the ancient Patavi'nus) in the 
year of Rome, 695. He wrote the Roman history, from the foundation 
of the city to the year 744, in 140 books, of which only 35 remain and 
some of them are still imperfect. Though Livy was treated with great 
marks of respect by the emperor Augustus, in whose reign he flourished, 
yet he extolled Pompey so highly, that Augustus used to call him a 
Pompeian ; and though he was by no means backward in bestov/ing 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 95 

10. This fable, the application of which is obvious, haa 
an instantaneous effect upon the people. They unanimously 
cried out, that Agrip'pa should lead them back to Rome ; 
ind were making preparations to follow him, when Lu'cius 
Junius withheld them ; alleging, that though they ought 
gratefully to acknowledge the kind offers of the senate, yet 
they had no safeguard against their future resentments ; that 
therefore it was necessary, for the security of the people, to 
have certain officers created annually from among them- 
selves, who should have power to give redress to such of 
them as should be injured, and plead the cause of the com- 
munity. 11. The people, who ^re generally of opinion 
with the last speaker,* highly applauded this proposal, with 
which, hov/ever, the commissioners had not power to com- 
ply ; they, therefore, sent to Rome to take the instructions 
of the senate, who, distracted with divisions among them- 
selves, and harassed by complaints from without, were 
resolved to have peace, at whatever price it should be ob- 
tained ; accordingly, as if with one voice, they consented to 
the creation of these new officers, who were called Tri- 
bunes^ of the People. 

12. The tribunes of the people were at first five in num- 
ber, though afterwards their body was increased by five 
more. They were always annually elected by the people, 
and almost always from their body. They at first had their 
seats placed before the doors of the senate house, and, when 
called in, they were to examine every decree, annulling it 
by the word Veto, " I forbid it ;" or confirming it by sign- 
ing the letter Z", which gave it validity. 13. This new 
office being thus instituted, all things were adjusted both on 
the one side and the other, and the people, after having 
sacrificed to the gods of the mountain, returned back once 
more in triumph to Rome. 

praises on Brutus and Cassius, the enemies of Augustus, yet it did not 
interrupt their friendship. Livy died at his native city, in the fourth 
year of the reign of Tiberius, aged 76 years. 

* This is a severe satire upon the judgment of the multitude ; indeed, 
it seems intended to show, that when the passions are appealed to, the 
judgment is not much consulted ; and therefore, that little reliance ought 
to be placed on acts resulting from popular acclamation. 

■\ They were called tribunes, because chosen by the tribes. The first 
tribunes were L. Ju'nius Bru'tus, C. Sicin'ius Bellu'tus, Pub'liua 
Licin'ius, C. Licin'ius, and Sp. IciFius Ruga. 



96 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Questions for Examination, 

1. What were the first acts of the dictator? 

2. Were his decrees peaceably obeyed 7 

3. What were his exploits 1 

4. Were the discontents of the people entirely appeased 1 

5. How was the news of this defection received ] 

6. What was its effect on the senate 1 

7. Was this offer accepted? 

8. In what manner was this done, and how weje they received ? 

9. What was the result of this conference ? 

10. What fable was addressed to the people? 

11. What effect did this apology produce? 

12. How was this obstacle removed? 

13. Who were the tribunes of the people, and what was their authority 1 

14. Did this new regulation answer the desired end ? 



CHAPTER XL 
SECTION I. 



FROM THE CREATION OF THE TRIBUNES, TO THE 
APPOINTMENT OF THE DECEMVIRI. U. C. 260. 

1. During the late separation, all tillage had been entirely 
neglected, and a famine was the consequence the ensuing 
season. 2. The senate did all that lay in their power to 
remedy the distress; but the people, pinched with want 
and willing to throw the blame on any but themselves, 
ascribed the whole of their distress to the avarice of the 
patricians, who, having purchased all the corn, as was 
alleged, intended to indemnify themselves for the abolition 
of debts, by selling it out to great advantage. 3. But plenty 
soon after appeased them for a time. A fleet of ships, laden 
with corn, from Sicily, once more raised their spirits. 

4. But Coriola'nus'*' incurred their resentment, by insist- 
ng that the corn shoula not be distributed till the gi'ievances 
:)f the senate were removed. For this, the tribunes sum- 

* This man's name was originally Ca'ius Mar'cius. He received the 
lorname of Coriola'nus as a reward for having, by his valour, occasioned 
the taking of Cori'oU, the capital of the Vol'sci. Previous to the oc- 
eurrence mentioned in the text, he had been condemned to death by the 
tribunes, but saved by the interference of his friends. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



97 




Banishment of Coriola'nus. 

nioned him to a trial before the people. 5. When the ap- 
pointed day was come, all persons w^ere filled with the 
greatest expectations, and a vast concourse from the adjacent 
country assembled and filled the forum. Coriola'nus pre- 
sented himself before the people, v»dth a decrree of intre- 
pidity that merited better fortune. His graceful person, his 
persuasive eloquence, and the cries of those whom he had 
saved from the enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. 6. But, 
being unable to answer what was alleged against him to the 
satisfaction of the people, and utterly confounded with a 
new charge, of having embezzled the plunder of Antium, 
the tribunes immediately took the votes, and Coriola'nus 
was condemned to perpetual exile. 

7. This sentence against their bravest defender struck the 
senate with sorrow, consternation and regret. Coriola'nus 
alone, in the midst of the tumult, seemed an unconcerned 
spectator. 8. He returned home, followed by the lamenta- 
tions of the most respectable senators and citizens, to take 
leave of his v/ife, his children, and his mother, Vetu'ria. 
Thus, recommending all to the care of Heaven, he left the 
city, without followers or fortune, to take refuge with Tullus 
At'tius,"^ a man of great power among the Volsci. who took 
him under his protection, and espoused his quarrel. 

9. Some pretence was necessary to induce the Volsci to 



* Tullus At^tius was a most determined enemy to the Romans, and 
to Coriola'nus in particular, for the share he had in humbling the power 
of the Vol'sci. It was probably more from a hope of revenge, by means 
of this valiant soldier, than any noble principle, that he offered him his 
countenance and protection. 

1 



S8 linToftY OF Ro>ir. 

break the league which had been made with Rome ; and, 
tor this purpose, Tullus sent many of his citizens thither, 
apparently for the purpose of seeing some games at that 
time celebrating ; but gave the senate private information, 
that the strangers had dangerous intentions of burning the 
city. 10. This had the desired effect; the senate issued 
an order, that all strangers, whoever they w^ere, should 
depart from Rome before sun-set. 11. This order Tullas 
represented to his countrymen as an infraction of the treaty, 
and procured an embassy to Rome, complaining of the 
breach, and redemanding all the territories belonging to the 
Volsci, of which they had been violently dispossessed ; de- 
claring w^ar in case of refusal. This message, however, was 
treated by the senate w^ith contempt. 12. War being, in 
consequence, declared on both sides, Coriola'nus and Tullus 
w^ere made generals of the Volsci, and accordingly invaded 
the Roman territories, ravaging and laying waste all such 
lands as belonged to the plebeians, but letting those of the 
senators remain untouched. 13. In the mean time, tho 
levies went on but slowly at Rome ; the two consuls, who 
were re-elected by the people, seemed but little skilled in 
war, and even feared to encounter a general w^hom they 
knew to be their superior in the field. The allies also 
showed their fears, and slowly brought in their succours : 
so that Coriola'nus continued to take their tow^ns one after 
the other. 14. Fortune folio w^ed him in every expedition, 
and he was now so famous for his victories, that the Volsci 
left their towns defenceless to follow him into the field. The 
very soldiers of his colleague's army came over to him, and 
would acknowledge no other general. 15. Thus finding 
himself unopposed in the field, and at the head of a numer- 
ous army, he at length invested the city of Rome itself, 
fully resolved to besiege it. 16. It was then the senate and 
the people unanimously agreed to send deputies to him, with 
proposals for his restoration, in case he w^ould draw oft^ his 
iirmy. 17. Coriola'nus received these proposals at the head 
of his principal officers, and, with the sternness of a general 
that was to give the law, refused their offers. 

18. Another embassy w^as now sent, conjuring him not 
to exact from his native city aught but w^hat became Romans 
to grant. Coriola'nus, however, naturally severe, still per- 
sisted in his former demands, and granted them only three 
days for deliberation. 19. In this exigence, all that w^as 
eft to be done w;js another depntntion, still more solemn 



THE CO?rlMON WEALTH. 99 




Coriolaous ybldiag to the entreaties of bis Mother, 

than either of the former, composed of the pontiffs, pri-ests, 
and augurs. These, clothed in their habits of ceremony, 
and with a grave and mournful deportment, issued from the 
city, and entered the camp of the conqueror : but all in vain. 
they found him severe and indexible. 

20. When the people saw them return without success, 
they began to give up the commonwealth as lost. Their 
temples were filled with old men, with women and chil- 
dren, wdio, prostrate at the altars, put up their ardent 
prayers for the preservation of their country! Nothing 
was to be heard but anguish and lamentation ; nothing to 
be seen but scenes of affright and distress. 21. At length 
it was suggested to them, that w^liat could not be effected 
by the intercession of the senate, or the adjuration of the 
priests, might be brought about by the tears of a wife, or 
the commands of a mother. 22. This deputation seemed 
to be approved by all, and even the senate themselves gave 
it the sanction of their authority. Vetu'ria, the mother of 
Coriola'nus, at first hesitated to undertake so pious a work, 
knowing the inflexible temper of her son, and fearing only 
to show his disobedience in a new point of light, by his 
rejecting the commands of a parent; however, she at last 
undertook the embassy, and set forward from the city, ac- 
companied by many of the principal matrons of Rome, with 
Volum'nia his wife, and his tw^o children. 23. Coriola'nus, 
who at a distance discovered this mournful train of females, 
was resolved to give them a denial, and called his officers 
round him to be w^jtnesses of his resolution ; but, when told 
that his mother and his wife were am.ong the number, he in- 



190 HISTORY Of KOM£. 

stanlly came down from his tribunal to meet and embrace 
them. 24. At first, the women's tears and embraces took 
away the power of words, and the rough soldier himself, 
hardy as he was, could not refrain fi'om sharing their dis- 
tress. Coriola'nus now seemed much agitated by contend- 
ing passions ; while his mother, who saw him moved, se- 
conded her words by the most persuasive eloquence, that of 
tears : his wife and children hung around him, entreating 
for protection and pity : while the female train, her com- 
panions, added their lamentations, and deplored their own 
and their country's distress. 25. Coriola'nus for a moment' 
was silent, feeling the strong conflict between honour and 
inclination ; at iength, as if roused from a dream, he flew 
to raise his mother, v/ho had fallen at his feet, crying out, 
** O, my mother, thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son !" 
He accordingly gave orders to draw off the army, pretend- 
ing to the officers that the city v/as too strong to be taken. 
26. Tullus, who had long envied Coriola'nus, was not re- 
miss in aggravating the lenity of his conduct to his country- 
men. Upon their return, Coriola'nus is said to have been 
slain by an insurrection of the people, and honourably bu- 
ried, after a late and ineflectual repentance. 

27. Great and many w^ere the public rejoicings at Rome 
npon the retreat of the Volscian army;'^ but they were 
clouded soon after by the intrigues of Spu'rius Cas'sius, 
who, wanting to make himself despotic by means of the 
people, w^as found guilty of a number of crimes, all tending 
towards altering the constitution ; and was thrown headlong 
from the Tarpei'an rock,t by those very people whose in- 
terests he had endeavoured to extend. 



Qicestlons for Examinaiton. 

1. What were the consequences of the late separation ? 

2. What measures were taken to remedy these misfortunes, and to 

whom was the blame of them attributed'! 

3. What happened to remove the popular discontent 1 

4. What circumstances raised a fresh commotion 1 

*■ The senate commanded a temple to be erected on the spot where tho 
interview between Coriola'nus and his m-other took place, which saved 
Rome, and dedicated it to maternal influence ] 

f Tarpe'ian Rock, or Tarpei'os Mons, a hill at Rome, about eight;» 
feet m perpendicular height, wlicncc the Romans threw down their coa 
tiemnrd criminals 



THE C0M3I0N WEALTH. 101 

6 Did Coriolaniis obey the summons T 

6. What was the issue of the trial 1 

7. To what sensations did this sentence give rise 1 

8. What circumstance attended his departure 1 

9. In what manner did he commence his revenge ] 
! 0. Was this information believed 1 

1 1. What use did Tullus make of this order 1 

12. To whom was the conduct of the war committed 1 

13. Was this invasion vigorously opposed? 

14. Was Coriolanus uniformly successful 1 

15. What did this good fortune induce him to undertake 1 

16. What measures did the senate adopt on this emergency 1 

1 7. How were these proposals received 1 

18. W^ere they repeated 1 

19. What was the next step adopted 1 

20. Did the Romans boldly resolve to oppose force by force ! 

21. What new expedient was proposed 1 

22. Was this proposal adopted 1 

23. What w^as the conduct of Coriola'nus on the occasion 1 

24. Describe this interview. 

25. What was the result 1 

26. Did the Yolscians approve of this measure 1 

27. What followed this happy deliverance 1 



SECTION II. 



1. The year following, the two consuls of the formei 
year, Man'lius and Fa'bius, were cited by the tribunes to 
appear before the people. The Agra'rian law, which had 
been proposed some time before, for equally dividing the 
lands of the commonwealth among the people, was the ob- 
ject invariably pursued, and they were accused of having 
made unjustifiable delays in putting it off. 

2. The Agra'rian law was a grant the senate could not 
think of mxaking to the people. The consuls, therefore, 
made many delays and excuses, till at length they were 
once more obliged to have recourse to a dictator ; and they 
fixed upon Quintus Cincinna'tus, a man who had for some 
time, given up all views of ambition, and retired to his little 
farm, where the deputies of the senate found him holding 
the plough, and dressed in the mean attire of a labouring 
husbandman. 3. He appeared but little elevated with the 
addresses of ceremony, and the pompous habits they brought 
him ; and, upon declaring to him the senate's pleasure, ho 
testified rather a concern that his aid should be w^anted. He 
naturally preferred the charms of a country retirement to the 

I 2 



103 HISTORV 01 HOME, 

fatiguing splendors of office, and only said to his wife, as 
they were leading him away, " I fear, my Alti'lia, that fo? 
this year our little fields must remain unsown." 4. Then, 
taking a tender leave, he departed for the city, where both 
parties were strongly inflamed against each ather. How^- 
ever, he resohed to side with neither ; but, by a strict at- 
tention to the interests of his country, instead of gaining the 
confidence of faction, to seize the esteem of alL ^. Thus, 
by threats and well-timed submission, he prevailed upon the 
tribunes to pat off their law for a time, and conducted him- 
self so as to be a terror to the multitude whenever they re- 
fused to enlist, and their greatest encourager whenever their 
submission deserved it. 6. Having, by these means, re- 
stored that tranquillity to the people VvMiich he so much loved 
himself, he again gave up the splendors of ambition, to en- ■ 
joy it with a greater relish on his little farm. 

7. Cincinna'tus had not long retired from his office, when 
IT. c. V a fresh exigence of the state once more required his 
295. 3 assistance ; and the jE'qui and the Vol'sci, who, al- 
though always worsted, were still for renewing the war, 
made new inroads into tlie territories of Rome. 8. Minu'- 
tius, one of the consuls who succeeded Cincinna'tus, was 
sent to oppose them ; but being naturally timid, and rather 
more afraid of being conquered than desirous of victory, his 
army was driven into a defile betw^een two mountains, from 
which, except through the enemy, there vv^as no egress. 
9. This, however, the ^E'qui had the precaution to fortify, 
by which the Roman army was so hemmed in l)n every 
side, that nothinp: remained but submission to the enemy, 
famine, or immediate death. 10. Some knights v/ho found 
means of getting away privately through the enemy's camp, 
were the first that brought the account of this disaster to 
Rome. 11. Nothing could exceed the consternation of all 
ranks of people when informed of it : the senate at first 
thought of the other consul ; but not having sufficient ex- 
perience of his abilities, they unanimously turned their eyes 
upon Cincinna'tus, and resolved to make him dictator. 12. 
Cincinna'tus, the only person on whom Rome could now 
place her whole dependence, was found, as before, by the 
messengers of the senate, labouring in his field with cheer- 
ful industry. 13. He was at first astonished at the ensigns 
of unbounded power, with which the deputies came to in- 
vest him ; but .«tlll more at the approach of the principal of 
the senate, who came out to attend him. 14. A dignity so 



THE CO M 31 N \V E ALT K . 



103 




Ciacicnatus called to the Dictalorship. 

liiiiooked for, however, had no effect upon the simpUcity or 
ijitegrity of his manners j and being now possessed of ab- 
solute power, and called upon to nominate his master of the 
horse, he chose a poor man named Tarqui'tius, one who, 
like himself, despised riches when they led to dishonour. 
Thus the saving a great nation was devolved upon a hus- 
bandman taken from the plough, and an obscure sentinel 
found among the dregs of the army. 15. Upon entering 
the city, the dictator put on a serene look, and entreated all 
those who were able to bear arms, to repair, before sunset, 
to the Cam'pus Mar'tius (the place where the levies were 
made) with necessary arms, and provisions for five days, 
16. He put himself at the head of these, and, marching all 
night with great expedition, arrived early the next day with- 
in sight of the enemy. Upon his approach, he ordered his 
soldiers to raise a loud shout, to apprise the consul's army 
of the relief that was at hand. 17. The ^'qui Avere not a 
little amazed when they saw themselves between two ene- 
mies ; but still more vmen they perceived Cincinna'tus 
jnaking the strongest entrenchments beyond them, to pre- 
vent their escape, and enclosing them as they had enclosed 
the consul. 18. To prevent this, a furious combat ensued; 
but the iE'qni, being attacked on both sides, and unable 
(on^er to resist or fly, begged a cessation of arms. 19. They 
offered the dictator his own terms : he gave them their lives, 
md obliged them, in token of servitude, to pass under the 
voke, which was two spears set upright, and another across, 
m the form of a gallows, beneath which the vanquished 
were to march. Their captains and generals he made pri- 



104 HISTORY OF ROME. 

soners of war, being reserved to adorn his triumph. 20. As 
for the plunder of the enemy's camp, that he gave entirely 
up to his own soldiers, without reserving any part for him- 
self, or permitting those of the delivered army to have a 
share. 21. Thus having rescued a Roman army from in- 
evitable destruction, having defeated a powerful enemy, 
having taken and fortified their city, and still more, having 
refused any part of the spoil, he resigned his dictatorship, 
after having enjoyed it but fourteen days. The senate 
would have enriched him, but he declined their proffers, 
choosing to retire once more to his farm and his cottage, 
content with competence and fame. 

22. But this repose from foreign invasion did not lessen 
the tumults of the city Vv^thin. The clamours for the Agra'- 
rian law still continued, and still more fiercely, when Sic'- 
cius Denta'tus, a plebe'ian advanced in years, but of an ad- 
mirable person and military deportment, came forward to 
enumerate his hardships and his merits. This old soldiei 
made no scruple of extolling the various achievements of his 
youth ; indeed, his merits more than supported his ostenta- 
tion. 23. He had served his country in the wars forty 
years: he had been an officer thirty, first a centurion, and 
then a tribune ; he had fought one hundred and twenty bat- 
tles, in which, by the force of his single arm, he had saved 
a multitude of lives ; he had gained fourteen civic,* three 
mural,t and eight golden crowns ; besides eighty-three 
chains, sixty bracelets, eighteen gilt spears, and twenty- 
three horse-trappings, whereof nine were for killing the ene- 
my in single combat ; moreover, he had received forty-five 
wounds in front, and none behind. 24. These w^ere his 
honours ; yet, notwithstanding all these, he had never re- 
ceived any share of those lands which were won from the 
enemy, but continued to drag on a life of poverty and con- 
tempt, while others were possessed of those very territories 
which his valour had won, without any merit to deserve 
them, or ever having contributed to the conquest.f 25. A 

* A civic crown among the Romans, was made of oaken leaves, and 
given to those who had saved the life of a citizen. 

f A mural crown was an honorary reward, given by the ancient Ro- 
mans to the soldiers vv^ho first scaled the walls of an enemy's city. 

t " These military toys," said he, " are the only rewards I have 
hitherto received. No lands, no share of the conquered countries 
Usurpers, without any title but that of a patrician extraction, possess 
tnem. Is this to be endured ] Shall they alone possess the fruits of oui 
conquests ] The purchase of our blood 1" 



THE COMMON WEALTil. 105 

case of so much hardship had a strong effect upon the mul- 
titude ; they unanimously demanded that the law might be 
passed, and that such merit should not go unrewarded. It 
was in vain that some of the senators rose up to speak 
against it, their voices were drowned by the cries of the 
people. 26. When reason, therefore, could no longer be 
heard, passion, as usual, succeeded ; and the young patri- 
cians, running furiously into the throng, broke the balloting 
urns, and dispersed the multitude that offered to oppose 
them. 27. For this they were, some time after, fined by 
the tribunes ; their resolution, however, for the present, put 
off the Ac;ra'rian lavv^ 



Question s fo r Exammation . 

1. On what accusation were Manlius and Fabiiis cited to appear before 

the people 1 

2. What measure did the consuls adopt 1 

Where, and in %vhat employment was Cinciiina'.ii-: found? 

3. What effect had this dignity on Cincinnatus 1 

4. How did he conduct himself; 

5. Were his measures successful 1 

6. Did Cincinnatus continue in office 1 

7. Was he permitted to continue in retirement? 

8. What was the exigence tha^ required his return to of!ice ? 

9. What prevented the Komans from forcing their way through ? 

10. How was this news received at Rome? 

1 1 . Whom did they resolve to appoint dictator ? 

12. How was Cincinnatus now employed when the messengers arrived ? 

13. What w^as his behaviour on the occasion ? 

14. How was he affected by this exaltation? 

15. What w^ere his first measures ? 

16. What followed? 

17. How were the enemy affected b}" his approach ? 

18. What was the consequence ? 

1 9. What were the terms of peace ? 

20. What became of the plunder ? 

21. What w^ere his rew^ards for this important service 

22. Was dom.estic tranquillity the consequence of foreign conquest t 

23. What were these achievements ? 

24. How was he rewarded ? 

25. What was the consequence of hia appeal to the people ? 
28. Did the people obtain their demand ? 

27. How was this outrage punished ? 



106 HISTORY OF ROME. 

CHAPTER XIL 
SECTION I. 



FROM THE CREATION OF THE DECEMVIRI, TO THE 
EXTINCTION OF THAT OFFICE. U. C. 302. 

1. The commonwealth of Rome had now, for nearly 
sixty years, been fluctuating betv/een the contending orders 
that composed it, till at length each side, as if weary, was 
willing to respire awhile from the mutual exertions of its 
claims. The citizens, of every rank, began to complain of 
the arbitrary decisions of their magistrates, and w^ished to be 
guided by a written body of laws, w^hich, being known, 
might prevent wrongs, as well as punish them. 2. In this 
both the senate and the people conciirred, as hoping that 
such law^s would put an end to the commotions that so long 
had harassed the state. 8. It vv^as thereupon agreed that 
ambassadors should be sent to the Greek cities in Italy, and 
to Athens, to bring home such laws from thence, as, by 
experience, had been found most equitable and useful. For 
this purpose three senators, Posthu'mus, Sulpi'cius, and 
Man'lius, were fixed upon, and galleys assigned to convoy 
them, agreeably to the majesty of the Roman people. 4. 
While they were upon this commission abroad, a dreadful 
plague depopulated the city at home, and supplied the inter- 
val of their absence with other anxiety than that of wishes 
for their return. 5. In about a year the plague ceased, and 
the ambassadors returned, bringing home a body of laws, 
collected from the most civilised states of Greece and Italy, 
which, being afterwards formed into ten tables, and two 
more being added, made that celebrated code, called. The 
Laws of the Twelve Tables.* 

6. The ambassadors were no sooner returned, than the 
tribunes required that a body of men should be chosen to 
digest their new^ laws into proper form, and to give weight 
to the execution of them. 7. After long debate, whether 
this choice should not be made from the people, as w^elf as 
the patricians, it was at last agreed that ten of the principal 

* These laws were engraven on brass, and hung up in the most cou« 
epicuous part of the Fo^um. 



THE COMMONWEALTH 10? 

senators should be elected, whose power, contuiuiiig for a 
year, should be equal to that of kings and consuls, and that 
without any appeal. 8. Thus the whole constitution of the 
state at once took a new form, and a dreadful experiment 
was about to be tried, of governing one nation by laws 
formed from the manners and customs of another. 

9. These Decemviri, being now invested with absolute 
power, agreed to take the reins of government by turns, 
each to administer justice for a day. 10. For the first year, 
they wrought with extreme application : and their work 
being finished, it was expected that they v/ould be content 
to give up their office ; but, having known the charms of 
power, they were unv/illing to resign : they pretended that 
some laws were yet wanting to complete their design, and 
entreated the senate for a continuance in office ; which request 
v/as readily granted. 

11. But they soon threw off the mask of moderation, 
and, regardless of the approbation of the senate or the peo- 
ple, resolved to continue, against all order, in the decemvi- 
rate. 12. A conduct so tyrannical produced discontents, 
and these were as sure to produce fresh acts of tyranny. 
The city was become almost a desert, with respect to all 
who had any thing to lose, and the rapacity of the decem- 
virs was then only discontinued when they wanted fresh 
subjects to exercise it upon. 13. In this state of slavery, 
proscription, and mutual distrust, not one citizen was found to 
strike for his country's freedom ; these tyrants Cvontinued to 
rule without controul, being constantly guarded, not by the 
lictors alone, but by a numerous crowd of dependents, 
clients, and even patricians, whom their vices had confede- 
rated round them. 

14. In this gloomy situation of the state, the iE'qui and 
Vol'sci, those constant enemies of the Romans, renewed 
their incursions, and, resolving to profit by the intestine 
divisions of the people, advanced within about ten miles 
of Rome. 

15. The decemviri, being in possession of all the military 
as well as of the civil power, divided their army into three 
parts; whereof one continued with Ap'pius in the city, to 
keep it in awe ; the other two were commanded by his col- 
leagues, and. were led, one against the iE'qui, and the other 
against the Vol'sci. 16. The Roman soldiers had now 
adopted a method of punishing the generals whom they 
disliked, by suffering themselves to be vanquif^lied in the 



\ 



108 HISTORY OF ROME. 

field. They put it iu practice upon this occasion, and shame- 
fully abandoned their camp upon the approach of the enemy, 
17. Never v/as victorious news more joyfully received a 
Rome, than the tidings of this defeat ; the generals, as is 
always the case, w^ere blamed for the treachery of their 
men ; some demanded that they should be deposed, others 
cried out for a dictator to lead the troops to conquest. 18. 
Among the rest, old Sic'cius Denta'tus, the tribune, spoke 
his sentiments with his usual openness ; and, treating the 
generals with contempt, pointed out the faults of their dis- 
cipline in the camp, and their conduct in the field. 19. Ap'- 
pius, in the mean time, v/as not remiss in observing the 
dispositions of the people. Denta'tus, in particular, was 
marked out for vengeance ; and, under pretence of doing 
him particular honour, he was appointed legate, and put at 
the head of the supplies which were sent from Rome, to 
reinforce the army. 20. The office of legate v/as held 
sacred among the Romans, as in it was united the authority 
of a general, Vvdth the reverence due to the priesthood. 
21. Denta'tus, no way suspecting the design, Vv'ent to the 
camp with alacrity, where he was received with all the ex- 
ternal marks of respect. But the generals soon found 
means of indulging their desire of revenge. 22. He was 
appointed at the head of a hundred men to go and examine 
a mxOre commodious place for encamipment, as he had very 
candidly assured the commanders, that their present situa- 
tion was wrong. 23. The soldiers, however, who were 
given as his attendants, were assassins ; wretches who had 
long been ministers of the vengeance of the decemviri, and 
who had now engaged, to murder him, though with all those 
apprehensions v»'hich his reputation (for he was called the 
Roman ^QchiUes) might be supposed to inspire. 24. With 
these designs they led him into the hollow bosom of a re- 
tired mountain, where they began to set upon him behind. 
25. Denta'tus too late perceived the treachery of the decem- 
viri, and was resolved to sell his life as dearly as he could ; 
he therefore set his back against a rock, and defended him- 
self against those who pressed most closely. Though now 
grown old, he had still the remains of his former valour, 
and, Avith his own hand, killed no less than fifteen of the 
assailants, and wounded thirty. 26. Tlie assassins now, 
therefore 5 terrified at his amazing bravery, showered their 
javelins upon him at a distance, all which he received in 
his shiehl with undaunted resolution. 27. The combat, 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



109 




Death of Dentahis. 



though SO unequal in numbers, was managed for some time 
with doubtful success, till at length the assailants bethought 
themselves of ascending the rock, against which he stood, 
und pouring down stones upon him from above. 28. This 
succeeded : the old soldier fell beneath their united efforts ; 
after having shown, by his death, that he owed to his forti- 
tude, and not his fortune, that he had come off so many 
times victorious. 29. The decemviri pretended to join in 
the general sorrow for so brave a man, and decreed him a 
funeral with the first military honours ; but their pretended 
grief, compared with their known hatred, only rendered 
them still more detestable to the people. 



7. 

8 

9. 

0. 

11. 

12 

13 

U 



Questions for Examination, 



1 Of what did the Roman citizens complain, and what did they wishi 

2 Was this assented to by the nation at large 1 

3. What means were adopted for this purpose 1 

4. What happened during their absence 1 

5. How long did this calamity last? 

6. ,What steps were taken on the return of the ambassadors'* 
W^ho were chosen for this purpose ] 
Was this proceeding an important onel 



In what manner did the decemviri govern ? 

How did they discharge the duties of their office] 

Did they continue in the conscientious discharge, of their duties '^ 

What was the consequence of this conduct? 

Was no patriot to be found bold enough to be a champion in his 

country's cause? 
What added to the miseries of the Romans ? 

K 



I 10 HISTORY OF ROME* 

15. What Steps were taken to oppose them? 

16. What was the conduct of the Roman soldiers on this occasion'? 

17. How was this news received at Rome] 

18. Who appeared most conspicuous on this occasion? 

19. How was this honest sincerity received? 

20. Was the office of legate a respectable one ? 

21. Did Dentatus suspect treachery? 

22. What plan of revenge was adopted? 

23. What was the character of his attendants ? 

24. How did they commence their base design ? 

25. Was Dentatus aware of their treachery, and what resistance did he 

make ? 

26. Did the assassins boldly engage the hero ? 

27. What new method of attack did they attempt? 

28. Was this plan successful? 

29. What was the conduct of the decemviri on this occasion ? 



SECTION II. 



i . But a transaction still more atrocious than the former, 
served to inspire the citizens with a resolution to break all 
measures of obedience, so as at last to restore freedom. 

2. Ap'pius, sitting one day on his tribunal to dispense 
justice, saw a maiden of exquisite beauty, aged about fif- 
teen, passing to one of the public schools, attended by a 
matron, her nurse. The charms of the damsel, heightened 
by all the innocence of virgin modesty, caught his attention, 
and fired his heart. The day following, as she passed, he 
found her still more beautiful, and his breast still more in- 
flamed. 3. He now, therefore, resolved to obtain the grati- 
fication of his passion, whatever should be the consequence, 
and found means to inform himself of the maiden's name 
and family. 4. Her name was Yirgin'ia ; she was tlie 
daughter of Virgin 'ius, a centurion, then with the army in 
the field, and had been contracted to Icil'ius, formerly a 
tribune of the people, who had agreed to marry her at the 
end of the present campaign. 

5. Ap'pius at first resolved to break off this match, and 
to espouse her himself; but the laws of the Twelve Tables 
had forbidden the patricians to intermarry with the plebeians, 
and he could not infringe these, as he was the enactor of 
them. 6. He determined, therefore, to make her his slave. 
7. After having vainly tried to corrupt the fidelity of her 
nurse, he had recourse to another expedient, still more 



THE COMMONWEALTH. Ill 

wicked. He fixed upon one Clau'dius, who had long been 
the minister of his crimes, to assert that the beautiful maid 
was his slave, and to refer the cause to Ap'pius's tribunal 
for decision. 8. Clau'dius behaved exactly according to his 
instructions ; for, taking with him a band of ruffians like 
himself, he entered into the public school, where Virginia 
was found among her female companions, and seizing upon 
her under pretence that she was the daughter of one of his 
slaves, was dragging her away, when he was prevented by 
the people, drawn together by her cries. 9. At length, af- 
ter the first heat of opposition was over, he led the weeping 
virgin to the tribunal of Ap'pius, and there plausibly exposed 
his pretensions. 10. Clau'dius asserted that she was born 
in his house, of a female slave, who sold her to the wife of 
Virgin'ius, w^ho had been childless. That he had credible 
evidences to prove the truth of w^hat he had advanced ; but 
that, until they could come together, it was but reasonable 
the slave should be delivered into his custody, he being her 
proper master. 11. Ap'pius pretended to be struck w^ith 
the justice of his claim ; he observed, that if the reputed 
father himself v/ere present, he might indeed be willing to 
delay the delivery of the maid ; but that it w^as not lawful 
for him, in the present case, to detain her from her master. 
He, therefore, adjudged her to Clau'dius, as his slave, to be 
kept by him till Virgin'ius should arrive, and be able to 
prove his paternity. 12. This sentence was received with 
loud clamours and reproaches by the multitude, particularly 
by the women, who came round the innocent Virgin 'ia, de- 
sirous to protect her from the judge's fury ; while Icil'ius, 
her lover, boldly opposed the decree, and obliged Clau'dius 
to take refuge under the tribunal of the decemvir. 13. All 
things now threatened an open insurrection, when Ap'pius, 
fearing the event, thought proper to suspend his judgment, 
under pretence of waiting the arrival of Virgin'ius, who was 
then about eleven miles from Rome, with the army. 14. 
The day following was fixed for the trial. In the mean 
lime Ap'pius privately sent letters to the general to confine 
Virgin'ius, as his arrival in town might only serve to kindle 
sedition among the people. 15. These letters, however, 
being intercepted by the centurion's friends, they sent him 
a full relation of the design laid, against his liberty and the 
honour of his only daughter. 16. Virgin'ius, upon this, 
pretending the death of a near relation, got permission to 
leave the camp, and hastened to Rome, inspired with in- 



112 HISTORY OF ROME. 

dignatioii and revenge. 17. Accordingly, the next day, co 
the astonishment of Ap'pius, he appeared before the tribu- 
nal, leading his weeping daughter by the hand, both of them 
habited in deep mourning. 18. Clau'dius, the accuser, be- 
gan by making his demand. Virgin'ius next spoke in turn : 
he represented, that, if he had had intentions of adopting a 
suppositious child, he should have fixed upon a boy rather 
than a girl ; that it was notorious to all, that his wife had 
herself nursed this daughter ; and that it was surprising 
such a claim should be made after a fifteen years' silence ; 
and not till Virginia was become marriageable, and acknow- 
ledged to be exquisitely beautiful. 19. While the father 
spoke this, with a stern air, the eyes of all were turned on 
Virgin'ia, who stood trembling, with looks of persuasive 
eloquence and excessive grief, which added w^eight to his 
remonstrances, and excited compassion. 20. The people, 
satisfied of the cruelty of his case, raised an outcry, ex- 
pressive of their indignation. 21. Ap'pius, fearing that 
what had been said might have a dangerous effect upon the 
multitude, and under a pretence of being sufficiently in- 
structed in the merits of the cause, with rage interrupted 
him. " Yes," said he, " my conscience obliges me to de- 
clare, that I, myself, am a witness to the truth of the depo- 
sition of Clau'dius. Most of this assembly know that I 
Avas left guardian to him. I w^as early apprised that he had 
a right to this young slave ; but public aflfairs, and the dis- 
sensions of the people, have prevented my doing him justice. 
However, it is not now too late ; and by the power vested 
in me for the general good, I adjudge Virginia to be the 
property of Clau'dius, the plaintifi^'. Go, therefore, lictors, 
disperse the multitude, and make room for the master to 
repossess himself of his slave." 22. The lictors, in obe- 
dience to his command, drove off the throng that pressed 
round the tribunal ; they seized upon Virgin 'ia, and were 
delivering her up into the hands of Clau'dius : the multi- 
tude w^ere terrified and withdrew ; and Virgin'ius, who found 
that all was over, seemed to acquiesce in the sentence. 2B. 
He, however, mildly entreated of Ap'pius to be permitted 
to take a last farewell of a child whom he had at least con- 
sidered as his own, and so satisfied, he would return to his 
duty with fresh alacrity. 24. Ap'pius granted the favour, 
jpon condition that their endearments should pass in his 
presence. But Virgin'ius was then meditating a dreadful re- 
solution. 15. The crowd made way, and Virgin'ius, with the 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



113 




Death of Virginia. 



most poignant anguish, taking his almost expiring daughter 
in his arms, for a while supported her head upon his breast, 
and wiped away the tears that trickled down her cheeks. 
28. He most tenderly embraced her, and drawing her in- 
sensibly to some shops which were on the side of the forum, 
snatched up a butcher's knife: ''My dearest lost child," 
cried Virgin 'ius, '* thus, thus alone is it in my power to 
preserve your honour and your freedom V So saying, he 
plunged the weapon into her heart. Then drawing it out, 
reeking with her blood, he held it up to Ap'pius : '' Tyrant," 
cried he, " by this blood I devote thy head to the infernal 
gods 1" 27. Thus saying, and covered with his daughter's 
blood, the knife remaining in his hand, threatening destruc- 
tion to whomsoever should oppose him, he ran through the 
city, wildly calling upon the people to strike for freedom. 
By the favour of the multitude he then mounted his horse, 
and rode directly to the camp. 

28. He no sooner arrived, followed by a number of his 
friends, than he informed the army of all that had been done, 
still holding the bloody knife in his hand. He asked their 
pardon and the pardon of the gods, for having committed so 
rash an action, but ascribed it to the dreadful necessity of 
the times. 29. The army, already predisposed to revolt by 
the murder of Denta'tus, and other acts of tyranny and op- 
pression, immediately with shouts echoed their approbation, 
and decamping, left the generals behind, to take their station 
once more upon mount Aven'tine, whither they had retired 



114 HISTORY OF ROME. 

about forty years before. The other army, which had been 
to oppose the Sab'ines, felt a like resentment, and came over 
in large parties to join them. 

30. Ap'pius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell 
the disturbances in the city ; but finding the tumult incapa- 
ble of controul, and perceiving that his mortal enemies, 
Vale'rius and liora'tius, were the most active in opposition, 
at first attempted to find safety by flight ; nevertheless, 
being encouraged by Op'pius, who was one of his colleagues, 
he ventured to assemble the senate, and urged the punish- 
ment of all deserters. 31. The senate, however, was far 
from giving him the relief he sought for ; they foresaw the 
dangers and miseries that threatened the state, in case of 
opposing the incensed army ; they therefore despatched 
messengers to them, offering to restore their former mode 
of government. 32. To this proposal all the people joyfully 
assented, and tlie army gladly obeying, now returned to the 
city, if not with the ensigns, at least with the pleasure of a 
triumphant entry. 33. Ap'pius and Op'pius both died by 
their own hands in prison. The other eight decemvirs went 
into exile ; and Clau'dius, the pretended master of Virgin'ia, 
was io^nomhiiouslv banished. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Did the Romans tamely submit to the tyranny of the decemviri ] 

2. Relate the particulars of this transaction 

3. What resolution did Appius form 1 

4. Who was this maiden ] 

5. What was Appius's first determination 1 

6. On what did he next resolve ] 

7. To what means did he have recourse for the accomplishment of his 

pui-pose ] 

8. Did Claudius undertake this base commission 1 

9. Was the opposition of the people ultimately successful 1 

10. How did Claudius attempt to make good his claims ? 

11. What was the conduct of Appius on this occasion 1 

12. How was this sentence received] 

13. What consequences were likely to ensue, and how were they 

averted 1 

14. Was not this pretence a false one] 

15. By what means were his designs frustrated? 

IP. Under what pretence did Virginius obtain leave of absence] 

17 What measures did he take on his arrival ] 

1 S. How was the trial conducted ] 

1 9 How did Virginia support this trying scene 1 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 115 

20. What was the general opinion of the auditors *? 

21 Did the arguments of Virginius induce Appius to forego his ini- 
quitous designs 1 

22. Were his commands obeyed 1 

23. What was the request of Virginius 1 

24. Was this favour granted ] 

25. Describe this affecting scene 1 

26. What was the catastrophe ? 

27. What followed 1 

28. What use did he make of this dreadful circumstance 1 

29. What was the effect of his address on the army 1 

30. How was Appius employed in the mean time ] 

31. Did the senate second his designs'? 

32. Did the people accede to this proposal 1 

33. What was the fate of the tyrants 1 



SECTION m. 



1. In the mean time, these intestine tumults produced 
weakness within the state, and confidence in the enemy 
abroad. The wars with the iE'qui and the Vol'sci still 
continued ; and, as each year some trifling advantage was 
obtained over the Romans, they, at last, advanced so far, as 
to make their incursions to the very walls of Rome.* C u. c 
2. But not the courage only of the Romans, their ^ 309. 
other virtues also, particularly their justice, seemed dimin- 
ished by these contests. 

3. The tribunes of the people now grew more turbulent ; 
they proposed two laws : one to permit plebeians to inter- 
marry with the patricians ; and the other, to permit them to 
be admitted to the consulship also. 4. The senators received 
these proposals with indignation, and seemed resolved to 
undergo the utmost extremities, rather than submit to enact 
these laws. However, finding their resistance only in- 
creased the commotions of the state, they, at last, consented 
to pass that concerning marriages, hoping that this conces- 
sion would satisfy the people. 5. But they were to be ap- 
peased for a very short time only ; for, returning, to their 
old custom of refusing to enlist upon the approach of an 
enemy, the consuls were obliged to hold a private confer- 
ence with the chief of the senate, where, after many debates, 
Clau'dius proposed an expedient, as the most probable means 

* They were, however, defeated, first by the consul Vale'rius, and 
next still more decisively by the consuls Quinc'tius and Fu'rius. 



116 HISTORY OF ROME. 

of satisfying the people in the present conjuncture. 6. This 
was to create six or eight governors in the room of consuls, 
whereof one half, at least, should be patricians. 7. This 
project, which w^as, in fact, granting what the people de- 
manded, pleased the whole meeting, and it was agreed, that 
the consuls should, contrary to their usual custom, begin by 
asking the opinion of the youngest senator. 8. Upon 
assembling the senate, one of the tribunes accused them of 
holding secret meetings, and managing dangerous designs 
against the people. The consuls, on the other hand, averred 
their innocence ; and to demonstrate their sincerity, gave 
leave to any of the younger members of the house to pro- 
pound their opinions. 9. These remaining silent, such of 
the older senators, as were known to be popular, began by 
observing that the people ought to be indulged in their re- 
quest ; that none so well deserved power, as those who 
were most instrumental in gaining it ; and that the city could 
not be free until all were reduced to perfect equality. 
Clau'dius spoke next, and broke out into bitter invectives 
against the people ; asserting that it was his opinion that 
the law should not pass. 10. This produced some disturb- 
ance among the plebeians ; at length. Genu 'tins proposed, 
as had been preconcerted, that six governors should be an- 
nually chosen, w^ith consular authority ; three from the 
senate, and three from the people ; and that, when the time 
of their magistracy should be expired, it would be seen 
whether they would have the same office continued, or 
whether the consulship should be established upon its for- 
mer footing. 11. This project was eagerly embraced by 
the people ; yet so fickle were the multitude, that, though 
many of the plebeians stood candidates, the choice wholly 
u. c. ^ fell upon the patricians who had offered themselves. 
310.3 1*2. These new magistrates were called Military 
Tribunes ; they were, at first, but three : afterwards they 
were increased to four, and at length to six ; and they had 
the power and ensigns of consuls : yet, that power being 
divided among a number, each singly was of less authority. 
13. The first that were chosen continued in office only 
about three months, the augurs having found something 
amiss in the ceremonies of their election. 

14. The military tribunes being deposed, the consuls once 
more came into office ; and in order to lighten the weight 
of business which they were obliged to sustain, a new ofKce 
was created ; namely, that of Censors, who were to be 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 117 

chosen every iiftli year.'^ 15. Their business was to take 
an estimate of the number and estates of the people, and to 
distribute them into their proper classes : to inspect into the 
lives and manners of their fellow citizens ; to degrade sen- 
sAors for misconduct ; to dismount knights, and to remove 
plebeians from their tribes into an inferior class, in case of 
misdemeanor. 16. The first censors were Papir'ius and 
Sempro'nius, both patricians ; and from this order censors 
continued to be elected for nearly a hundred years. 

17. This new creation served to restore peace for some 
time among the orders ; ^ and a triumph gained over the 
Vol'scians, by Gega'nius the consul, added to the universal 
satisfaction that reigned among the people. 

18. This calm, however, was but of short continuance ; 
for, some time after, a famine pressing hard upon the C u. c. 
poor, the usual complaints against the rich were re- ^313. 
newed ; and these, as before, proving ineffectual, produced 
new seditions. 19. The consuls were accused of neglect, 
in not having laid in proper quantities of corn : they, how- 
ever, disregarded the murmurs of the populace, content with 
usingevery exertion to supply the pressing nex^essity.t 20. But, 
though they did all that could be expected from active 
magistrates in procuring provisions, and distributing them 
to the poor: yet Spu'rius M^s'lius, a rich knight, who 
had bought up all the corn of Tuscany, by far outshone 
them in liberality. 21. This demagogue, inflamed with a 
secret desire of becoming powerful by the contentions in the 
state, distributed corn in great quantities among the poorer 
sort each day, till his house became the asylum of all such 
as wished to exchange a life of labour for one of lazy depend- 
ence. 22. When he had thus gained a sufficient number of 
partisans, he procured large quantities of arms to be brought 
into his house by night, and formed a conspiracy, by which 
he was to obtain the command, while some of the tribunes, 
whom he had found means to corrupt, were to act under 

* The duty of the censors, at first, was merely to perform the census, 
or numbering of the people. It was by degrees that they became 
MagistH J\ forum, or inspectors and regulators of men's lives and 
manners. 

f They appointed an extraordinary magistrate, under the title of 
superintendent of provisions, and the person named for this office, L, 
Minutius, an active and prudent man, immediately sent his agents into 
the neighbouring countries to buy com ; but little, however was pro- 
cured, as Mselius had been beforehand with him. (Liv. I. iv. c. 13, 14,) 



118 HISTORY OF ROME. 

him, in seizing upon the liberties of his country. 23 
Minu'tius soon discovered the plot, and, informing the sen 
ate, they immediately resolved to create a dictator, who should 
have the power of quelling the conspiracy without appeal 
ing to the people. 24. Cincinna'tus, who was now eighty 
years old, was chosen once more to rescue his country from 
impending danger. 25. He began by summoning Mae'lius 
to appear, who refused to obey. He next sent Aha'la, the 
master of the horse, to compel his attendance ; when, meet- 
ing him in the forum, Aha'la, on his refusal, killed him upon 
the spot. The dictator applauded the resolution of his 
officer, and commanded the conspirator's goods to be sold, 
his house to be demolished, and his stores to be distributed 
among the people.* 

26. The tribunes of the people were much enraged at 
the death of Mae'lius. In order, therefore, to punish the 
senate at the next election, instead of consuls, they insisted 
u. c. ^ upon restoring the military tribunes, and the senate 
315. 5 were obliged to comply. The next year, however, 
the government returned, to its ancient channel, and consuls 
were chosen. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the consequence of those intestine tumiilts related in the 

preceding section ] 

2. Was it their courage only that was impaired by them 1 

3. How did the tribunes conduct themselves ] 

4. How were these proposals received 1 

5. Did it answer the desired end ] 

* The guilt of Mse'iius was never proved, and no arms w^ere found 
when his house was searched. The charge of aiming at royalty is more 
than absurd ; it is morally impossible. He seems to have aimed at 
opening the higher offices of state to the plebeians, and to have looked 
upon the consulship with too eager desire. He fell a sacrifice, to deter 
the plebeians from aiming at breaking up a patrician monopoly of power. 
It is painful to see Cincinna'tus, at the close of a long and illustrious 
life, countenancing, if not suggesting this wanton murder. But, as 
Niebuhr remarks, '• no where have characters been more cruel, no where 
has the voice of conscience against the views of faction been so defied, 
as in the aristocratic republics, and not those of antiquity only. Men, 
otherwise of spotless conduct, have frequently shed the purest and noblest 
blood, influenced by fanaticism, and often without any resentment, in 
the service of party." 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 119 

6. What expedient was resorted to ] 

7. How was it received ] 

8. What happened on assembling the senate I 

9. Did they avail themselves of this permission, and what farther 

passed on this occasion 1 

10. Was his opinion agreeable to the people ? 
What new proposition was offered by Genutius 1 

11. Was this plan adopted and acted upon? 

1 2. What were the name, number, and powers of these new magistrates 1 

13. How long did they continue in office ] 

14. What government was substituted 1 

15. What were the duties of the censors'? 

16. Who were the first censors 1 

17. What was the consequence of this new creation 1 

18. Was this satisfaction lasting 1 

1 9. How were the consuls affected by it 1 

20. 21. Through what means did Spurius Maelius obtain credit for being 

more liberal than the consuls ] And what was his real object 1 

22. How did he proceed in his designs against the liberties of his 

country 1 

23. By what means was the plot frustrated 1 

24. Who was appointed dictator 1 

25. What steps did he take 1 

26. How were these, rigorous measures received I 



SECTION IV. 



1. The Ve'ians had long been the rivals of Rome : they 
had even taken the opportunity of internal distresses to 
ravage its territories, and had even threatened its ambassa- 
dors sent to complain of these injuries, with outrage. 2. It 
seemed, now, therefore, determined that the city of Ve'ii, 
whatever it might cost, should fall ; and the Romans accord- 
ingly sat down regularly before it, and prepared for a long 
and painful resistance. 3. The strength of the place may 
be inferred from the continuance of the siege, vv^hich lasted 
for ten years ; during which time, the army continued en- 
camped round it, lying, in winter, under tents made of the 
skins of beasts, and, in summer, driving on the operations of 
the attack. 4. Various were the successes, and many were 
the commanders that directed the siege ; sometimes all theii 
works were destroyed, and many of their men cut off by 
sallies from the town ; sometimes they were annoyed by an 
army of Veians, who attempted to bring assistance from 
without. 5. A siege so bloody seemed to threaten depopu- 



1.20 HISTORY OF ROME. 

latioii to Rome itself, by a continual drain of its forces ; so 
that a law was obliged to be made, for all bachelors to marry 
the widows of the soldiers who were slain. 6. Fu'rius 
Camirius was now created dictator, and to him was en- 
trusted the sole power of managing the long protracted war. 
7. Camirius, who, without intrigue or solicitation, had 
raised himself to the first eminence in the state, had been 
made one of the censors some time before, and was con- 
sidered as the head of that office ; he was afterwards made 
a military tribune, and had, in this post, gained several ad- 
vantages over the enemy. 8. It was his great courage and 
abilities in the above offices that made him be thought most 
worthy to serve his country on this pressing occasion. 
9. Upon his appointment, numbers of the people flocked to 
his standard, confident of success under so experienced a 
commander. 10. Conscious, however, that he was unable 
to take the city by storm, he, with vast labour, opened a 
passage under ground, which led into the very midst of the 
citadel. 11. Certain thus of success, and finding the city 
incapable of relief, he sent to the senate desiring, that all 
who chose to share in the plunder of Ve'ii, should im- 
mediately repair to the army. 12. Then, giving his direc- 
tions how to enter at the breach, the city w^as instantly filled 
wath his legions, to the amazement and consternation of the 
besieged, who, but a moment before, had rested in perfect 
security. 13. Thus, like a second Troy,* was the city of 
Ve'ii taken, after a ten years' siege, and, with its spoils, 
enriched the conquerors ; while Camil'lus himself, trans- 
ported with the honour of having subdued the rival of his 
native city, triumphed after the manner of the kings of 
Rome, having his chariot drawn by four milk-white horses ; 
a distinction which did not fail to disgust the majority of the 
spectators, as they considered those as sacred, and more 
proper for doing honour to their gods than their generals. 

14. His usual good fortune attended Camil'lus in another 
expedition against the Falls 'ci. He routed their army, and 
besieged t?ieir capital city Fale'rii, which threatened a long 
and vigorous resistance. 15. The reduction of this little 
place would have been scarcely worth mentioning in this 

* The account of the seige of Ye^ii is full of improbabilities, and the 
story of the mine is utterly impossible, for without a compass and a good 
plan of the city, such a work could not have been formed. That A^e'ii, 
however, was besieged and taken at this time is very certain, but that is 
the only part of the legend on which wc can rely. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 121 

scanty page, were it not for an action of the Roman general, 
that has done him more credit with posterity than all his 
other triumplis united. IC. A school-master, who had the 
care of the children belonging to the principal men in the 
city, having found means to decoy them into the Roman 
camp, offered to put them into the hands of Camii'lus, as 
the surest means of inducing the citizens to a speedy sur- 
render. 17. The general, struck with the treachery of a 
wretch v/hose duty it was to protect innocence, and not to 
betray it, for some time regarded the traitor with a stern 
silence : but, at last, finding words, ** Execrable villain !" 
cried the noble Roman, " offer thy abominable proposals 
to creatures like thyself, and not to me ; w^hat, though we 
be the enemies of your city, are there not natural ties that 
bind all mankind, which should never be broken ? There 
are duties required from us in war, as well as in peace : we 
fight not against the age of innocence, but against men — 
men who have used «s ill indeed ; but yet, whose crimes 
are virtues, when compared to thine. Against such base 
acts, let it be my duty to use only the Roman ones — valour 
and arms." 18. So saying, he ordered him to be stript, his 
hands to be tied behind him, and, in that ignominious man- 
ner, to be whipped into the town by his own scholars. 1 9. 
This generous behaviour in Camii'lus effected more than 
his arms could do ; the magistrates of the town submitted to 
the senate, leaving to Camii'lus the condition of their sur- 
render ; who only fined them a sum of money to satisfy the 
army, and received them under the protection, and into the 
alliance, of Rome. 

20. Notwithstanding the veneration which the virtues of 
Camii'lus had excited abroad, they seemed but little adapted 
to command the respect of the turbulent tribunes at home, 
who raised fresh accusations against him every day. 21. To 
the charge of being an opposer of their intended emigration 
from Rome to Ve'ii, they added that of his having concealed 
a part of the plunder of that city, particularly two brazen 
gates, for his own use ; and appointed him a day on which 
to appear before the people. 22. Camii'lus, finding the 
multitude exasperated against him on many accounts, and 
detesting their ingratitude, resolved not to await the igno- 
miny of a trial ; but embracing his wife and children, pre- 
pared to depart from Rome. 23. He had already passed as 
far as one of the gates, unattended and unlamented. There 
he could suppress his indignation no longer, but, turnmg his 

L 



122 HISTORY OF ROME, 

face to the Capitol, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he 
entreated all the gods, that his countrymen might one day 
be sensible of their injustice and ingratitude. So saying, 
he passed forward to take refuge at Ar'dea, a town at a little 
distance from Rome, where he afterwards learned that he had 
been fined fifteen tliousand ases* by the tribunes at Rome. 

24. The tribunes were not a little pleased with their 
triumphs over this great man ; but they soon had reason to 
repent their injustice, and to wish for the assistance of one, 
who alone was able to protect their country from ruin : for 
now a more terrible and redoubtable enemy than the Romans 
had ever yet encountered, began to make their appearance. 
25. The Gauls, a barbarous nation, had, about two centuries 
before, made an irruption from beyond the Alps, and settled 
in the northern parts of Italy. They had been invited over 
by the deliciousness of the wines, and the mildness of the 
climate. 26. Wherever they came they dispossessed the 
original inhabitants, as they were men of superior coursge, 
extraordinary stature, fierce in aspect, barbarous in their 
manners, and prone to emigration. 27. A body of these, 
wild from their original habitations, was now besieging 
Clu'sium, a city of Etru'ria, vmder the conduct of Brennus, 
their king. 28. The inhabitants of Clu'sium, frightened at 
their numbers, and still more at their savage appearance, 
entreated the assistance, or, at least, the mediation of the 
Romans. 29. The senate, who had long made it a maxim 
never to refuse succour to the distressed, were willing, pre- 
viously, to send ambassadors to the Gauls, to dissuade them ill 
from their enterprise, and to show the injustice of the irrup- 
tion. 30. Accordingly, three young senators were chosen J 
out of the family of the Fabii, to manage the commission, I 
who seemed more fitted for the field than the cabinet. 31. 
Brennus received them with a degree of complaisance that 
argued but little of the barbarian, and desiring to know the 
business of their embassy, was answ^ered, according to their 
instructions, that it was not customary in Italy to make war, 
but on just grounds of provocation, and that they desired to 
know what offence the citizens of Clu'sium had given to 
the king of the Gauls. 32. To this Brennus sternly replied, 
that the rights of valiant men lay in their swords ; that the 
Romans themselves had no right to the many cities they 
had conquered ; and that he had particular reasons of resent- 

* The as was a brass coin, about three farthings of our money. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 123 

ment against the people of Clu'siimi, as they refused to part 
with those lands, which they had neither hands to till, nor 
inhabitants to occupy. 33. The Roman ambassadors, v/ho 
were but little used to hear the language of a conqueror, for 
a while dissembled their resentment at this haughty reply ; 
but, upon entering the besieged city, instead of acting as 
ambassadors, and forgetful of their sacred character, they 
headed the citizens in a sally against the besiegers. In this 
combat Fa'bius Ambus 'tus killed a Gaul Avith his own hand, 
but was discovered in the act of despoiling him of his ar- 
mour. 34. A conduct so unjust and unbecoming excited 
the resentment of Brennus, who, having made his complaint 
by a herald to the senate, and finding no redress, broke up 
the siege and marched away with his conquering army di- 
rectly for Rome. 35. The countries through which the 
Gauls made their rapid progress, gave up all hopes of safety 
upon their approach ; being terrified at their numbers, the 
fierceness of their natures, and their dreadful preparations 
for war. 36. But the rage and impetuosity of this wild 
people were directed solely against Rome. They went on 
without doing the least injury in their march, breathing ven- 
geance only against the Romans* A terrible engagement 
soon after ensued, in which the Romans were defeated near 
the river Allia, with the loss of about forty thousand men.* 
37. Rome, thus deprived of succour, prepared for every 
extremity. The inhabitants endeavoured to hide themselves 
in the neighbouring towns, or resolved to await the con- 
queror's fury, and end their lives with the ruin of their na- 
tive city.t 38. But, more particularly, the ancient senators 
and priests, struck with a religious enthusiasm, on this oc- 
casion resolved to devote their lives to atone for the crimes 
of the people, and, habited in their robes of ceremony, 
placed themselves in the forum, on their ivory chairs. 39. 
The Gauls, in the mean time, were giving a loose to their 
triumph, in sharing and enjoying the plunder of the enemy's 
camp. Had they immediately marched to Rome, upon 
gaining the victory, the Capitol would, in all probability, 
have been taken ; but they continued two days feasting upon 

* This day was from henceforth marked as unlucky in their calendar, 
and called AUien'sis. 

f Among others, the Vestals fled from the city, carrying with them 
the two Palladiums and the sacred fire. They took shelter at Caere, a 
town of Etru'ria, where they continued to celebrate their religious rites • 
from this circumstance religious rites acquired the name of ceremonies 



IZ4 HISTORY OF R05IE, 

tjie field of battle, and, with barbarous pleasure, exulting 
amidst their slaughtered enemies. 40. On the third day 
after this easy victory, Brennus appeared with all his forces 
before the city. He was at first much surprised to find the 
gates open to receive him, and the walls defenceless ; so 
that he began to impute the unguarded situation of the place 
to a Roman stratagem. After proper precaution, he entered 
the city, and, marching into the forum, beheld there the 
ancient senators sitting in their order, observing a profound 
silence, unmoved and undaunted. 41. The splendid habits, 
the majestic gravity, and the venerable looks of these old 
men, who, in their time, had all borne the highest offices ot 
state, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence ; they mis- 
took them for the tutelar deities of the place, and began to 
offer blind adoration ; till one, more forward than the rest, 
putting forth his hand to stroke the beard of Papyr'ius, an 
insult the noble Roman could not endure, he lifted up his 
ivory sceptre, and struck the savage to tlie ground. 42. 
This proved to be a signal for general slaughter. Papyr'ius 
fell first, and all the rest shared his fate without mercy or 
distinction.* The fierce invaders pursued their slaughter 
for three days successively, sparing neither sex nor age ; 
then, setting fire to the city , burnt every house to the ground. 



Questions for Examination . 

1. What was the conduct of the Veians 1 

2. What resolution was adopted in consequence 1 

3. Was Veii a strong place ? 

4. Did the besieged make a vigorous resistance 1 

.5. What consequences were likely to ensue, and how wore the} 
obviated 1 

6. To whom was the conduct of the war now committed ] 

7. Who was Camillus 1 

8. By what means did he attain his present dignity 

9. What was the consequence of his appointment '? 

10. What plan did he adopt to take the city] 

11. How did he next proceed 1 

12. What followed ] 

' 3. What was the consequence of this capture, and how did Camillus 
comport himself? 

* This self-devotion was in consequence of a vow made by these 
hKive old men, which Fa'bius, the Pontifex Maximus pronoujiced in 
their names. The Komans believed that, by thus devoting themselves to 
the internal gods, disorder and confusion were brought among the enemy. 



THE COMMOWVEALTJf. 125 

14. What was Oamillus's next exploit] 

15. Was this a conquest of importance 1 

16. Relate the particulars'? 

1 7. How was his proposal received 1 

18. How was the traitor punished ! 

19. What was the consequence of this conduct 1 

20. Was Camillus universally respected 1 

21. What charges were brought against him 1 

22. Did Camillus abide the event of a trial 1 

23. Was he resigned to his fate, and whither did he retire ? 

24. What followed his departure 1 

25. Who was the enemy ? 

26. What were the conduct and character of the Gauls 1 

27. How were they employed at this conjuncture ? 

28. What measure did the Clusians adopt for their defence 1 

29. Was their application successful ? 

30. Who v;ere appointed for this purpose 1 

31. How were they received 1 

32. What was the reply of Brennus 1 

33. What was the conduct of the ambassadors ] 

34. What was the consequence of this improper conduct 1 

35. What sensations were excited in the countries through which they 

passed 1 

36. Did the Gauls commit any ravages on their march 1 

37. What measures were adopted at Rome 1 

38. Who more particularly displayed their devotedness on this occasion 1 

39. What use did the Gauls make of their \actory ] 

40. What happened on their arrival before the city 1 

41. What was the effect of this spectacle 1 

42. What v/as the consequence of this boldness T 



SECTION V. 



1. All the hopes of Rome were now placed in the 
Capitol ; every thing without that fortress formed C u. c. 
an extensive scene of misery, desolation, and despair. ^ 361 . 

2. Brennus first summoned it, with threats, to surrender, 
but in vain ; then resolving to besiege it in form, hemmed it 
round with his army. The Romans, however, repelled tho 
attempt with great bravery : despair had supplied them with 
that perseverance and vigour which they seemed to want 
when in prosperity. 

3. In the meanwhile, Brennus carried on the siege with 
extreme ardour. He hoped to starve the garrison into a 
capitulation ; but they, sensible of his intent, although Lu 
actual want, caused loaves to be thrown into his camp, to 

L 2 



126 HISTORY OF ROME. 

convince him of the futility of such expectations. 4. Hia 
hopes were soon after revived, when some of his soldiers 
came to inform him, that they had discovered footsteps,^- 
which led up to the rock, by which they supposed the 
Capitol might be surprised. 5. Accordingly, a chosen body 
of his men were ordered by night upon this dangerous service, 
which, with great labour and difficulty, they almost effected. 
6. They were got upon the very wall ; the Roman sentinel 
was fast asleep ; their dogs within gave no signal, and all 
promised an instant victory, when the garrison was awakened 
by the gabbling of some sacred geese, that had been kept in 
the temple of Juno. 7. The besieged soon perceived the 
imminence of their danger, and each, snatching the weapon 
that first presented itself, ran to oppose the assailants. 8. M. 
Man'lius, a patrician of acknowledged bravery, was the first 
who opposed the foe, and inspired courage by his example. 
He boldly mounted the rampart, and, at one effort, threw 
two Gauls headlong down the precipice ; his companions 
soon came to his assistance, and the walls were cleared of 
the enemy with a most incredible celerity.! 

9. From this time the hopes of the barbarians began to 
decline, and Brennus wished for an opportunity of raising 
the siege with credit.J His soldiers had often conferences 
with the besieged while upon duty, and proposals for an 
accommodation were washed for by the common men, before 
the chiefs thought of a congress. At length, the command- 
ers on both sides came to an agreement, that the Gauls 
should immediately quit the city and territories, upon being 
paid a thousand pounds weight of gold. 10. This agree- 

* These were the footsteps of Pon'tius Comin'ius, who, with great 
prudence and bravery, found means to carry a message from Camirius 
to the Romans in the Capi'tol, and to return with the appointment of 
dictator for CamiFhis. 

-j- As a reward for this essential service, every soldier gave Man'lius 
a small quantity of com and a little measure of wine, out of his scant3' 
allowance ; a present of no mean value in their then distressed situation. 
On the other hand, the captain of the guard, who ought to have kept 
the sentinels to their duty, was thrown headlong from the Capitol. In 
memory of this event, a goose was annually carried in triumph on a sof^ 
litter, finely adorned ; whilst dogs v/ere held in abhorrence, and one 
impaled every year on a branch of elder. 

± As the Gauls suffered the bodies of the Romans, who were slain in 
their frcuuent encounters, to lie unburied, the stench of their putre%ction 
occasioned a plague to break out, which carried off great numbers of the 
armv of Ercnnup. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



127 




Manl'ms defending the Capitol. 

inent being confirmed by oath on either side, the gold was 
brought forth. But, upon weighing, the Gauls fraudulently 
attempted to kick the beam, of which the Romans com- 
plaining, Brennus insultingly cast his sword and belt into 
the scale, crying out that the only portion of the vanquished 
was to suffer. 11. By this reply, the Romans savv^ that they 
were at the victor's mercy, and knew it was in vain to ex- 
postulate against any conditions he should please to impose. 
12. But while they were thus debating upon the payment, 
it was told them that Camil'lus, their old general, was at 
the head of a large army, hastening to their relief, and en- 
tering the gates of Rome. 13. Camil'lus actually appeared 
soon after, and entering the place of controversy, with the 
air of one who was resolved not to suffer imposition, de- 
manded the cause of the contest ; of which being informed, 
he ordered the gold to be taken and carried back to the 
Capitol: '' For it has ever been," cried he, ''the manner 
with us Romans, to ransom our country, not with gold, but 
with iron ; it is I only that am to make peace, as being the 
dictator of Rome, and my sword alone shall purchase it." 
14. Upon this a battle ensued, the Gauls were entirely 
routed, and such a slaughter followed, that the Roman ter- 
ritories were soon cleared of the invaders. Thus, by the 
bravery of Camil'lus, was Rome delivered from its enemy.* 



* The authenticity of this narrative is more than suspicious. PoIyVius, 
the most accurate of the Roman historians, says that the Gauls carried 
the gold home with them. Sueto'nius confirms this accou'nt, and adds, 



128 HISTORY OF ROME. 

15. The city being one continued heap of ruins, except the 
Capitol, and the greatest number of its former inhabitants 
having gone to take refuge in Ve'ii, the tribunes of the people 
urged for the removal of the poor remains of Rome to that city, 
where they might have houses to shelter, and walls to defend 
them. 16. On this occasion Camil'lus attempted to appease 
them with all the arts of persuasion ; observing, that it was 
imworthy of them, both as Romans and men, to desert the 
venerable seat of their ancestors, where they had been en- 
couraged by repeated marks of divine approbation, in order 
to inhabit a city which they had conquered, and which 
wanted even the good fortune of defending itself. 17. By 
these, and such like remonstrances, he prevailed upon the 
people to go contentedly to work ; and Rome soon began to 
rise from its ashes.* 

18. AVe have already seen the bravery of Man'lius in 
defending the Capitol, and saving the last remains of Rome 
For this the people were by no means ungrateful. They 
built him a house near the place where his valour was so 
conspicuous, and appointed him a public fund for his sup- 
port. 19. But he aspired at being more than equal to 
Camil'lus, and to be sovereign of Rome. With this view 
he laboured to ingratiate himself with the populace, paid 
tiieir debts, and railed at the patricians, whom he called 
their oppressors. 20. The senate w^as not. ignorant of his 
speeches or his designs, and created Corne'lius Cossus dic- 
tator, with a view to curb the ambition of Man'lius. 21. The 
dictator soon called Man'lius to an account for his conduct. 
Man'lius, however, was too much the darling of the popu- 
lace to be affected by the power of Cossus, who was obliged 
to lay down his office, and Man'lius was carried from con- 
finement in triumph through the city. 22. This success 
only served to inflame his ambition. He now began to talk 
of a division of the lands among the people, insinuated that 
there should be no distinctions in the state ; and, to give 
weight to his discourses, always appeared at the head of a 
large body of the dregs of the people, whom largesses had 

that it was recovered at a much later period from the Galli Seno^nes, by 
Liv'ius Dru'sus ; and that on this occasion Dru'sus first became a name 
in the Livian family, in consequence of the victorious general having 
killed Drau'sus, the Gallic leader. 

* So little taste, however, for order and beauty, did those display who 
had the direction of the works, that the city, when rebuilt, was even less 
rogular than in the time of Romulus. 



THE CoMMOxN WEALTH. ['id 

made his followers. 23. The city being thus fjled witil 
sedition and clamour, the senate had recourse to another ex- 
pedient, which was, to oppose the power of Camil'lus to 
that of the demagogue. Camil'lus, accordingly, being made 
one of the military tribunes, appointed Manlius a day to 
answer for his life. 24. The place in which he was tried 
was near the Capitol, whither, when he was accused of 
sedition, and of aspiring to sovereignty, he turned his eyes, 
and pointing to that edifice, put ihem in mind of what he 
had there done for his country. 25. The multitude, whose 
compassion or v/hose justice seldom springs from rational 
motives, refused to condemn him, so long as he pleaded in 
sight of the Capitol ; but when he was brought from thence 
to the Pe'teline grove, where the Capitol was no longer in 
view, they condemned him to be thrown headlong from the 
Tarpe'ian rock.* 26. Thus, the place which had been the 
theatre of his glory, became that of his punishment and 
infamy. His house, in which his conspiracies had been 
secretly carried on, and which had been built as the reward 
of his valour, was ordered to be razed to ih.r ground, and 
his family were forbidden ever after to assume the name of 
Manlius. 

27. Thus the Romans went gradually forward, with a 
mixture of turbulence and superstition within their walls, 
and successful enterprises without. 

28. With what implicit obedience they submitted to their 
pontiffs, and how far they might be impelled to encounter 
even death itself, at their command, will evidently appear 
from the behaviour of Cur'tius, about this time. Upon the 
opening of the gulf in the forum, which the augurs C u. c. 
affirmed would never close till the most precious ^ 392. 
things in Rome were thrown into it, this heroic man, clad 
in complete armour, and mounted on horseback, boldly 
leaped into the midst, declaring, that nothing was more 
truly valuable than patriotism and military virtue. 29. The 
gulf, say the historians, closed immediately upon this, and 
Cur'tius was seen no more.t 

* This account appears so absurd as to be scarcely credible ; in fact, 
Manlius was first tried by the " comitia centuriata," and acquitted. His 
second trial was before the " comitia curiata," where his enemies, the 
patricians, alone had the right of voting. See Introduction, Chap. III.. 

■f Some judicious writers, however, acknowledge that the chasm was 
afterwards filled up with earth and rubbish, (Livy, 1. 7. c 6. Val. Max^ 
mus, 1. 5. c. 6. et alii.) 



130 HISTORY OF ROME. 

u, c. > 30. This year died the great Camil'lus, deservedly 
396. 5 regretted by all. He was styled a second Eomulus, 
the first having founded, and he having restored the city 
He is said never to have fought a battle without gaining a 
victory; never to have besieged a city without taking it. 
He was a zealous patriot, ever ready to dismiss his just 
resentments for the affronts he received, when the necessi- 
ties of his country required his services. 



Questions for Examination, 

1 . What was the state of Rome at this period 1 

2. What was the next step taken by Brennus, and how did it succeed ? 

3. In what manner was the siege carried on 7 

4. Did he consider the attempt as hopeless 1 

5. What advantage did he take of this information 1 

6. Was the attempt successful 1 

7. What was the consequence 1 

8. Was there any particular instance of valour 1 

9. What eiTect had this failure on the mind of Brennus 1 

10. In what manner was this agreement carried into execution? 

11. What inference did the Romans draw from this insolent speech] 

12. What agreeable news did they now hear 1 

1 3. Was this information correct 1 

14. What followed 1 

15. What was the first measure proposed after this deliverance 1 

16. Was this proposal carried into effect? 

1 7. Were his remonstrances successful ] 

18. Was the bravery of Manlius rewarded ] 

19. Was he content with these favours 1 

20. What measures were taken to oppose his designs 1 

21. V/as this expedient attended with success? 

22. What was the conduct of Manlius after this ? 

23. What farther measures were taken to punish his ambition ? 

24. What defence did he set up ? 

25. Was bis plea successful ? 

26. What is remarkable in his punishment 1 

27. How did the Roman affairs proceed at this time 1 

28. Relate a memorable Instance of the obedience paid by the Romans 

to their pontiffs or priests 1 

29. Wliat was the consequence of this heroic act 1 

30 Wha* happened this year, and what was the character of Camillus ? 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 131 

CHAPTER XIIL 

SECTION I. 

FROM THE WARS WITH THE SAMNITES, AND THOSE WITH 
PYRRHUS, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST FUNIC WAR; 
WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO EXTEND THEIR CONQUESTS 
BEYOND ITALY. 

1. The Romans had triumphed over the Sab'ines, the 
Etru'rians, the Latins, the Her'nici, the iE'qui, and the 
Volsci ; and now began to look for greater conquests. They 
accordingly turned their arms against the Sam'nites, a peo- 
ple descended from the Sab'ines, and inhabiting a large tract 
of southern Italy, which at this day makes a considerable 
part of the kingdom of Naples. 2. Vale'rius Cor'vus, and 
Corne'iius, were the two consuls to whose care it first fell 
to manage this dreadful contention between the rivals. 

3. Vale'rius was one of the greatest commanders of his 
time ; he was surnamed Cor'vus, from the strange circum- 
stance of being assisted by a crow in a single combat, in 
which he killed a Gaul of gigantic stature. 4. To his col- 
league's care it was consigned to lead an army to Sam'nium, 
the enemy's capital, while Cor'vus was sent to relieve 
Cap'ua, the capital of the Capin'ians. 5. Never was a 
captain more fitted for command than he. To a habit na- 
turally robust and athletic, he joined the gentlest manners ; 
he was the fiercest, and yet the most good-natured man in 
the army ; and, while the meanest sentinel was his com- 
panion, no man kept them more strictly to their duty ; but 
to complete his character, he constantly endeavoured to pre- 
serve his dignity by the same arts by which he gained it. 
6. Such soldiers as the Romans then were, hardened by 
their late adversity, and led on by such a general, were un 
conquerable. The Samnites were the bravest men they 
ever yet had encountered, and the contention between the 
two nations was managed on both sides with the most de- 
termined resolution. 7. But the fortune of Rome prevailed; 
the Samnites at length fled, averring, that they were not 
able to withstand the fierce looks, and the fire-darting eye% 
of the Romans. 8. Corne'lius, however, was not at first 
go fortunate ; for having unwarily led his army into a defile j 



132 HISTORY OF ROME. 

he was in danger of being cut off, had not De'cius possessed 
himself of a hill which commanded the enemy ; so that the 
Samnites, being attacked on both sides, were defeated v/ith 
great slaughter ; not less than thirty thousand of them being 
left dead upon the field. 

9. Some time after this victory, the forces stationed at 
Cap'ua mutinying, compelled Quin'tinus, an eminent old 
soldier, to be their leader ; and, conducted by their rage, 
more- than by their general, came within six miles of the 
city. 10. So terrible an enemy, almost at the gates^ not a 
little alarmed the senate, who immediately created Yale'rius 
dictator, and sent him forth with an army to oppose them. 
11. The two armies were now drawn up against each other, 
while fathers and sons beheld themselves prepared to engage 
in opposite causes. 12. Any other general than Corvus 
would, perhaps, have brought this civil war to extremity ; but 
he, knowing his influence among the soldiery, instead of go- 
ing forvv^ard to meet the mutineers in a hostile manner, went 
with the most cordial friendship to embrace, and expostu 
late with his old acquaintances. 13. His conduct had thcj 
desired effect. Quin'tius, as their speaker, solicited no 
more than to have their defection from their duty forgiven ; 
and for himself, as he was innocent of their conspiracy, he 
had no reason to solicit pardon for offences. 14. Thus this 
defection, Avhich threatened danger to Rome, was repaired 
by the prudence and moderation of a general, whose am- 
bition it was to be gentle to his friends, and formidable only 
to his enemies. 

15. A war between the Romans and Latins followed soon 
after. 16. As their habits, arms, and language were the 
same, the exactest discipline vvas necessary to prevent con- 
fusion in the engagement. Orxlers, therefore, were issued, 
that no soldier should leave his ranks on pain of death. 17. 
With these injunctions, both armies were drawn out and 
ready, when Me'tius, the general of the enemy's cavalry, 
pushed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in 
the Roman army to single combat. 18. For some time 
there was a general pause, no soldier daring to disobey his 
orders, till Ti'tus Man'lius, son of the consul Man'lius, 
burning with shame to see the whole body of the Romans 
intimidated, boldly advanced against his adversary. 19. The 
soldiers, on both sides, for a while suspended the general 
engagement, to be spectators of this fierce encounter. The 
two champions drove their horses aga^'ist each other with 



THE COMMONWEALTH 133 

great violence : Me'tius wounded his adversory's horse in 
the ]ieck ; but Man'lius, with better fortune, killed that of 
Me'tius. The Latin general, fallen to the ground, for a 
while attempted to support himself upon his shield ; but the 
Roman followed his blow^s, and laid him dead as he was 
endeavouring to rise ; then despoiling him of his armour, 
returned in triumph to his father's tent, where he vv^as pre- 
paring for, and giving orders relative to, the engagement. 

20. However he might have been applauded by his fellow- 
soldiers, being as yet doubtful vrhat reception he should find 
with his father, he came with hesitation, to lay the enemy's 
spoils at his feet, and with a modest air insinuated, that w^hat 
he had done w^as entirely from a spirit of hereditary virtue. 

21. Alas ! he w^as soon dreadfully made sensible of his 
error ; wdien his father, turning away, ordered him to be led 
publicly forth before his army. Being brought forw^ard, the 
consul, with a stern countenance,. and yet with tears, spoke 
as follows : '• Ti'tus Man'lius, as thou hast regarded neither 
the dignity of the consulship, nor the commands of a father ; 
as thou hast destroyed military discipline, and set a pattern 
of disobedience by thy example, thou hast reduced me to 
the deplorable extremity of sacrificing my son or my coun- 
try. But let us not hesitate in this dreadful alternative ; a 
thousand lives were v/eil lost in such a cause ; nor do I think 
that thou thyself wilt refuse to die, w^hen thy country is to 
reap the advantage of thy sufferings. Lictor, bind him, and 
let his death be our future example." 22. At this unnatural 
mandate the w^hole army was struck with horror ; fear, for 
a while, kept them in suspense ; but wdien they saw their 
young champion's head struck off, and his blood streaming 
upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execra- 
tions and their groans. His dead body w^as carried forth 
without the camp, and, being adorned with the spoils of the 
vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military 
solemnity. 

23. In the mean time, the battle began vrith mutual fury ; 
and as the two armies had often fought under the same 
leaders, they combated vvith all the animosity of a civil w^ar. 
The Latins chiefly depended on bodily strength ; the Romans 
on their invincible courage and conduct. 24. Forces so 
nearly matched, seemed only to want the aid of their deities 
to turn the scale of victory ; and in fact the augurs had fore- 
told, that whatever part of the Roman army should be dis- 
tressed, the commander of that part should devote himself 

M 



134 HISTORY OF ROME. 

tor his country, and die as a sacrifice to the immortal gods 
Man'lius commanded the right wing, and De'cius the left. 
25. Both sides fought with doubtful success, as their courage 
was equal ; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman 
army began to give ground. 26. It was then that De'cius 
resolved to devote himself for his country ; and to offer his 
own life, as an atonement, to save his army. 

27. Thus determined, he called out to Man'lius with a 
loud voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the 
chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and what form of words 
he should use. 28. By his directions, therefore, being 
clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms 
stretched forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted him- 
self to the celestial and infernal gods, for the safety of Home. 
Then arming himself, and mounting his horse, he drove 
furiously into the midst of the enemy, striking terror and 
consternation wherever he came, till he fell covered with 
wounds. 29. In the mean time the Roman army considered 
his devoting himself in this manner, as an assurance of sue* 
cess ; nor was the superstition of the Latins less powerfully 
influenced by his resolution ; a total route began to ensue : 
the Romans pressed them on every side, and so great was 
the carnage, that scarcely a fourth part of the enemy sur* i 
vived the defeat. ' 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Against whom did the Romans next turn their arms ? 

2. Who were appointed commanders in this war ? 

3. Who was Valerius 1 

4. What separate commands were entrusted to the consuls 1 

5. What was the character of Valerius ? 

6. What was the character of the hostile armies 1 

7. To whom did the advantage belong ] 

8. Was not the division under Cornelius led into a difficulty, and how 

was it extricated ] 

9. What important event next occurred 1 

10. How were the senate affected by tneir approach 1 

11. What are the peculiar evils attendant on civil wars] 

12. What steps did Corvus take on this occasion? 

13. What was the consequence of this mildness ] 

14. What reflection may be drawn from this incident] 

15. What was the next occurrence of note? 

IG. What precautions were necessary in this war'.' 

17. In what way was the discipline of the Romans put to the proof! 

1 8. Was his challenge disregarded 1 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 135 

{ 9. Relate the particulars of the combat 1 

20. What reception did he expect from his father 1 

21. What was the consequence of his rashness 1 

22. How was this sentence received by the army 1 

23. Did a battle ensue ] 

24. What was wanting to insure the victory 1 

25. To whom did success incline 1 

26. What heroic resolution did Decius make 1 

27. In what way did he do this 1 

28. What followed 1 

29. What effect had this sacrifice on the hostile armies 1 



SECTION II. 
u.c. 431. 



1. But a signal disgrace which the Romans sustained 
about this time, in their contest with the Samnites, made a 
pause in their usual good fortune, and turned the scale for 
a while in the enemy's favour.* 2. The senate having denied 
the Samnites peace, Pon'tius, their general, was resolved to 
gain by stratagem, what he had frequently lost by force. 
3. Accordingly, leading his army into the neighbourhood of 
a defile, called Cau'dium, and taking possession of all its 
outlets, he sent ten of his soldiers, habited like shepherds, 
with directions to throw themselves into the way which the 
Romans were to march. 4. Exactly to his wishes, the 
Roman consul, Posthu'mius, met tliem, and taking them for 
what they appeared, demanded the route the Samnile army 
had taken : they, with seeming indifference, replied, that 

* An additional instance of the severity with which military discipline 
was maintained among the Romans, happened a short time previous to 
this : L. Papir'ius Cursor, the dictator, having occasion to quit the army 
and repair to Rome, strictly forbade Q. Fa'bius Rullia'nus, his master of 
the horse, to venture a battle in his absence. This order Fa^bius dis- 
obeyed, and gained a complete victory. Instead, however, of finding 
success a palliation of his offence, he was immediately condemned by 
the stern dictator to expiate his breach of discipline by death. In spite 
of the mutinous disposition of the army— in spite of the interces- 
sions and threats, both of the senate and people, Papir^ius persisted in 
his resolution : but what menaces and powerful interposition could not 
obtain, was granted to the prayers and tears of the criminafs relatives ; 
and Fa'bius lived to fill some of the highest offices of the state, with 
honour to himself and infinite advantage to his country. (Liv. I. 8. o. 
30. 35. 



136 HISTORY OF ROME. 

they were going to Luce'ria, a town in Apulia, and were 
then actually besieging it. 5 The Eoman general, not 
suspecting the stratagem that was laid against him, marched 
directly by the shortest road, which lay through the defile, 
to relieve that city ; and was not undeceived till he saw his 
army surrounded, and blocked up on every side.* 6. Pon'- 
tius, thus having the Romans entirely in his power, first 
obliged the army to pass under the yoke, after having stript 
them of all but their under garments. He then stipulated, 
that they should wlioUy quit the territories of the Samnites, 
and that they should continue to live upon the terms of their 
former confederacy. 7. The Romans v/ere constrained to 
submit to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Cap'ua 
disarmed, half naked, and burning with a desire of retriev- 
ing their lost honour. 8. When the army arrived at Rome, 
the whole city was most sensibly affected at their shameful 
return ; nothing but grief and resentment were to be seen, 
and the whole city was put into mourning. 

9. This was a transitory calamity ; the state had suffered 
a diminution of its glory, but not of its power.t The v/ar 
was carried on as usual, for many years ; the power of the 
Samnites declining every day, while that of the Romans 
gained fresh vigour from every victory. 10. Under the 
conduct of Papir'ius Cursor, repeated triumphs were gained. 
Fa'bius Max iraus also had his share in the glory of con- 
quering the Samnites ; and De'cius, the son of that Decius 
whom we saw devoting himself for his country about forty 
years before, followed the example of his noble father, and, 
rushing into the midst of the enemy, saved the lives of his 
countrymen with the loss of his own. J 

11. The Samnites being driven to the most extreme dis- 
tress, and unable to defend themselves, were obliged to call 
in the assistance of a foreign power, and have recourse to 

* This gives but an indifferent idea of the military skill of those 
ages. 

I It appears, however, to have suffered a diminution of its honour on 
this occasion, by breaking every article of the treaty of peace extorted 
from Posthu'mius. As some atonement for this breach of faith, they de- 
livered Posthu'mius, and those who signed the treaty, into the hands of 
the Samnites, to do with them as they thought fit ; but this generous 
}>eop!e instantly set them at liberty. Li v. 1. 9. c. 8 — ' 1. 

t U. C. 447. About this time Appius Claudius, the censor, construct- 
ed an aqueduct, seven miles long, for supplying Rome with water, and 
that famous road from Rome to Capua, which still remains, the admira^ 
tion of all Europe. 



THE COMMONLY EALTH. 137 

Pyr'rhus, king of Epi'rns,- to save them from impending 
ruin. 12. Pyr'rhus, a man of great courage, amhition, and 
power, who had always kept the example of Alexan'der, 
his great predecessor, before his eyes, promised to come to 
their assistance ; and, in the mean time, despatched a body 
of three thousand men, under the command of Cin'eas, an 
experienced soldier, and a scholar of the great orator De- 
mos 'thenes.t 13. Nor did he himself remain long behind, 
but soon after put to sea with three thousand horse, twenty 
thousand foot, and twenty elephants, in which the com- 
manders of that time began to place very great confidence. 
14. However, only a small part of this great armament ar- 
rived in Italy with him ; for many of his ships were dis- 
persed, and some were totally lost in a storm. 

15. Upon his arrival at Taren'tum,t his first care was to 
reform the people whom he came to succour. Observing a 
total dissoluteness of manners in this luxurious city, and 
that the inhabitants were rather occupied with the pleasures 
of bathing, feasting, and dancing, than the care of prepar- 
ing for war, he gave orders to have all their places of pub- 
lic entertainment shut up, and that they should be restrained 
in such amusements as rendered soldiers unfit for battle. 
16. In the mean time the Romans did all which prudence 
could suggest, to oppose so formidable an enemy ; and the 
consul L^vi'nus was sent with a numerous force to inter- 
rupt his progress. 17. Pyr'rhus, though his whole army 
was not yet arrived, drew out to m^et him ; but previously 
sent an ambassador, desiring to be permitted to mediate be- 
tween the Romans and the people of Tarentum. 18. To 
this Lasvi'nus ansv/ered, that he neither esteemed hhn as a 
mediator, nor feared him as an enemy: and then leading 
the ambassador through the Roman camp, desired him to 
observe diligently what he saw, and to report the result to 
his master. 

19. In consequence of this, both armies approaching, 
pitched their tents in sight of each other, upon the opposite 
banks of the river Ly'ris. Pyr'rhus was always extremely 

* Epi^rus, a country situated between Macedonia, Achaia, and the 
Ionian sea. (Strabo.) 

■j- Demos' thenes, famous for his bold and nervous style of oratory, 
flourished at Athens about 320 years before the Christian era. 

± Taren'tum, now Taren'to, was a town of Calabria, in Italy, situate 
on a bay of the same name, near the mouth of the river Gale'sus : it was 
celebrated for its fine harbour. (Strabo.) 

m2 



138 HISTORY OF ROME. 

careful in directing the situation of his own camp, and in 
observing that of the enemy. 20. Walking along the banks 
of the river, and surveying the Roman method of encamp- 
ing, he was heard to observe, that these barbarians seemed 
to be no way barbarous, and that he should too soon find 
their actions equal to their resolution. 21. In the mean 
time he placed a body of men in readiness to oppose the 
Romans, in case they should attempt to ford the stream be- 
fore Jiis whole array was brought together. 22. Things 
turned out according to his expectations ; the consul, with 
an impetuosity that marked his inexperience, gave orders 
for passing the river where it was fordable ; and the ad- 
vanced guard, having attempted to oppose him. in vain, was 
obliged to retire to the whole body of the army. 23. Pyr'- 
rhus being apprised of the enemy's attempt, at first hoped 
to cut off their cavalry, before they could be reinforced by 
the foot, which were not as yet got over ; and led on in 
person a chosen body of horse against them. 24. The Ro- 
man legions having, with much difficulty, advanced across 
the river, the engagement became general; the Greeks 
fought with a consciousness of their former fame, and the 
Romans with a desire of gaining fresh glory : mankind had 
seldom seen two such differently disciplined armies op- 
posed to each other ; nor is it to this day determined whether 
the Greek phalanx, or the Roman legion were preferable. 
25. The combat was long in suspense ; the Romans had 
seven times repulsed the enemy, and were as often driven 
back themselves ; but at length, while the success seemed 
doubtful, Pyr'rhus sent his elephants into the midst of the 
engagement, and these turned the scale of victory in his fa- 
vour. 26. The Romans, who had never before encountered 
creatures of such magnitude, were terrified not only at their 
intrepid fierceness, but at the castles that were fastened on 
their backs, filled with armed men. 27. It was then that 
Pyr'rhus saw the day was his own ; and, sending his Thes- 
salian cavalry to charge the enemy in disorder, the route be- 
came general. A dreadful slaughter of the Romans ensued, 
fifteen thousand men being killed on the spot, and eighteen 
hundred taken prisoners. 28. Nor were the conquerors in 
a much better state than the vanquished, Pyr'rhus himself 
being wounded, and thirteen thousand of his forces slain. 
Night coming on, put an end to the slaughter on both sides, 
and Pyr'rhus was heard to exclaim, that one such victory 
more would ruin his whole army. 29. The next day, as 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 13^ 

he walked to view the field of battle, he could not help re- 
garding with admiration the bodies of the Romans who were 
slain. Upon seeing them all with their wounds in front, 
their countenances, even in death, marked with noble reso- 
lution, and a sternness that awed him into vespect, he was 
heard to cry out, in the true spirit of a military adventurer, 
** Oh ! with what ease could I conquer the world, had I the 
Romans for soldiers, or had they me for their king !" 

30. Pyr'rhus, after this victory, was still unwilling to 
drive them to an extremity , and considering that it was best 
to treat with an humbled enemy, he resolved to send his 
friend Cin'eas,^ the orator, to negociate a peace ; of whom 
he often asserted, that he had won more towns by the elo- 
quence of Cin'eas, than by his own arms. 31. But Cin'eas, 
with all his art, found the Romans incapable of being se- 
duced, either by private bribery, or public persuasion ; with a 
haughtiness little expected from a vanquished enemy, they 
insisted that Pyr'rhus should evacuate Italy, previous to a 
commencement of a treaty of peace. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Were the Romans uniformly successfull 

2. Who resolved to use stratagem, and why 1 

3. By what means did he effect it ] 

4. What followed ] 

5. Was the Roman general deceived by this stratagem 1 

6. What advantage did the Samnite commander take of the situation 

of the Romans ] 

7. Were these terms accepted 1 

8. How was this news received at Rome ? 

9. Did this event put an end to the war ] 

10. Who signalized themselves against the Samnitesl 

11. What measure did the Samnites adopt in this extremity 1 

12. What was the character of Pyrrhus, and what elFort did he make 

for their relief? 

13. Did he follow in person 1 

14. Did this great force arrive in safety! 

15. What was his first care 1 

16. What measures did the Romans adopt 1 

17. Did Pyrrhus immediately commence hostilities'? 

18. What answer was returned ? 

19. What followed] 

* Cin'eas is said to have possessed so retentive a memory, that the 
day after his arrival at Rome, he could salute every senator and knight 
Vv name. 



140 HISTORY OF ROME. 

HO. What opinion did Pyrrhus form of the Romans ? 

2 1 . What were his first measures 1 

22. Were his precautions justified 1 

23. In what way did Pyrrhus resist this attack 1 

24. What is worthy of observation in this engagement 1 

25. To whom did the victory fall? 

26. On what account w^ere the Romans terrified by the appearance of 

the elephants'? 

27. What completed the route ? 

28. Was this victory cheaply purchased ? 

29. What were the sensations of Pyrrhus on viewing the field of 

battle? 

30. What measures did he adopt after this victory ] 

31. Were the arts of Cineas successful 1 



SECTION III. 



1. Being frustrated, therefore, in his expectations, Cm'eas 
returned to his master, extolling both the virtues and th(; 
grandeur of the Romans. The senate, he said, appeared a 
reverend assembly of demi-gods ; and the city, a temple for 
their reception. 2. Of this Pya-'rhus soon after became 
sensible, by an embassy from Rome, concerning the ransom 
and exchange of prisoners. 3. At the head of this venera- 
ble deputation was Fabri'cius, an ancient senator, who had 
long been a pattern to his country^men of the most extreme 
poverty^ joined to the most cheerful content. 4. Pyr'rhus 
received this celebrated old man with great kindness ; and 
willing to try how far fame had been just in his favour, of- 
fered him rich presents ; but the Roman refused. 5. The 
day after, he was desirous of examxining the equality of his 
temper, and ordered one of his largest elephants to be placed 
behind the tapestry, which, upon a signal given, being drawn 
aside, the huge animal raised its trunk above the ambassa- 
dor's head, making a hideous noise, and using other arts to 
intimidate him. 6. But Fabri'cius, with an unchanged 
countenance, smiled upon the king, and told him, that he 
looked with an equal ey^e on the terrors of that day, as he 
had upon the allurements of the preceding. 7. Pyr'rhus, 
pleased to find so much virtue in one he had considered as 
a barbarian, was willing to grant him the only favour which 
he knew could make him happy ; he released the Roman 
prisoners, entrusting them to Fabri'cius alone, upon his pro- 
mise, that, in case the senate were determined to continue 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 141 

the war, he might reclaim them ^vhenever he thought pro- 
per. 

8. By this time the Roman army was recovered from its 
late defeat, and Sulpi'cius and De'cius, the consuls Cu. c. 
for the following year, were placed at its head. 9. ^ 474. 
The panic w^iich had formerly seized it from the elephants, 
now began to w^ear off, and both armies met near the city 
of As'culum, pretty nearly equal in numbers. 10. Here 
again, after a long and obstinate fight, the Grecian discipline 
prevailed. The Romans, pressed on every side, particular- 
ly by the elephants, were obliged to retire to their camp, 
leaving six thousand men upon the field of battle. 11. But 
the enemy had no great reason to boast of their triumph, as 
they had four thousand slain. Pyr'rhus again observed, to a 
soldier v\'ho w^as congratulating him upon his %4ctory, " An- 
other such a triumph, and I shall be undone." This battle 
finished the campaign. 12. The next season began with 
equal vigour on both sides ; Pyr'rhus having received new 
succours from home. 13. While the two armies were ap- 
proaching, and yet but a small distance from each other, a 
letter was brought to old Fabri'cius, the Roman general, 
from the king's physician, importing that, for a proper re- 
ward, he would take him off by poison, and t^ius rid the 
Romans of a powerful enemy, and a dangerous war. 14. 
Fabri'cius felt all the honest indignation at this base propo- 
sal that vv^as consistent with his former character ; he com- 
municated it to his colleague, and instantly gave it as his 
opinion, that Pyr'rhus should be informed of the treachery 
that was plotted against him. 15. Accordingly, letters were 
despatched for that purpose, informing Pyr'rhus of the af- 
fair, and alleging his unfortunate choice of friends and ene- 
mies ; that he had ti'usted and promoted murderers, while 
he directed his resentment against the generous and brave. 
16. Pyr'rhus now began to find that these bold barbarians 
were, by degrees, schooled into refinement, and w^ould not 
suffer him to be their superior, even in generosity. He re- 
ceived the message with as m.uch amazement at their can- 
dour, as indignation at his physician's treachery. '* Admira- 
ble Fabri'cius 1" cried he, "it w^ould be as easy to turn the 
sun from its course, as thee from the path of honour." 17. 
Then, making the proper inquiry amorg his servants, and 
havins: discovered the treason, he ordered his physician to 
be executed. 18. Not to be outdone in magnanimity, he 
immediately sent to Rome all his prisoners wnthout ransom, 



142 HISTORY OF ROME. 

and again desired to negociate a peace : but the Romans 
still refused, upon any otlier conditions than had been offer- 
ed before. 

19. After an interval of two years, Pyr'rhus, having in- 
creased his army by new levies, sent one part of it to op- 
pose the march of Len'tulus, while he, with the other, went 
to attack Cu'rius Denta'tus, before his colleague could come 
up. 20. His principal aim was to surprise the enemy by 
night ; but unfortunately, passing through woods, and the 
light failing him, his men lost their way ; so that at the ap- 
proach of morning, he saw himself in sight of the Roman 
camp, with the enemy drawn out ready to receive him. The 
vanguard of both armies soon met, in which the Romans 
had the advantage. 21. Soon after, a general engagement 
ensuing, Pyr'rhus, finding the balance of the victory turning 
still against him, had once more recourse to his elephants. 
22. These, however, the Romans were now too well ac- 
quainted with, to feel any vain terrors from ; and having 
found that fire was the most effectual means to repel them, 
they caused a number of balls to be made, composed of flax 
and rosin, which were lighted and thrown against them as 
they approached the ranks. 23. The elephants, rendered 
furious by the flame, and boldly opposed by the soldiers, 
could no longer be brought on ; but ran back on their own 
army, bearing down their ranks, and filling all places with 
terror and confusion : thus victory, at length, declared in 
favour of Rome. 24. Pyr'rhus, in vain, attempted to stop 
the flight and slaughter of his troops ; he lost not only 
twenty-three thousand of his best soldiers, but his camp 
was also taken. 25. This served as a new lesson to the 
Romans, v/ho were ever open to improvement. They had 
formerly pitched their tents without order ; but, by this new 
capture, they were taught to measure out their gi'ound, and 
fortify the whole with a trench ; so that many of their suc- 
ceeding victories are to be ascribed to their improved 
method of encamping. 

26. Pyr'rhus, thus finding all hopes fruitless, resolved to 
leave Italy, where he found only desperate enemies, and 
faithless allies ; accordingly, calling together the Taren'- 
tines, he informed them that he had received assurances 
from Greece of speedy assistance, and desiring them to 
await the event with tranquillity, the night following he em- 
barked his troops, and returned, undisturbed, into his native 
kingdom, with the remains of his shattered forces, leaving 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 143 

a garrison in Taren'tum merely to save appearances : and in 
this manner ended the war with Pyr'rhus, after six years' 
continuance. 

27. As for the poor luxurious Taren' tines, who were the 
original promoters of the war, they soon began to find a 
worse enemy in the garrison that was left for their defence, 
than in the Romans who attacked them from without. The 
hatred between them and Mi'lo, who commanded their cita- 
del for Pyr'rhus, was become so great, that nothing but the 
fear of their old inveterate enemies, the Romans, could equal 
it. 28. In this distress they applied to the Carthaginians, 
who, with a large fleet, came and blocked up the port of 
Taren'tum ; so that this unfortunate people, once famous 
through Italy for their refinements and pleasures, now saw 
themselves contended for by three different armies, without 
a choice of a conqueror. 29. At length, however, the Ro- 
mans found means to bring over the garrison to their inter- 
est ; after which they easily became masters of the city, and 
demolished its walls, granting the inhabitants liberty and 
protection. 



Questions for Examination* 

1 . What report did Cineas give of the Romans ] 

2. By what means did Pyrrhus become convinced of its truth 1 

3. Who headed this deputation '? 

4. What reception did he experience 1 

5. What farther trial v/as made of his disposition 1 

6. What effect did this produce in Fabricius 1 

7. In w^hat way did Pyrrhus evince his satisfaction \ 

8. In what state was the Roman army at this time 1 

9. Where did the rival armies meet 1 

10. What was the event of the engagement 1 

11. Did it cost the enemy dear ? 

12. Was the war continued! 

13. What proposal was made to Fabricius 1 

14. How was this proposal received 1 

15. How was this done 1 

16. What effect had this conduct on Pyrrhus ? 

17. What followed ] 

18. What return did he make to the Romans ] 

19. How was this war carried onl 

20. What views had he in this, and how did they succeed 1 

21. What expedient did Pyrrhus have recourse to, to insure the victory ? 

22. How did the Romans endeavour to counteract it 1 

23. What was the consequence 1 

24. What loss did Pyrrhus sustain 1 



144 HISTORY OF ROME. 

25. What advantage did the Romans gam from this victory ] 

26. What resolution did Pyrrhus form, and how did he eflfect it ? 

27. What became of the Tarentines 1 

28. To whom did they have recourse 1 

29. How did this terminate 1 



CHAPTER XIV. 
SECTION I. 



FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR, TO THE 
BEGINNING OF THE SECOND, WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO 
GROW POWERFUL BY SEA. U. C. 493. 

1. The Romans having destroyed all rival pretensions at 
home, began to pant after foreign conquests. 2. The Car- 
thagin'ians Avere at that time in possession of the greatest 
part of Sicily, and, like the Romans, only wanted an op- 
portunity of embroiling the natives, in order to become mas- 
ters of the whole island. 3. This opportunity at length of- 
fered. Hi'ero, king of Syracuse, one of the stales of that 
island, which was as yet unconquered, entreated their aid 
against the Mam'ertines, an insignificant people of the same 
country, and they sent him supplies both by sea and land. 

4. The Mam'ertines, on the other hand, to shield off im- 
pending ruin, put themselves under the protection of Rome. 

5. The Romans, not thinking the Mam'ertines worthy of the 
name of allies, instead of professing to assist them, boldly 
declared war against Carthage ; alleging as a reason, the 
assistance which Carthage had lately sent to the southern 
parts of Italy against the Romans. In this manner a war 
was declared between two powerful states, both too great to 
continue patient spectators of each other's increase. 

6. Carthage, a colony of the Phoeni'cians, was built on 
the coast of Africa, near the place where Tunis now stands, . 
about a hundred and thirty-seven years before the foundation 
of Rome. 7. As it had been long growing into powder, so 
it had extended its dominions all along the coasts : but its 
chief strength lay in its fleets and commerce. 8. Thus cir- 
cumstanced, these two great powers began what is called 
the First Punic war. The Carlbj^giu'ians were possessed 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 145 

of gold and silver, which might be exhausted ; the Romans 
were famous for perseverance, patriotism, and poverty, 
which gathered strength by every defeat. 

9. But there seemed to be an insurmountable obstacle to 
the ambitious views of Rome, as they had no fleet, or at 
least none that deserved the title ; while the Carthaginians 
had the entire command at sea, and kept all the maritime 
towns in obedience.* 10. In such a situation, under disad- 
vantages which nature seemed to have imposed, any people 
but the Romans would have rested ; but nothing could con- 
quer or intimidate them. 11. A Carthagin'ian vessel hap- 
pened to be driven on shore, in a storm, and this was suf- 
ficient to serve as a model. They began to apply them- 
selves to maritime affairs ; and though without shipwrights 
to build, or seamen to navigate a fleet, they resolved to sur- 
mount every obstacle with inflexible perseverance. 12. The 
consul Duil'ius was the first who ventured to sea with his 
new-constructed armament ; and, though far inferior to the 
enemy in the management of his fleet, yet he gained the first 
naval victory ; the Carthagin'ians losing fifty of their ships, 
and the undisturbed sovereignty of the sea, which they 
valued more.t 

13. But the conquest of Sicily was to be obtained only 
by humbling the power of Carthage at home. For this rea- 
son the senate resolved to carry the war into Africa itself, 
and accordingly they sent Reg'ulus and Man'lius, with a 
fleet of three hundred sail, to make the invasion. 14. Reg'- 
ulus was reckoned the most consummate warrior that Rome 
could then produce, and a professed example of frugal se- 

* The vessels in which they had hitherto transported their troops* 
were principally hired from their neighbours the Locrians, Tarentines* 
&c. It is certain that the Romans had ships of war before this period ; 
but from the little attention they had hitherto paid to naval affairs, they 
were, probably, badly constructed and ill managed. 

-j- While the heroic conduct of Leon'idas and his little band of Spar- 
tans has met with deserved applause in all ages, a similar devotedness 
for his country in Calpur'nius Flem'ma, a military tribune, has been 
scarcely noticed; the Consul Calatinus having carelessly suffered him-! 
self to be entrapped by the Carthagin'ians in a place from whence there 
was no hope of being extricated, Calpur'nius, with 300 resolute men, 
possessed himself of a neighbouring eminence, and with incredible 
courage so engaged the attention of the Carthagin'ian s, that the Roman 
army escaped with very little opposition. This band of heroes was 
slaughtered to a man, and Calpur'nius himself fell, dreadfully wounded^ 
but afterwards recovered of his wounds. He was rewarded with a corona 
graminis, or crown made of grass. 

N 



146 HISTORY OF ROME, 

verity. His patriotism was still greater than his temper- 
ance : all private passions seemed extinguished in him ; at 
least they were swallowed up in one great ruling affection, 
the love of his country. 15. The two generals set sail 
with their fleet, which was the greatest that had ever yet 
left an Italian port, carrying a hundred and forty thousand 
men. They were met by the Carthagin'ians with a fleet 
equally powerful, and men more used to the sea. 16. While 
the fight continued at a distance, the CJarthagin'ians seemed 
successful; but when the Romans came to grapple with - 
them, the difference between a mercenary army and one 
that fought for fame, was apparent. 17. The resolution of 
the Romans was crowned with success ; the enemy's fleet 
was dispersed, and fifty-four of their vessels taken. 18. The 
consequence of this victory was an immediate descent upon 
the coast of Africa, and the capture of the city Glu'pea, to- 
gether with twenty thousand men who were made prisoners 
of war. 

19. The senate being informed of these great successes, 
and applied to for fresh instructions, commanded Man'lius 
back to Italy, in order to superintend the Sicilian vrar, and 
directed that Reg'ulus should continue in Africa to prose- 
cute his victories there. 

20. A battle ensued, in which Carthage was once more 
defeated, and 17,000 of its best troops were cut off. This 
fresh victory contributed to throw them into the utmost de- 
spair ; for more than eighty of their towns submitted to the 
Romans. 21. In this distress, the Carthagin'ians, destitute 
of generals at home, were obliged to send to Laceds'mon, 
offering the command of their armies to Xantip'pus, a gene- 
ral of great experience, who undertook to conduct them. 

22. This general began by giving the magistrates proper 
instructions for levying their men ; he assured them that 
their armies were^ hitherto overthrown, not by the strength 
of the enemy, but by the ignorance of their own command- 
ers ; he, therefore, required a ready obedience to his orders, 
and assured them of an easy victory. 23. The whole city 
seemed once more revived from despondence by the ex- 
hortations of a single stranger, and soon from hope grev/ in- 
to confidence. 24. This was the spirit the Grecian gene 
ral wished to excite in them ; so that when he saw them 
thus ripe for the engagement, he joyfully took the field. 
25 The Lacednemo'nian made the most skilful disposition 
of his forces ; he placed his cavalry in the Avings ; he dis- 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 147 

posed the elephants at proper intervals, behind tlie line of 
the heavy-armed infantry, and bringing up the light-armed 
troops before, he ordered them to retire through the line of 
infantry, after they had discharged their weapons. 26. At 
length both armies engaged ; after a long and obstinate re- 
sistance, the Romans were overthrown with dreadful slaugh- 
ter, the greatest part of their army destroyed, and Reg'ulus 
himself taken prisoner. 27. Several other distresses of the 
Romans followed soon after. They lost their fleet in a 
storm, and Agrigen'tum their principal tow^n in Sicily, was 
taken by Karth'alo, the Carthagin'ian general. They built 
a new fleet, which shared the fate of the former ; for the 
mariners, as yet unacquainted wdth the Mediterra'nean 
shores, drove upon quicksands, and soon after the greater 
part perished in a storm.* 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What did the Romans now desire 1 

2. What state afforded them an opportunity for this pm-pose 1 

3. Were their wishes gratified, and how 1 

4. What measures did the Mamertines adopt % 

5. Did the Romans afford them the assistance \hey requested 1 

6. Where was Carthage situated, and when was it built] 

7. Was it a powerful state '• 

8. Had the Romans or the Carthaginians the means most likely to in 

sure success 1 

9. Were Rome and Carthage on an equal footing in other respects ? 

10. Did the Romans attempt to overcome this obstacle "* 

11. What assisted their endeavours ] 

12. Who was their first naval commander, and what was his success 

13. What were the means adopted to conquer Sicily ? 

14. What was the character of Regulus 1 

15. What was the amount of the force on both sides'! 

16. On what side did the advantage lie? 

17. With whom did the victory remain] 

18. What was the consequence of this victory 1 

19. What Vv^ere the orders of the senate 1 

20. What was the next event deserving notice, and its consequences ? 

21. To what expedient were the Carthaginians obliged to have recourse 1 

22. What were the first acts of this general ] 

23. What were the effects his arrival produced ] 

* The Romans considering these two disasters as indications of the 
will of the gods that they should not contend by sea, made a decree thai 
ro more than fifty galleys should, for the future, be equipped. This de 
creey however, did not continue long in force. 



148 HJSTORVr OF ROME. 

24. What was the consequence ] 

25. In what way was the Carthaginian army drawn up ? 

26. What was the event of the battle 1 

27. What other disasters did the Romans encounter ? 



SECTION II. 



1. The Carthagin'ians being thus successful, were de- 
sirous of a new treaty for peace, hoping to have better terms 
than those insisted upon by Reg'ulus. They supposed that 
he, whom they had now for four years kept in a dungeon, 
confined and chained, would be a proper solicitor. It was 
expected that, being wearied with imprisonment and bond- 
age, he would gladly endeavour to persuade his countrymen 
to a discontinuance of the war which prolonged his captivity. 
2. He was accordingly sent with their ambassadors to Rome, 
under a promise, previously exacted from him, to return in 
case of being unsuccessful. He was even given to under- 
stand that his life depended upon the success of his ne- 
gociation. 

3. When this old general, together with the ambassadors 
of Carthage, approached Rome, numbers of his friends 
came out to meet him, and congratulate him on his return. 
4. Their acclamations resounded through the city ; but 
Reg'ulus refused, with settled melancholy, to enter the 
gates. In vain he was entreated on every side to visit once 
more his little dwelling, and share in that joy which his re- 
turn had inspired. He persisted in saying that he was now 
a slave belonging to the Carthagin'ians, and unfit to partake 
in the liberal honours of his country. 5. The senate 
assembling without the walls, as usual, to give audience to 
the ambassadors, Reg'ulus opened his commission as he had 
been directed by the Carthagin'ian council, and their am- 
bassadors seconded his proposals. 6. The senate them- 
selves, who were weary of a war which had been protracted 
above fourteen years, were no way disinclinable to a peace. 
It only remained for Reg'ulus himself to give his opinion. 
7. When it came to his turn to speak, to the surprise of the 
whole, he gave his voice for continuing the war. 8. So 
unexpected an advice not a little disturbed the senate : they 
pitied as well as admired a man who had used such elo- 
quence against his private interest, and could conclude upon 



THli: COMMON WKALTK. 149 

a measure which was to terminate in his own ruin. 9. But 
he soon relieved their embarrassment by breaking off the 
treaty, and by rising, in order to return to his bonds and his 
confinement. 10. In vain did the senate and his dearest 
friends entreat his stay ; he still repressed their solicitations. 
Marcia, his wife, with her children, vainly entreated to be 
permitted to see him : he still obstinately persisted in keep- 
ing his promise ; and though sufficiently apprised of the 
tortures that awaited his return, without embracing his 
family, or taking leave of his friends, he departed with the 
ambassadors for Carthage. 

11. Nothing could equal the fury and the disappointment 
of the Carthagin'ians, w^hen they were informed by their 
ambassadors that Regulus, instead of hastening a peace, had 
given his opinion for continuing the war. 12, They ac- 
cordingly prepared to punish his conduct with the most 
studied tortures. His eye-lids were cut off, and he w^as re- 
manded to prison. After some days, he was again brought 
out from his dark and dismal dungeon, and exposed with 
his face opposite the burning sun. At last, w^hen mali'*: r 
was fatigued studying all the arts of torture, he was put into 
a sort of barrel, stuck full of spikes, and in this painful 
position he continued till he died. 

13. Both sides now took up arms with more than former 
animosity. At length, Roman perseverance was crowned 
with success ; and one victory followed on the back of 
another. Fa'bius Bu'teo, the consul, once more showed 
them the way to naval victory, by defeating a large squadron 
of the enemy's ships ; but Luta'tius Cat'ulus gained a vic- 
tory still more complete, in w'hich the power of Carthage 
seemed totally destroyed at sea, by the loss of a hundred 
and twenty ships. 14. This loss compelled the Cartha- 
gin'ians again to sue for peace, which Rome thought proper 
to grant ; but still inflexible in its demands, exacted the 
same conditions which Reg'ulus had formerly offered at the 
gates of Carthage. 15. These were, that they should lay 
down a thousand talents of silver, to defray the charge of 
the war, and should pay two thousand tw^o hundred more 
within ten years ; that they should quit Sicily, with all 
such islands as they possessed near it ; that they should 
never make war against the allies of Rome, nor come with 
any vessels of war within the Roman dominions ; and lastly, 
that all their prisoners and deserters should be de- ^ v. c. 
livered up without ransom. 16. To these hard *^513. 

N- 2 



150 HISTOFwY OF ROME. 

conditions, the Carthagin'ians, now exhausted, readily sub- 
scribed ; and thus ended the first Punic war, which had 
lasted twenty-four years ; and, in some measure, had drained 
both nations of their resources. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What ;\'ere the Carthaginians now desirous of obtaining] 

2. Was Regulus employed for this purpose 7 

3. How was Regulus received by the Romans 1 

4. What was the conduct of Regulus on this occasion 1 

5. How did the negociation commence \ 

6. Were the Romans inclined for peace 1 

7. What was the opinion of Regulus 1 

8. What was the effect of this advice ? 

9. How did Regulus put an end to their embarrassment 1 

10. Could he not be prevailed on to remain at Romel 

11. How did the Carthaginians receive an account of his conduct I 

12. In what way did they punish him 1 

13. With what success wis the war continued'^ 

14. WTiat was the consequence of this lossl 

15. What were thes* terms'? 

16. Were they agreed to? 

What was the duration of the first Punic war? 



CHAPTER XV. 
SECTION I. 



FROM THE END OF THE FIRST PUXIC WAR TO THE END OF 

THE SECOND. 

1. The war being ended between the Carthagin'ians and 
Romans, a profound peace ensued, and in about six years 
after, the temple of Ja'nus was shut for the second time 
since the foundation of the city.* 2. The Romans being 
thus in friendship with all nations, had an opportunity of 
turning to the arts of peace ; they now began to have a 
relish for poetry, the first liberal art which rises in every 
civilized nation, and the first also that decays. 3. Hitherto 
they had been entertained only with the rude drolleries of 



The first was in the reign of Numa. 



II 



THE COMMONWEALTH. i51 

their lowest buffoons, who entertained them with sports 
called Fescen'nine, in which a few debauched actors in- 
vented their ow^n parts, while raillery and indecency sup- 
plied the place of humour. 4. To these a composition of 
a higher kind succeeded, called satire ; a sort of dramatic 
poem, in which the characters of the great were particularly 
pointed out, and made an object of derision to the vulgar. 

5. After these, came tragedy and comedy, which were bor- 
rowed from the Greeks : indeed, the first dramatic C u. c. 
poet of Rome, whose name was Liv'ius Andronicus, ^514. 
was a native of one of the Greek colonies in southern Italy. 

6. The instant these finer kinds of composition appeared, 
this great people rejected their former impurities with dis- 
dain. From thenceforward they laboured upon the Grecian 
model ; and though they were never able to rival their mas- 
ters in dramatic composition, they soon surpassed them in 
many of the more soothing kinds of poetry. Elegiac, pas- 
toral, and didactic compositions began to assume new beau- 
ties in the Roman language ; and satire, not that rude kind 
of dialogue already mentioned, but a nobler sort, was all 
their own. 

7. While they were thus cultivating the arts of peace, 
they were not unmindful of making fresh preparations for 
war ; intervals of ease seemed to give fresh vigour for new 
designs, rather than relax their former intrepidity. 8. The 
Illyr'ians were the first people upon whom they tried their 
strength. That nation happened to make depredations upon 
some of the trading subjects of Rome, which being Cu. c. 
complained of to Teuta, the queen of the country, I 527. 
she, instead of granting redress, ordered the ambassadors, 
who were sent to demand restitution, to be murdered. 9. A 
war ensued, in which the Romans were victorious ; most of 
the Illy'ric towns were surrendered to the consuls, and a 
peace at last concluded, by which the greatest part of the 
country was ceded to Rome ; a yearly tribute was exacted 
for the rest, and a prohibition added, that the Illyr'ians 
should not sail beyond the river Lissus with more than two 
barks, and those unarmed. 

10. The Gauls were the next people that incurred the 
displeasure of the Romans. 11. A time of peace, when 
the armies were disbanded, was the proper season for new 
irruptions ; accordingly, these barbarians invited fresh forces 
from beyond the Alps, and entering Etru'ria, wasted all with 
fire and sword, till they came within about three days' journey 



15'^ HISTORY OF R03IE. 

of Rome. 12. A praetor and a consul were sent to oppose 
them, who, now instructed in the improved arts of war, 
were enabled to surround the Gauls. 13. It was in vain 
that those hardy troops, who had nothing but courage to 
protect them, formed tv/o fronts to oppose their adversaries ; 
their naked bodies and undisciplined forces were unable to 
withstand the shock of an enemy completely armed, and 
skilled in military evolutions. 14. A miserable slaughter 
ensued, in which forty thousand were killed, and ten thou- 
sand taken prisoners. 15. This victory v/as followed by 
another, gained by Marcel'lus, in which he killed Virido- 
ma'rus, tlieir king, with his own hand. 16. These con- 
quests forced them to beg for peace, the conditions of which 
served greatly to enlarge the empire. Thus the Romans 
v»'ent on with success ; retrieved their former losses, and 
only w^anted an enemy worthy of their arms to begin a 
new war. 

17. The Carthagin'ians had made peace solely because 
they were no longer able to continue the war. They, there- 
fore, took the earliest opportunity of breaking the treaty, 
and besieged Sagun'tum, a city of Spain, which had been 
in alliance w^itli Rome ; and, though desired to desist, pro- 
secuted their operations with vigour. 18. Ambassadors 
were sent, in consequence, from Rom.e to Carthage, com- 
plaining of the infraction of their articles, and required that 
Han'nibal, the Carthagin'ian general, who had advised this 
measure, should be delivered up : which being refused, both 
sides prepared for a second Punic war. 

19. The Carthaginians trusted the management of it to 
Han'nibal. 20. This extraordinary man had been made 
the sworn foe of Rome, almost from his infancy ; for, while 
yet very young, his father brought him before the altar, and 
obliged him to take an oath, that he would never be in 
friendship with the Romans, nor desist from opposing their 
power, until he or they should be no more. 21. On his 
iirst appearance in the field, he united in his own person 
the most masterly method of commanding, with the most 
perfect obedience to his superiors. Thus he was equally 
beloved by his generals, and the troops he was appointed to 
lead. 22. He was possessed of the greatest courage in op- 
posing danger, and the greatest presence of mind in retiring 
from it. No fatigue was able to subdue his body, nor any 
misfortune to break his spirit ; he was equally patient of 
heat and cold, and he took sustenance merelv to content na 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 153 

lure, not to delight his appetite. He was the best horseman, 
and the swiftest nmner, of the time. 23. This great gene- 
ral, who is considered as the most skilful commander of an- 
tiquity, having overrun all Spain, and levied a large anny 
composed of various nations, resolved to carry the war into 
Italy itself, as the Romans had before carried it into the do- 
minions of Carthage. 24. For this purpose, leaving Hanno 
with a sufficient force to guard his conquests in Spain, he 
crossed the Pyrene'an mountains into Gaul, with an army 
of fifty thousand foot, and nine thousand horse. He quick 
ly traversed that country, which was then wild and exten- 
sive, and filled with nations that were his declared enemies. 
25. In vain its forests and rivers appeared to intimidate ; 
in vain the Rhone, with its rapid current, and its banks 
covered with enemies, or the Dura branched out into num- 
berless channels, opposed his way ; he passed them all with 
undaunted spirit, and in ten days arrived at the foot of the 
Alps, over which he was to explore a new passage into 
Italy. 26. It was in the midst of winter when this aston- 
ishing project was undertaken. The season added new hor- 
rors to the scene. The prodigious height and tremendous 
steepness of these mountains, capped with snow ; the people 
barbarous and fierce, dressed in skins, and with long shaggy 
hair, presented a picture that impressed the beholders with 
astonishment and terror. 27. But nothing was capable of 
subduing the courage of the Carthaginian general. At the end 
of fifteen days, spent in crossing the Alps, he found himself 
in the plains of Italy, with about half his army ; the other 
half having died of cold, or been cut ofif by the natives. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What was the consequence of the conclusion of the first Punic 

war? 

2. What advantages did the Romans derive from this interval of 

peace 1 

3. What species of entertainment had they hitherto enjoyed 1 

4. What succeeded these low bufiboneries 1 

5. What was the next species, and from whom was it borrowed 1 

6. Did their former amusements still continue to please 1 

7. Were the Romans attentive only to the arts of peace ? 

8. Who first incurred their resentment, and what was their offence ? 

9. What was the consequence 1 

10 Who next incurred the displeasure of the Romans'? 



154 HISTORY OF ROME. 

11. What was their offence, and what favourable opportunity did they 

choose. 

12. What steps w^ere taken to oppose them? 

13. Did the Ganls make any effectual resistance? 

14. What was the result of the battle ? 

15. Did this victory decide the contest? 

16. What advantages occurred to the Romans from this war ? 

17. W^ere the Carthaginians sincere in their overture for peace ? 

18. What was the consequence of this refusal ? 

19. To whom was the conduct of the war committed by the Cartha- 

ginians ? 

20. What rendered Hannibal particularly eligible to this post ? 

21. Was he a favourite with the army ? 

22. Describe his corporeal and mental qualifications ? 

23. What resolution did he adopt ? 

24. What measures did he take for that purpose ? 

25. W^as he not deten-ed by the dangers of the way ? 

26. What rendered this passage peculiarly difficult ? 

27. Did these horrors render the attempt unsuccessful ? 



SECTION II. 



1. As soon as it was known at Rome, that Han'nibal, at 
the head of an immense army, was crossing the Alps, the 
senate sent Scip'io to oppose him ; the armies met near the 
little river Tici'nus, and the Roman general was obliged to 
retreat with considerable loss. 2. In the mean time, Han'- 
nibal, thus victorious, took the most prudent precautions to 
increase his army ; giving orders always to spare the pos- 
sessions of the Gauls, while depredations were committed 
upon those of Rome ; and this so pleased that simple peo- 
ple, that they declared for him in great numbers, and flock- 
ed to his standard with alacrity. 

3. The second battle was fought upon the banks of the 
river Tre'bia. 4. The Carthaginian general, being apprised 
of the Roman impetuosity, of which he availed himself in 
almost every" engagement, had sent off a thousand horse, 
each with a foot soldier behind, to cross the river, to ravage 
the enemy's country, and provoke them to engage. The 
Romans quickly routed this force. Seeming to be defeated, 
they took the river, and were as eagerly pursued by Sem- 
pro'nius, the consul. No sooner had his army attained 
the opposite bank, than he perceived himself half-cofiquer- 
ed, his men being fatigued with wading up to their arm-pits, 
and quite benumbed by the intense coldness of the wat'^'v 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 155 

5. A total route ensued ; twenty-six thousand of the Ro- 
mans were either killed by the enemy, or drowned in at- 
tempting to repass th^e river. A body of ten thousand men 
were all that survived ; who, finding themselves enclosed on 
every side, broke desperately through the enemy's ranks, 
and fought, retreating, till they found shelter in the city of 
Placentia. 

6. The third defeat the Romans sustained was at the 
lake of Thrasyme'ne, near to which was a chain of moun- 
tains, and between these and the lake, a narrow passage 
leading to a valley that was embosomed in hills. It was 
upon these hills that Han'nibal disposed his best troops, 
and it was into this valley that Flamin'ius, the Roman ge- 
neral, led his men to attack him. 7. A disposition every 
way so favourable for the Carthaginians, was also assisted 
by accident ; for a mist rising from the lake, kept the Ro- 
mans from seeing their enemies ; while the army upon the 
mountains, being above its influence, saw the whole dispo- 
sition of their opponents. 8. The fortune of the day was 
such as might be expected from the conduct of the two 
generals. The Roman army was slaughtered, almost be- 
fore they could perceive the enemy that destroyed them. 
About fifteen thousand Romans, with Flamin'ius himself, 
fe]l in the valley, and six thousand more were obliged to 
yield themselves prisoners of war. 

9. Upon the news of this defeat, after the general con- 
sternation was allayed, the senate resolved to elect a com- 
mander with absolute authority, in whom they might repose 
their last and greatest expectations. 10. The choice fell 
•ipon Fa'bius Max'imus, a man of great courage, with a 
happy mixture of caution. 11. He was apprised that the 
only way to humble the Carthaginians at such a distance 
from home, Avas rather by harassing than fighting. For this 
purpose, he always encamped upon the highest grounds, 
inaccessible to the enemy's cavalry. Whenever they mov- 
ed, he watched their motions, straitened their quarters, and 
cut off their provisions. 

12. By these arts, Fa'bius had actually, at one time, en- 
closed Han'nibal among mountains, where it was impossible 
to winter, and from which it was almost impracticable to 
extricate his army without imminent danger. 13. In this 
exigence, nothing but one of those stratagems of war, which 
only men of great abilities invent, could save him. 14. He 
ordered a number of small faggots and lighted torches to be 



156 HISTORY OF ROME. 

tied to the horns of two thousand oxen, which should be 
driven towards the enemy. These, tossing their heads, and 
running up the sides of the mountain, seemed to fill the 
whole neighbouring forest with fire ; while the sentinels 
that were placed to guard the approaches to the mountain, 
seeing such a number of flames advancing towards their 
posts, fled in consternation, supposing the whole body of the 
enemy was in arms to overwhelm them. 15. By this strata- 
gem Han'nibal drew off his army, and escaped through the 
defiles that led beneath the hills, though with considerable 
damage to his rear. 

16. Fa'bius, still pursuing the same judicious measures, 
followed Han'nibal in all his movements, but at length re- 
ceived a letter from the senate, recalling him to Rome, on 
pretence of a solemn sacrifice, requiring his presence. 17 
On his departure from the army, he strictly charged Minu'- 
tius, his general of the horse, not to hazard an engagement 
in his absence. This command he disobeyed, and Fa'bius 
expressed his determination to punish so flagrant a breach 
of military discipline. 18. The senate, however, favour- 
ing Minu'tius, gave him an equal authority with the dicta- 
tor. 19. On the arrival of Fa'bius at the camp, he divided 
the army with Minu'tius, and each pursued his own sepa- 
rate plan. 20. By artful management, Han'nibal soon 
brought the troops of the latter to an engagement, and they 
would have been cut off to a man, had not Fa'bius sacrificed 
his private resentment to the public good, and hastened to 
the relief of his colleague. 21. By their united forces Han'- 
nibal was repulsed, and Minu'tius, conscious of his rash- 
ness, resigned the supreme command into the hands of the 
dictator. 

22. On the expiration of his year of office, Fa'bius re- 
signed, and Taren'tius Varro was chosen to the command. 

23. Varro was a man sprung from the dregs of the people, 
with nothing but confidence and riches to recommend him. 

24. With him was joined ^mil'ius Paulus, of a disposition 
entirely opposite ; experienced in the field, cautious in ac* 
tion, and impressed with a thorough contempt for the abili- 
ties of his plebeian colleague. 

25. The Romans finding themselves enabled to bring a 
competent force into the field, being almost ninety thousand 
strong, now again resolved to meet Han'nibal, who was at 
this time encamped near the village of Cannae, with a wind 
in his rear, that, for a certain season, blows constantly one 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 157 

way, which, raising great clouds of dust from the parched 
plains behind, he knew must greatly distress an approach- 
ing enemy. In this situation he waited the coming of the 
Romans with an army of forty thousand foot, and half that 
number of cavalry. 26. The consuls soon appeared to his 
wish, dividing their forces into two parts, and agreeing to 
take the command each day by turns. 27. On the first day 
of their arrival, iEmil'lus was entirely averse to engaging. 
The next day, however, it being Yarro's turn to command, 
he, without asking his colleague's concurrence, gave the 
signal for battle : and passing the river Au'fidus, that lay 
between both armies, put his forces in array. 28. The bat- 
tle began with the light-armed infantry ; the horse engaged 
soon after ; but the cavalry being unable to stand against 
those of Numid'ia, the legions came up to reinforce them. It 
was then that the conflict became general ; the Roman sol- 
diers endeavoured, in vain, to penetrate the centre, where 
the Gauls and Spaniards fought ; which Han'nibal observing, 
he ordered part of those troops to give way, and to permit 
the Romans to embosom themselves within a chosen body 
of his Africans, whom he had placed on their wings, so as 
to surround them ; upon that a terrible slaughter of the Ro- 
mans ensued, fatigued with repeated attacks of the Africans, 
who were fresh and vigorous. 29. At last the rout became 
general in every part of the Roman army ; the boastings of 
Varro were now no longer heard : while ^mirius, who 
had been wounded by a slinger, feebly led on his body of 
horse, and did all that could be done to make head against 
the enemy. 30. Unable to sit on horseback, he was forced 
to dismount. It was in these deplorable circumstances, that 
one Len'tulus, a tribune of the army, flying from the enemy, 
w^ho at some distance pursued him, met ^mil'ius, sitting 
upon a stone, covered wdth blood and wounds, and waiting 
for the coming up of the pursuers. 31. " ^mil'ius," cried 
the generous tribune, " you, at least, are guiltless of this 
day's slaughter ; take my horse and fly." " I thank thee, 
Len'tulus," cried the dying consul, '' all is over, my part is 
chosen. Go, and tell the senate to fortify Rome against 
the approach of the conqueror. Tell Fa'bius, that ^mil'- 
ius, while living, ever remembered his advice ; and now, 
dying, approves it." 32. While he v^^as yet speaking, the 
enemy approached ; and Len'tulus at some distance saw the 
consul expire, feebly fighting in the midst of hundreds. 33. 
In this battle the Romans lost fifty thousand men, and so 

O 



158 HISTORY OF ROME. 

many knights, that it is said that Han'nibal sent three bush 
els of gold rings to Carthage, which those of this order wore 
on their finders.* 



I 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What measures were adopted by the Romans when they heard of 

Hannibars approach ] 

2. What precautions did Hannibal take ] 

3. Where was the next battle fought 1 

4. W^hat was the stratagem employed by Hannibal 1 

5. What followed] 

6. Where was the next engagement 1 

7. Was this a judicious disposition of the Roman generall 

8. What was the result ] 

9. What expedient did the senate adopt on this occasion 1 

10. Who was chosen to this office ] 

11. What method of fighting did he adopt 1 

12. What was the success of this plan ] 

1 3. Was his situation hopeless ] 

14. Describe his stratagem and its consequences ? 

15. Did it answer his purpose 1 

16. Was Fabius continued in office? 

17. 18. Of what disobedience was Minutius guilty? Was he punished'* 

19. How was the army divided 1 

20, 21. What plan did Fabius pursue ? How was its superiority proved.1 
22, 23, 24. Who succeeded Fabius? What was his character, and that 

of his colleague? 

25. How were the Carthaginians posted at Cannae ? 

26, 27. How did the consuls behave? How did Varro act? 

28. What were the circumstances of the engagement] 

29. How did the battle terminate ? 

30. What was the fate of ^miHus? 

31. What generous offer was made by Lentulusi 

32. Did the consul accept the tribune's offer ? 

33. Was the loss of the Romans severe? 

* Hannibal has been blamed for not having marched to Rome imme- 
diately after this victory ; but his army was by no means adequate to 
the siege of the city ; and the allies of the Romans would have been 
able to curtail his quarters and intercept his convoys. He was, besides, 
badly provided with provisions and the munitions of war, both of which 
hp could procure by invading Campania, the course which he actually 
pursued. 4 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 159 



SECTION III, 

1. When the first consternation was abated after this 
dreadful blow, the senate came to a resolution to create a 
dictator, in order to give strength to their government. 2. A 
short time after Varro arrived, having left behind him the 
wretched remains of his army. As he had been the prin- 
cipal cause of the late calamity, it was natural to suppose, 
that the senate would severely reprimand the rashness of 
his conduct. But far otherwise ! The Romans went out in 
multitudes to meet him ; and the senate returned him thanks 
that he had not despaired of the safety of Rome. 3. Fa'- 
bius, who was considered as the shield, and Marcellus, as 
the sword of Rome, were appointed to lead the armies : and 
though Hannibal once more offered them peace, they re- 
fused it, but upon condition that he should quit Italy — a 
measure similar to that they had formerly insisted upon 
from Pyrrhus. 

4. Han'nibal finding the impossibility of marching di- 
rectly to Rome, or willing to give his forces rest after so 
mighty a victory, led them to Cap'ua, where he resolved to 
winter. 5. This city had long been considered as the nurse 
of luxury, and the corrupter of all military virtue. 6. Here 
a new scene of pleasure opened to his barbarian troops : 
they at once gave themselves up to intoxication ; and from 
being hardy veterans, became infirm rioters. 

7. Hitherto we have found this great man successful ; 
but now we are to reverse the picture, and survey him 
struggling with accumulated misfortunes, and, at last, sink- 
ing beneath them. 

8. His first loss was at the siege of Nola, where Mar- 
cel'lus, the prsetor, made a successful sally. He some time 
after attempted to raise the siege of Cap'ua, attacked the 
Romans in their trenches, and was repulsed with consider- 
able loss. He then made a feint to besiege Rome, but find- 
ing a superior army ready to receive him, was obliged to 
retire. 9. For many years he fought with varied success ; 
Marcel'lus, his opponent, sometimes gaining, and sometimes 
losing the advantage, without coming to any decisive eu 
gagement. 

10. The senate of Carthage at length came to a resolu 



160 HISTORY OF ROME. 

tion of sending his brother As'drubal to his assistance, with 
a body of forces drawn out of Spain. 11. As^dmbal's 
march being made known to the consuls Liv'ius and Nero, 
they went against him with gi-eat expedition ; and, sur- 
rounding him in a place into which he was led by the 
treachery of hi5 guides, they cut his whole army to pieces. 
12. Han'nibal had long expected these succours with im- 
patience ; and the very night on which he had been assured 
of his brother's arrival, Nero ordered As'dnibal's head to 
be cut ofl\ and thrown into his brother's camp. 13. The 
Carthaginian general now began to perceive the downfall 
of Cartliaore ; and, with a sigh, observed to those about him, 
that fortune seemed fatigued with granting her favours. 

14. In the mean time, the Roman arms seemicd to be 
favoured in other parts ; Marcel 'lus took the city of Syr'a- 
cuse, in Sicily, defended by the machines and the fires of 
Archime'des,^^ the mathematician. 15. The inhabitants 
were put to the sword, and among the rest, Archime'des 
himself, who was found, by a Roman soldier, meditating in 
his study. 16. Marcellus, the general, was not a little 
grieved at his death. A love of literature at that time besfan 
to prevail among the higher ranks at Rome. Marcellus 
ordered Archime'des to be honourably buried, and a tomb 
to be erected to his memory. 

17. As to their fortunes in Spain, though for a while 
doubtful, they soon recovered their complexion under the 
conduct of Scip'io Africa 'nus, who sued for the office of 
proconsul to that kingdom, at a time when every one 
else was willing to decline it. 18. Scip'io, now no more 
than twenty-four years old, had all the qualifications requi- 
site for forming a great general, and a good man ; he united 
courage Vv-ith tenderness, was superior to Hannibal in the 
arts of peace, and almost his equal in those of w^ar. 19, 
His father had been killed in Spain, so that he seemed 
to have an hereditary claim to attack that country. He, 
therefore, appeared irresistible, obtaining many great victo- 

* This great man was equal to an army for the defence of the place. 
He invented engines which threw enormous stones against the Romans, 
hoisted their ships in the air, and then dashed them against the rocks 
beneath, and dismounted their battering engines. He also set fire to 
some of the Roman ships by the use of reflectors, or looking-glasses, 
directing the sun's rays from a great number of them on the same spot 
at the same time. 



THE COMMOXWEALTH. 161 

ries, yet subduing more by his generosity, mildness, and 
benevolent disposition, than by the force of arms/^ 

20. He returned with an army from the conquest of 
Spain, and was made consal at the age of twenty-nine. It 
was at first supposed he intended meeting Hannibal in Italy, 
and that he would attempt driving him from thence : but he 
had formed a wiser plan, which v/as, to carry the war into 
Africa ; and, while the Carthaginians kept an army near 
Rome, to make them tremble for their own capital. 

21. Scip'io was not long in Africa without employment; 
Hanno opposed him, but was defeated and slain. Sy'phax, 
the usurper of Num.id'ia, led up a large army against him. 
22. The Roman general, for a time, declined fighting, till 
finding an opportunity, he set fire to the enemy's tents, and 
attacking them in the midst of the confusion, killed forty 
thousand, and took six thousand prisoners. 

23. The Carthaginians, terrified at their repeated defeats, 
and at the fame of Scip'io's successes, determined to recal 
Hannibal, their great champion, out of Italy, in order to op- 
pose the Romans at home. Deputies were accordingly 
despatched with a positive command for him to return and 
oppose the Roman general, who at that time threatened 
Carthage with a siege. 24. Nothing could exceed the re- 
gret and disappointment of Hannibal ; but he obeyed the 
orders of his infatuated country with the submission of the 
meanest soldier ; and took leave of Italy with tears, after 
having kept possession of its most beautiful parts above 
fifteen years. 

25. Upon his arrival at Leptis, in Africa, he set out for 
xidume'tum, and at last approached Za'ma, a city about 
seventy-five miles from Carthage. 26. Scip'io, in the mean 
time, led his army to meet him, joined by Massinis'sa, with 
six thousand horse ; and to show his rival how little he 

* During his command in Spain, a circumstance occurred which has 
contributed more to the fame and glory of Scipio than all his military 
exploits. At the taking of New Carthage, a lady of extraordinary beauty 
was brought to Scipio, who found himself greatly affected by her charms. 
Understanding, however, that she was betrothed to a Celtibe'rian prince, 
named AUa'cius, he generously resolved to conquer his rising passion, 
and sending for her lover, restored her without any other recompence 
than requesting his friendship to the republic. Her parents had brought 
a large sum of money for her ransom, which they earnestly entreated 
Scipio to accept ; but he generously bestowed it on Allu'cius, as the 
portion of his bride. (Liv. 1. xxvi. c. 50.) 

o2 



\::. 



162 HISTORY OF ROME. 

feared liis approach, sent back the spies which were sent to 
explore his camp, having previously shown them the whole, 
with directions to inform Hannibal of what they had seen. 
27. The Carthaginian general, conscious of his inferiority, 
endeavoured to discontinue the war by negociation, and de- 
sired a meeting with Scip'io to confer upon terms of peace ; 
to vrhich the Roman general assented. 28. But after a long 
conference, both sides parting dissatisfied, they returned to 
their camps, to prepare for deciding the controversy by the 
sword. 29. Never was a more memorable battle fought, 
whether w^e regard the generals, the armies, the two states 
that contended, or the empire that was in dispute. The 
disposition Hannibal made of his men, is said to be supe- 
rior to any even of his former arrangements. 30. The battle 
began with tlie elephants on the side of the Carthaginians, 
which being terrified at the cries of the Komans, and wounded 
by the slingers and archers, turned upon their drivers, and 
caused much confusion in both wings of their army, w^here 
the cavalry were placed. 31. Being thus deprived of the 
assistance of the horse, in which their greatest strength con- 
sisted, the heavy infantry joined on both sides ; but the 
Romans being stronger of body, the Carthaginians gave 
ground. 32. In the mean time, Massinissa, who had been 
in pursuit of their cavalry, returning and attacking them in 
the rear, completed their defeat. A total rout ensued, twenty 
thousand men were killed, and as m.any taken prisoners. 
'dS. Hannibal, wdio had done all that a great and undaunted 
general could perform, fled v»4th a small body of horse to 
Adrume'tum ; fortune seeming to delight in confounding his 
ability, his valour, and experience. 

34. This victory brought on a peace. The Carthaginians, 
by Hannibal's advice, submitted to the conditions which the 
Romans dictated, not as rivals, but as sovereigns. 35. By 
this treaty the Carthaginians were obliged to quit Spain, and 
all the islands in the iVIediterra'nean. They were bound to 
pay ten thousand talents in fifty years ; to give hostages for 
the delivery of their ships and their elephants ; to restore 
to Massanis'sa all the territories that had been taken from 
him. ; and not to make w^ar in Africa but by the permission 
of the Romans. Thus ended the second Punic war, seven- 
teen years after it had begun. 






THE COMMONWEALTH. 163 



Questions for Exammatioii, 

1. By what measure did the senate attempt to retrieve this disaster? 

2. Did Varro venture to return, and what was his reception ? 

3. Who were appointed to carry on the war ] 

4. What was Hannibal's next step '.' 

5. What was the character of this city 1 

6. What v/as the consequence to the Carthaginian army ? 

7. Was Hannibal uniformly successfuH 

8. What was his first reverse 1 

9. What happened to him afterwards] 

10. What resolution did the senate of Carthage adopt T 

11. Did he effect a junction v/ith his brother] 

12. Was Hannibal apprised of these intended succours 1 

13. What inference did Hannibal draw from this? 

14. Were the Romans successful in other parts 1 

15. W^hat was the fate of its inhabitants ] 

16. Was his loss deplored ? 

17. What was the success of the Romans in Spain ] 

18. What was the character of Scipio ? 

19. What rendered him particularly eligible for this command 1 

20. Were his exploits confined to Spain 1 

21. Had he any formidable opposition to encounter] 

22. What was the conduct of Scipio ] 

23. What measures did the Carthaginians have recourse to on this 

occasion ] 

24. Was Hannibal pleased at his recall ? 

25. Whither did he repair on his arrival in Africa ] 

26. What was the conduct of Scipio ] 

27. Was Hannibal desirous of continuing hostilities ? 

28. What was the result 1 

20. Was the battle of consequence ] 

30. How did it commence ] 

31. What followed ] 

32. What completed the defeat of the Carthaginians 1 

33. What became of Hannibal] 

34. What was the result of the \'ictory ] 

35. What were the conditions of the treaty ? 



CHAPTER XVI. 



1. While the Romans were engaged with Hannibal, they 
carried on also a vigorous war against Philip, king of 
Ma'cedon, not a little incited thereto by the prayers of the 
Athe'nians ; who, from once controlling the powers of Per- 



164 HISTORY OF ROME. 

sia, were now unable to defend themselves. The Rho'dians, 
with At'taliis, king of Per'gamus, also entered into the con- 
federacy against Philip. 2. He was more than once de- 
feated by Galba, the consul. He attempted to besiege 
Athens, but the Romans obliged him to raise the siege. 
He tried to take possession of the Straits of Thermop'ylae, 
but was driven from thence by Quin'tus Flamin'ius, with 
great slaughter. He attempted to take refuge in Thes'saly, 
where he was again defeated, with considerable loss, and 
obliged to beg a peace, upon condition of paying a thousand 
talents. 3. Peace with Philip gave the Romans an oppor- 
tunity of showing their generosity, by restoring liberty to 
Greece. 

4. Antio'chus, king of Syria, was next brought to sub- 
mit to the Roman arms : after embassies on the one side 
and on the other, hostilities were commenced against him, 
five years after the conclusion of the Macedo'nian war. 5. 
After many mistakes and great misconduct, he attempted to 
obtain a peace, by offering to quit all his places in Europe, 
and such in Asia as professed alliance to Rome. 6. But it 
was now too late ; Scip'io perceived his own superiority, 
and was resolved to avail himself of it. 7. Antio'chus, thus 
driven into resistance, for some time retreated before the 
enemy, till, being pressed hard, near the city of Magnesia, 
he was forced to draw out his men, to the number of seventy 
thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse. 

8. Scip'io opposed him with forces as much inferior in 
number, as they were superior in courage and discipline. 
Antio'chus, therefore, was in a short time entirely defeated ; 
his own chariots, armed with scythes, being driven back 
upon his men, contributed much to his overthrow. 9. Be- 
ing thus reduced to the last extremity, he was glad to pro- 
cure peace from the Romans, upon their own terms ; which 
were, to pay fifteen thousand talents ; to quit his posses- 
sions in Europe, and in Asia, on the hither side of Mount 
Taurus ; to give twenty hostages, as pledges of his fidelity ; 
and to deliver up Hannibal, the inveterate enemy of Rome, 
who had taken refuge at his court. 

10. In the mean time Hannibal, whose destruction was 
one of the articles of this extorted treaty, endeavoured to 
avoid the threatened ruin. 11. This consummate general 
had long been a wanderer, and an exile from his ungrateful 
country. He had taken refuge at the court of Antio'chus, 
who, at first, gave him a sincere welcome, and made him 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



165 




Death of Hanrxibal. 



admiral of his fleet, in which station he showed his usual 
skill in stratagem. 12. But he soon sunk in the Syrian's 
esteem for projecting schemes which that monarch had 
neither genius to understand, nor talents to execute. 13. 
Sure, therefore, to find no safety or protection, he departed 
by stealth ; and, after wandering for a time among the petty 
states, which had neither power nor generosity to protect 
him, he took refuge at the court of Pru'sias, king of By- 
thin'ia. 14. In the mean time, the Romans, with a vindic- 
tive spirit utterly unwortliy of them, sent ^Emirius, one of 
their most celebrated generals, to demand him of this king ; 
who, fearing the resentment of Rome, and willing to concili- 
ate their friendship by this breach of hospitality, ordered a 
guard to be placed upon H^mibal, v/ith an intent to deliver 
him up. 15. The poor old general, thus implacably perse- 
cuted from one country to another, and finding every me^ 
thod of safety cut oiF, determined to die. He, therefore, de- 
sired one of his followers to bring him poison ; and drink- 
ing it, he expired as he had lived, with intrepid bravery. 

16. A second Macedo'nian war was soon after proclaim- 
ed against Per'seus, the son of that Philip who had C u. c. 
been obliged to beg peace of the Romans. 17. Per'- ^ 513. 
seus, in order to secure the crown, had murdered his bro- 
ther Deme'trius ; and, upon the death of his father, pleased 
with the hopes of imaginary triumphs, made war against 
Rome. 18. During the course of this war, which con- 
tinued about three years, opportunities were offered him of 
cutting off the Roman army ; but being ignorant how to 
take advantage of their rashness, he spent the time in empty 



166 HISTORY OF ROME. 

overtures for peace. 19. At length iEmirius gave him a 
decisive overthrow. He attempted to procure safety by fly- 
ing into Crete : but being abandoned by all, he was obliged 
to surrender himself, and to grace the splendid triumph of 
the Roman general."^ 

20. About this time Massinis'sa, the Numidian, having 
made some incursions into a territory claimed by the Car- 
thaginians, they attempted to repel the invasion. 21. This 
brought on a war between that monarch and them ; while 
the Romans, who pretended to consider this conduct of 
theirs as an infraction of the treaty, sent to make a com- 
plaint. 22. The ambassadors who were employed upon 
this occasion, finding the city very rich and flourishing, from 
the long interval of peace which it had now enjoyed for 
nearly fifty years, either from motives of avarice to possess 
its plunder, or from fear of its growing greatness, insisted 
much on the necessity of a war, which was soon after pro- 
claimed, and the consuls set out with a thorough resolution 
utterly to demolish Carthage. 

23. The wretched Carthaginians, finding that the con- 
querors would not desist from making demands, while the 
vanquished had any thing to give, attempted to soften the 
victors by submission ; but they received orders to leave 
the city, which was to be levelled with the ground. 24. 
This severe command they received with all the distress of 
a despairing people : they implored for a respite from such 
a hard sentence : they used tears and lamentations ; but 
finding the consuls inexorable, they departed with a gloomy 
resolution, prepared to sufi'er the utmost extremities, and 
fight to the last for their seat of empire. 

25. Those vessels, therefore, of gold and silver, which 
their luxury had taken such pride in, were converted into 
arms. The women parted also with their ornaments, and 
even cut oflf their hair to be converted into strings for the 
bowmen. As'drubal, who had been lately condemned for op- 
posing the Romans, was now taken from prison to head 
their army ; and such preparations were made, that when 
the consuls came before the city, which they expected to 
find an easy conquest, they met with such resistance as 
quite dispirited their forces, and shook their resolution. 26. 
Several engagements were fought before the walls, with dis- 
advantage to the assailants ; so that the siege would have 

* From this time Macedon became a Roman province. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 107 

been discontinued, had not Scip'io iEmilia'nus, the adopted 
son of Africa'nus, who was now appointed to command it, 
used as much skill to save his forces after a defeat, as to in- 
spire them with fresh hopes of a victory. 27. But all his 
arts would have failed, had he not found means to seduce 
Phar'nes, the master of the Carthaginian horse, who came 
over to his side. The unhappy townsmen soon saw the 
enemy make nearer approaches ; the wall which led to the 
haven was quickly demolished ; soon after the forum itself 
was taken, which offered to the conquerors a deplorable 
spectacle of houses nodding to their fall, heaps of men ly- 
ing dead, hundreds of the wounded struggling to emerge 
from the carnage around them, and deploring their own and 
their country's ruin. The citadel soon after surrendered at 
discretion. 28. All now but the temple was subdued, and 
that was defended by deserters from the Roman army, and 
those who had been most forward to undertake the war. 
These expected no mercy, and finding their condition des- 
perate, set fire to the building, and voluntarily perished in 
the flames. This was the end of one of the most renowned 
cities in the world, for arts, opulence, and extent of do 
minion ; it had rivalled Rome for above a hundred years, 
and, at one time, was thought to have the superiority. 

29. The conquest of Carthage was soon follow^ed by 
many others. The same year Corinth, one of the noblest 
cities of Greece, was levelled to the ground. Scip'io also 
having laid siege to Numan'tia, the strongest city in Spain, 
the wretched inhabitants, to avoid falling into the hands of 
the enemy, fired the city over their own heads ; and all, to 
a man, expired in the flames. Thus Spain became a Ro- 
man province, and was governed thenceforward by two an- 
nual praetors. 



Questions for Examination* 

1. With whom were the Romans at war besides Carthage, anU who 

assisted in it 1 

2. What was the success of Philip in this war ? 

3. What was the consequence of peace with Philip ? 

4. Who next fell under the displeasure of the Romans 1 
.5. What was the result ? 

6. Were his offers accepted 1 

7. Did Antiochus boldly face the Romans 1 



168 HISTORY OF ROME. 

8. What were the strength and character of the Roman army, anJ 

what the result of the battle ] 

9. Was he able to make further resistance 1 

10. Was Hannibal delivered upl 

11. What occasioned Hannibal to put himself in the pt-wer of Antiochus'? 

12. Was this kindness lasting 1 

13. Wliither did he next betake himself? 

14. Was he in safety at this court 1 

15. How did Hannibal escape his persecution 1 

16. Against whom did the Romans next direct their arms 1 

17. W^hat occasioned it ] 

18. Was Perseus a skilful generall 

19. What was the result of the war 1 

20. W^hat farther happened about this time 1 

21. What was the consequence ] 

22. Was this misunderstanding peaceably accommodated 1 

23. By what means did the Carthaginians endeavour to avert their fate ? 

24. Did they obey these orders 1 

25. What extraordinary efforts were made for the defence of the city 1 

26. Were the Romans successful in their attempts ] 

27. Describe the progress of the siege. 

28. Was the city now completely in the power of the Romans 1 

29. What other conquests w^ere made by the Romans '? 



CHAPTER XVII. 
SECTION I. 



FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF CARTHAGE TO THE END OF THE 
SEDITION OF THE GRACCHI. U. C. 621. 

1. The Romans being now left without a rival, the tri- 
umphs and the spoils of Asia introduced a taste for splendid 
expense, and this produced avarice and inverted ambition. 
2. The two Gracchi were the first who saw this strange 
corruption among the great, and resolved to repress it, by 
renewing the Licinian law, which had enacted that no per- 
son in the state should possess above five hundred acres of 
land. 3. Tibe'rius Gracchus, the elder of the two, was, 
both for the advantages of his person and the qualities of his 
mind, very different from Scipio, of whom he was the 
grandson. He seemed more ambitious of power than de- 
sirous of glory ; his compassion for the oppressed was equal 
to his animosity against the oppressors ; but unhappily his 
passions, rather than his reason, operated even in his pur- 



irfK €OaMONV/EALTH, 169 

suits of riAMe ; a^d theae always drove him beyond the line 
of duty. 4. This was the disposition of the elder Grac- 
chus, Avho found the lower orders of people ready to second 
all his proposals. 5. The above law, though at iirst carried 
on with proper moderation, greatly disgusted the rich, who 
endeavoured to persuade the people that the proposer only 
aimed at disturbing the government, and throsving all things 
into confusion. 6. But Gracchus, v/ho was a man of the 
gi'eatest eloquence of his time, easily wiped oif ihese im- 
pressions from the minds of the people, already iiritated by 
their wrongs, and at length the law was passed. 

7. The death of At'talus, king of Per'gamus, furnished 
Gracchus with a new opportunity of gratifying the meaner 
part of the people at the expense of the great. 8. This 
king had by his last will made the Romans his heirs ; and 
it was now proposed, that the money so left should be di- 
vided among the poor, in order to furnish them with proper 
utensils for cultivating the lands which became theirs by the 
late law of partition. 9. This caused still greater disturb- 
ances than before, and the senate assembled upon the occa- 
sion, in order to concert the most proper methods of se- 
curing these riches to themselves, which they now valued 
above the safety of the commonwealth. 10. They had nu- 
merous dependents, who were willing to give up liberty for 
plenty and ease. These, therefore, were commanded to be 
in readiness to intimidate the people, who expected no such 
opposition, and who were now attending to the harangues 
of Gracchus in the capitol. 11. Here, as a clamour was 
raised by the clients of the great on one side, and by the fa- 
vourers of the law on the other, Gracchus found his speech 
entirely interrupted, and begged in vain to be attended to ; 
till at last, raising his hand to his head, to intimate that his 
life was in danger, the partisans of the senate gave out that 
he wanted a diadem. 12. In consequence of this an uni- 
versal uproar spread itself through all ranks of the people ; 
the corrupt part of the senate were of opinion that the con- 
sul should defend the commonwealth by force of arms ; but 
this prudent magistrate declining such violence, Scip'io 
Nas'ica, kinsman to Gracchus, immediately rose up, and 
preparing himself for the contest, desired that all who would 
defend the dignity and authority of the laws, should follow 
him. 13. Upon this, attended by a large body of senators 
and clients armed with clubs, he went directly to the Capi 
t^L strikin*? down all who ventured to resist. 

P 



170 HISTORY OF ROME. 

14. Tibe'rius Gracchus, perceiving by the tumuh that his 
life was in danger, endeavoured to fly ; and throwing away 
jiis robe to expedite his escape, attempted to get through 
the throng ; but happening to fall over a person already on 
the ground, Sature'ius, one of his colleagues in the tribune- 
ship, who was of the opposite faction, struck him dead with 
apiece of a seat; and not less than three hundred of his 
hearers shared the same fate, being killed in the tumult. 
15. Nor did the vengeance of the senate rest here, but ex- 
tended to numbers of those who seemed to espouse hia 
cause ; many of them w^ere put to death, many were banish- 
ed, and nothing was omitted to inspire the people with an 
abhorrence of his pretended crimes. Soon after the death 
of Gracchus a rebellion broke out in Sicily among the slaves, 
who, exasperated by the cruelties exercised upon them by 
their masters, revolted, and having seized Enna, chose one 
Eunus for their king. This new monarch gained consider- 
able advantages over the Romans, took the strong city of 
Taurom.in'ium, and protracted the war upwards of six years. 
At length he was completely defeated by the consul Rupir- 
ius, and his followers slaughtered or executed : as for Eu- 
nus, he died in prison. 

16. Ca'ius Gracchus was but twenty-one upon the death 
of Tibe'rius his brother ; and as he was too young to be 
much dreaded by the great, so he was at first unwilling to 
incur their resentment by aims beyond his reach ; he there- 
fore lived in retirement, unseen and forgotten. 17. But, 
while he thus seemed desirous of avoiding popularity, he 
was employed in his solitude in the study of eloquence, 
which v/as the surest means to obtain it. 18. At length, 
when he thought himself qualified to serve his country, he 
offered himself a candidate for the qiisestorship to the army 
in Sardinia, vrhich he easily obtained. His valour, affa- 
bility, and temperance in this office were remarked by all. 
19. The king of Numid'ia sending a present of corn to the 
Romans, ordered his ambassadors to say, that it was a tri- 
bute to the virtues of Ca'ius Gracchus. 20. This the senate 
treated with scorn, and ordered the ambassadors to be treated 
with contempt, as ignorant barbarians, which so inflamed 
the resentment of young Gracchus, that he immediately came 
from the army to complain of the indignity thrown upon his 
reputation, and to offer himself for the tribuneship of the 
people. 21. It was then that this youth, who had been 
hitherto neglected, proved a more formidable enemy than 



THi: COMMONWEALTH. 17 I 

even his brother liad been. Notv/ithslaiidiiig the warmest 
opposition from the senate, he was declared tribune by a 
very large majority ; and he now prepared for the career 
which his brother had run before hirn. 

22. His first effort was to have Pompii'ius, one of the 
most inveterate of his brother's enemies, cited before the 
people; but rather than stand the event of a trial, he chose 
to go into voluntary banishment. 2.3. He next procured an 
edict, granting the freedom of the city to the inhabitants of 
La ' tin m, and soon after to all the people on the hither side 
of the Alps. 24. He afterwards fixed the price of com at a 
moderate standard, and procured a monthly distribution of 
it among the people. 25. He then proceeded to an inspec- 
tion into the late corruptions of the senate ; in which the 
whole body being convicted of bribery, extortion, and the 
sale of offices (for at that time a total degeneracy seemed to 
have taken place,) a law w^as made, transferring the power 
of judging corrupt magistrates from the senate to the knights, 
which made a great alteration in the constitution. 

26. Gracchus, by these means, being grown not only po- 
pular, but powerful, was become an object at which the 
senate aimed all their resentment. 27. But he soon found 
the populace a faithless and unsteady support. They began 
to withdraw all their confidence from him, and to place it 
upon Drusus, a man insidiously set up against him by the 
senate. 28. It was in vain that he revived the Licin'ian law 
in their favour, and called up several of the inhabitants of 
the difierent towns of Italy to his support ; the senate or- 
dered all to depart from Rome, and even sent one stranger 
to prison whom Gracchus had invited to live with him, and 
honoured with his table and friendship. 29. To this indig- 
nity was shortly after added a disgrace of a more fatal ten- 
dency ; for, standing for the tribuneship a third time, he was 
rejected. It was supposed that the officers, whose duty it 
was to make the return, were bribed to reject him, though 
fairlv chosen. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What consequences followed this great prosperity of the Roman 

arms? 

2. Who first resolved to repress the corruption which had taken place 

in the manners of the people ! 



1 72 HISTORY OF ROME. 

3. What was the character of Tiberius Gracchus 1 t 

4 Had he any influence with the people 1 

5. How was the Licinian law received ? 

6. Did the people believe them ? 

7. What furthered his views 1 

8. What advantages occurred to the Romans by his death ? 

9. What WELS the effect of this will ] 

10. What measures did they adopt for this purpose 1 

11. What was the consequence of their interference ! 

12. Was this insinuation believed ] 

13. Did Scipio use violence 1 

14. What was the fate of Gracchus and his friends 1 

1 5. Were his enemies satisfied with this vengeance 1 

16. What became of Caius Gracchus in the mean time t 

17. Was he really desirous of avoiding popularity "? 

18. In what way did he bring himself into notice? 

19. What proof of esteem was given him 1 

20. How was this compliment received 1 

21. What was the consequence of this resentment 1 

22. What was his first effort 1 

23. What was his next act 1 

24. What was the next 1 

25. What followed ? 

26. What was the consequence of these acts ? 

27. Did he find steady friends ] 

28. Were his measures of precaution successful ? 

29. What farther indignities did he experience 1 



SECTION II. 



I. It was now seen that the fate of Gracchus was re 
solved on. Opim'ius, the consul, was not contented with 
the protection of the senate, the knights, and a numerous 
retinue of slaves and clients ; he ordered a body of Can- 
dians, who were mercenaries in the Roman service, to fol- 
low and attend him. 2. Thus guarded, and conscious of 
the superiority of his forces, he insulted Gracchus where- 
ever he met him, doing all in his power to produce a quar- 
rel, in which he might have a pretence for despatching his 
enemy in the fray. 3. Gracchus avoided all recrimination, 
and, as if apprised of the consul's designs, would not even 
wear any arms for his defence. 4. His friend Ful'vius 
Flaccus, however, a zealous tribune, was not so remiss, but 
resolved to oppose party against party, and for this purpose 
brought up several countrymen to Rome, who came under 



THE COMMONWEALTH. l73 

pretence of desiring employment, 5. AVlien the day for 
determining the controversy was arrived, the two parties, 
early in the morning, attended at the Capitol, where, while 
the consul was sacrificing, according to custom, one of the 
lictors taking up the entrails of the beast that was slain in 
order to remove them, could not forbear crying out to Flac'- 
cus and his party, '• Make way, ye factious citizens, for 
honest men." 6. This insult so provoked the party to 
v/hom it was addressed, that they instantly fell upon him, 
and pierced him to death with the instruments they used in 
writing, which they then happened to have in their hands. 
7. This murder caused a great disturbance in the assembly. 
Gracchus, who saw the consequences that were likely to 
ensue, reprimanded his party for giving his enemies such 
advantage over him ; and now prepared to lead his followers 
to Mount ilv'entine. 8. It was there he learned, that a 
proclamation had been made by the consuls, that whosoever 
should bring either his head, or that of Fiaccus, should re- 
ceive its weight in gold as a revv^ard. 9. It was to no pur- 
pose that he sent the youngest son of Fiaccus, who was yet 
a child, with proposals for an accommodation. The senate 
and the consuls, who were sensible of their superior! tjf, re- 
jected all his offers, and resolved to punish his offence with 
nothing less than death ; and they offered pardon also to all 
who should leave him immediately. 10. This produced 
the desired eflect ; the people fell from him by degrees, and 
left him with very inferior forces, 11. In the meantime, 
Opim'ius, the consul, who thirsted for slaughter, leading his 
forces up to Mount Av'entine, fell in among the crowd with 
uno^overnable fury. A terrible slaughter of the scarcely re- 
sisting multitude ensued, and not less than three thousand 
citizens were slain upon the spot. 12. Fiaccus attempted 
to find shelter in a ruinous cottage -; but, being discovered, 
was slain, with his eldest son. Gracchus, at first, retired 
to the temple of Dian'a, where he resolved to die by his 
own hand, but was prevented by two of h's faithful friends 
and followers, Pompo'nius and Lucin'ius, who forced him 
to seek safety by flight. Thence he made the best of his 
way across a bridge that led from the city, still attended by 
his two generous friends, and a Grecian slave, whose name 
was Philoc'rates. 13. But his pursuers still pressed upon 
him from behind, and when come to the foot of the bridge, 
he was obliged to turn and face the enemy. His two friends 
were soon slain, defending him against the crowd ; and he 

p 2 



174 MISTOKV OF ROMi:. 

was forced to take refuge, with his slave, in a grove beyond 
the Ti'ber, whicli had long been dedicated to the Furies. 
14. Here, finding himself surrounded on every side, and no 
way left of escaping, he prevailed upon his slave to despatch 
him. The slave immediately after killed himself, and fell 
down upon the body of his beloved master. The pursuers 
coming up, cut oiTthe head of Gracchus, and placed it for a 
while as a trophy on a spear. 15. Soon after, one Sep- 
timule'ius carried it home, and taking out the brain artfullv 
filled it with lead, in order to increase its v/eight, and then 
received of the consul seventeen pounds of gold as his re- 
compence. 

16. Thus died Cai'us Gracchus. He is usually impeach- 
ed by historians, as guilty of sedition ; but from what we 
see of his character, the disturbance of public tranquillity 
was rather ow^ing to his opposers than to him ; so that, in- 
stead of calling the tumults of that time the sedition of the 
Gracchi, we should rather call them the sedition of the sen- 
ate against the Gracchi ; since the efforts of the latter were 
made in vindication of a law to which the senate had as- 
sented ; and the designs of the former were supported by an 
extraneous armed power from the country, that had never 
before meddled in the business of legislation, and whose in- 
troduction gave a most irrecoverable blow to the constitu- 
tion. 17. Whether the Gracchi were actuated by motives 
of ambition or of patriotism, in the promulgation of the law. 
it is impossible to determine ; but from what appears, jus- 
tice was on their side, and all injury on that of the sen- 
ate. 18. In fact, this body was now changed from that 
venerable assembly, which we have seen overthrowing Pyr'- 
rhus and Hannibal, as much by their virtues as their arms. 
Thy were now only to be distinguished from the rest of the 
people by their superior luxuries ; and ruled the common- 
wealth by the weight of an authority gained from riches 
and mercenary dependents. 19. The venal and the base 
were attached to them from motives of self-interest ; and 
they who still ventured to be independent, were borne down, 
and entirely lost in an infamous majority. 20. In short, the 
empire at this period came under the government of a hate- 
ful aristocracy; the tribunes, who were formerly accounted 
protectors of the people, becoming rich themselves, and hav- 
ing no longer opposite interests from those of the senate, 
concurred in their oppressions ; for the struggle was not now 
between patricians and plebeians, who' only nominally dif- 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 175 

fered, but between the rich and the poor. 21. The lower or- 
ders of the state being by these means reduced to a degree 
of hopeless subjection, instead of looking after liberty, 
only sought for a leader ; v/hile the rich, with all the sus- 
picion of tyrants, terrified at the slightest appearance of op- 
position, entrusted men with uncontrollable power, from 
whom they had not strength to withdraw it when the danger 
was over. 22. Thus both parties of the state concurred in 
giving up their freedom ; the fears of the senate first made 
the dictator, and the hatred of the people kept him in his 
office. Nothing can be more dreadful to a thinking mind 
than the government of Rome from this period, till it found 
refuge under the protection of Angus 'tus. 



Questions for Examination, 

1 . What appearances now threatened the life of Gracchus ! 

2. How did he commence hostilities 1 

3. How did Gracchus attempt to divert the storm 1 

4. Were his friends equally prudent ] 

5. What unhappy incident increased the animosity ? 

6. How was this insult revenged ^ 

7. What was the consequence of this outrage 1 

8. What news did he hear on his arrival 1 

9. Did he attempt to conciliate his enemies, and were his attempts sue* 

cessful 1 

10. Was this offer accepted ] 

11. What was the conduct of the consul \ 
13. What was the fate of the chiefs 1 

13. Did Gracchus effect his escape 1 

14. Did he fall into the hands of his enemies ] 

15. What artifice did avarice contrive 1 

1 6. Was the conduct of Gracchus deserving of praise or blame 1 

17. By what motives were the Gracchi supposed to be actuated "^ 

18. What was the character of the senate at this period ] 

19. What was the character of their adherents 1 

20. What was the nature of their government ] 

2 1 . What concurred to perpetuate this tyranny 1 



176 HISTORY OF ROME. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

SECTION I. 

FROM THE SEDITION OF GRACCHUS, TO THE PERPETUAL 
DICTATORSHIP OF SYLLA, WHICH WAS THE FIRST STEP 
TOW^ARDS THE RUIN OF THE COMMONWEALTH. U. C. 634. 

1. While the Romans were in this state of deplorable 
corruption at home, they nevertheless were very successful 
in their transactions with foreign powers. 

2. Among other victories, a signal one was gained over 
Jugnr'tha, king of Numid'ia. He w^as grandson to Mas- 
sinis'sa, who sided with Rome against Hannibal, and edu- 
cated with the two young princes, who were left to inherit 
the kingdom. 3. Being superior in abilities to both, and 
greatly in favour with the people, he murdered Hiemp'sal, 
the eldest son, but Adher'bal, the younger, escaped, and fled 
to the Romans for succour. 4. Jugur'tha, sensible how 
much avarice and injustice had crept into the senate, sent 
his ambassadors to Rome with large presents, which so suc- 
cessfully prevailed, that the senate decreed him half the 
kingdom thus acquired by murder and usurpation, and sent 
ten commissioners to divide it between him and Adher'bal. 
5. The commissioners, of whom Opim'ius, the enemy of 
Gracchus, was one, willing to follow the example which 
the senate had set them, were also bribed to bestow the 
richest and most populous parts of that kingdom upon the 
usurper. 6. But Jugur'tha resolved to possess himself of 
the whole : and willing to give a colour to his ambition, lie 
only made, in the beginning, incursions in order to provoke 
reprisals, which he knew hovv^ to convert into seeming 
aggression. 7. This scheme failing, he resolved to throw 
off the mask, and besieging Adher'bal in Cirta, his capital, 
he at length got him into his power, and murdered him. 
8. The Roman people, who had still some generosity re- 
maining, unanimously complained of this treachery, and 
procured a decree that Jugur'tha should be summoned in 
person before them, to give an account of all such as had 
accepted bribes. 9. Jugur'tha made no difficulty of throw- 
ing himself upon the clemency of Rome ; but not giving 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 177 

the people satisfaction, he had orders to depart the city.^^^ 
10. In the meantime, Alba'nus*, the consul, was sent with 
an army to follow him, who giving up the direction of it to 
Aulus, his brother, a person who was every way unquali- 
fied for the command, the Romans were compelled to hazard 
a battle upon disadvantageous terms ; and the whole army, to 
avoid being cut to pieces, was obliged to pass under the yoke. 

11. In this condition Metel'lus, the succeeding consul, 
found affairs upon his arrival in Numid'ia ; officers in whom 
the soldiers had no confidence, aia army without discipline, 
and an enemy ever watchful and intriguing. 12. However, 
by his great attention to business, and by integrity that shud- 
dered at corruption, he soon began to retrieve the affairs of 
Rome, and the credit of the army. In the space of two 
years, Jugur'tha was overthrown in several battles, forced out 
of his own dominions, and constrained to beg a peace. 13. 
Thus all things promised Metel'lus a happy termination of 
the war ; but he was frustrated in his expectations by the 
intrigues of Ca'ius Ma'rius, his lieutenant, w^ho came in to 
reap that harvest of glory which the other's industry had 
sown. 14. Ca'ius Ma'rius was born in a village near Apin'- 
ium, of poor parents, who gained their living by their la- 
bour. As he had been bred up in a participation of their 
toils, his manners were as rude as his counteiiance was 
frightful. He was a man of extraordinary stature, incom- 
parable strength, and undaunted bravery. 

15. When Metel'lus was obliged to solicit at Rome for a 
continuance of his command, Ma'rius, whose ambition knew 
no bounds, was resolved to obtain it for himself, and thus 
gain all the glory of putting an end to the war. ] 6. To 
that end he privately inveighed against Metel'lus by his 
emissaries at Rome, and having excited a spirit of discon- 
tent against him, he had leave granted him to go there to 
stand for the consulship, which he obtained, contrary to the 
expectation and interest of the nobles. 

17. Ma'rius, being thus invested with the supreme power 
of managing the war, showed himself every way fit for the 
commission. His vigilance was equal to his valour, and 
he quickly made himself master of the cities which Jugur'- 

* So astonished was Jugur^tha at the mercenary disposition discovered 
by the Romans, that he is said to have exclaimed, on leaving the city, 
** Oh, Rome ! thou wouldst thyself be sdld, could a chapman be found 
to purchase thee." 



17B HISTORY OF RUMK. 

tha had yet remaming in Niimid'ia.* 18. This unfortunale 
prince, finding himself unable to make opposition singly, 
was obliged to have recourse for assistance to Bocchus, king 
of Maurita'nia, to whose daughter he was married. A bat- 
tle soon after ensued, in vvhich the Numid'ians surprised 
the Roman camp by night, and gained a temporary advan- 
tage. However, it v/as but of short continuance, for Ma'- 
rius soon after overthrew them in tv\^o signal engagements, 
in one of which not less than ninety thousand of the African 
army were slain. 19. Bocchus now finding the Romans 
too powerful to be resisted, did not think it expedient to 
hazard his own crown, to protect that of his ally; he, there- 
fore, determined to make peace, upon whatever conditions 
he might obtain it; and accordingly sent to Rome, im.ploring 
protection. 20. The senate received the ambassadors with 
their usual haughtiness, and without complying with their 
request, granted the suppliant, not their friendship, but their 
pardon. NotVvdthstanding, after some time, he was given 
to understand, that the delivering up of Jugur'tha to the 
Ronipns would, in some measure, conciliate their favour, 
and Euften their resentment. 21. At first the pride of Boc- 
chus struggled against such a proposal ; but a few inter- 
views with Sylla reconciled him to this treacherous measure, 
and Jugur'tha was given up, being drawn into an ambuscade 
by the specious pretences of his ally, who deluded him by 
desiring a conference ; and being made a prison-er, he was 
loaded v/ith chains, and carried by Ma'rius to Rome, a de- 
plorable instance of blighted ambition. 22. He did not long 
survive his overthrow, being condemned by the senate to be 
starved to death in prison, a short time after he had been 
made to adorn the triumph of the conqueror.! 

* It has been said with gi-eat truth, that " the wicked have no friends." 
Jugur^tha experienced this. BomiFcar, who professed the warmest at- 
tachment to Jugur^tha, was gained over by the proconsul MeteFlus to 
persuade his master, that submission to the Romans w^as absolutely ne- 
cessary. Jugur'tha accordingly sent an embassy to the proconsul, pro- 
fessing his readiness to submit to any terms. Upon this he was required 
to send to the Romans 200,000 pounds weight of sHver, all his elephants, 
a certain number of horses and arms, and all deserters. The king com- 
plied exactly with these hard conditions ; but after thus weakening his 
resources, he found himself still obliged to continue the war, or submit 
to such farther impositions as would have endangered, not only his 
crown, but his life. 

f Never did any one more deservedly suffer than this treacherous and 
cruel man. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 179 

23. MaVius, by this and two succeeding victories over 
the Gauls, having become very'formidable to distant nations 
in war, became soon after much more dangerous to his fel- 
low-citizens in peace. 24. The strength which he had given 
to the popular party every day grew more conspicuous, and 
the Italians, being frustrated by the intrigues of the senate 
in their aims of gaining the freedom of Rome, resolved upon 
obtaining by force, what was refused them as a favour. 
This gave rise to the Social War, in which most of the 
states of Italy entered into a confederacy against Rome, in 
order to obtain a redress of their grievances. 

25. After a lapse of two years, this war having continued 
to rage with doubtful success, the senate began to reflect 
that, whether conquered or conquerors, the power of the 
Romans w^as in danger of being destroyed. 26. To soften, 
therefore, their compliance by degrees, they began by giv- 
ing the freedom of the city to such of the Italian states as 
had not revolted. They then offered it to such as would lay 
down their arms. 27. This unexpected bounty had its ef- 
fect ; the allies, with mutual distrust, offered each a separate 
treaty ; the senate took them one hj one into favour, but 
gave the freedom of the city in such a manner, that, not be- 
ing empowered to vote until all the other tribes had given 
their suffrages, they had very little weight in the constitu- 
tion. 

28. This destructive v/ar being concluded, the senate be- 
gan to think of turning their arms against Mithrida'tes, the 
most powerful and warlike monarch of the east.* 29. For 
this expedition Ma'rius had long been preparing, but Sylla 
had interest enough to get himself appointed to the expe- 
dition. Ma'rius, however, tried all his arts with the people 
to get his appointment reversed ; and the command of the 
army, intended to oppose Mithrida'tes, w^as ordered to be 
transferred from Sylla to Ma'rius. 30. In consequence of this, 
Ma'rius immediately sent officers from Rome, to take the com- 
mand in his name. But instead of being obeyed, the officers 
were slain, and Sylla was entreated by the army to lead 
them directly to take signal vengeance upon all his enemies 
at Rome. 

31. Accordingly, his soldiers entered the city sword in 

* This king incurred the resentraent of the Romans by making war 
on some of their allies, and by putting Op'pius and AquiKius to death. 
Upbraiding the Romans with their avarice and corruption, he caused 
melted gold to be poured down the throat, of the latter. 



180 HISTORY OF ROME. 

hand, as a place taken by storm. Ma'riiis and Sulpi'cius, at 
the head of a tumultuary body of then* partisans, attempted 
to oppose their entrance ; and the citizens themselves, who 
feared the sackage of the place, threvr down stones and tiles 
from the houses upon the intruders. 32. So unequal a con- 
flict lasted longer than could have been expected ; at length 
iVIa'rius and his party were obliged to seek safety by flight, 
after having vainly offered liberty to the slaves who would 
assist them.. 



Que&fio7is for Examination. 

1 . Was this internal degeneracy of the Roman people accompanied by 

ill success abroad 1 

2. V/hat signal victory did they obtain, and who was Jugurtha] 

3. By what means did he obtain the crown ? 

4. How did he propitiate the Romans ] 

5. How did these commissoners discharge their trust ? 

6. Was Jugurtha satisfied with this allotment? 

7. Did this answer his purpose 1 

8. Did tlie Romans suffer this treachery to pass unpunished 1 

9. Did Jugurtha obey this summons 1 

10. Were hostilities commenced against him, and what was the result T 

11. What was the condition of the army w^hen Metellus assumed tho 

command 1 

12. Did this deplorable state continue ] 

13. Did Metellus enjoy the fruits of his victories ] 

14. Who was Caius Marius 1 

15. What resolution did he adopt ] 

16. By w^hat artifices did he succeed in his design 1 

17. V/hat was the conduct of Marius in his new command 1 

18. To w^hom did Jugurtha have recourse in his extremity ? 

19. Did Bocchus continue to befriend Jugurtha? 

20. Was his request complied with 1 

21. Did Bocchus submit to this condition? 

22. What became of Jugurtha after this ? 

23. How did Marius conduct himself after his victories 1 

24. What was the consequence of his attempts at popularity ? 

25. Was this war of long continuance ? 

26. What measure did the senate adopt to end it ? 

27. What was the consequence of this measure ? 

28. Against whom did the senate next turn their arms 1 

29. Who was appointed to command this expedition ? 

30. What was the consequence of this order ? 

31. Did Sylla comply with their request ? 

32. What was the issue of the contest ^ 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



181 




Marius sitting among the Ruins of Carthage. 



SECTION 11. 



1. Sylla, now finding himself master of the city, began 
by modelling the laws so as to favour his outrages ; while 
M.i'rius, driven out of Rome and declared a public enemy 
at the age of seventy, was obliged to save himself, unattend- 
ed and on foot, from the pursuit of those who sought his 
life. 2. After having v/andered for some time in this de- 
plorable condition, he found every day his dangers increase, 
and his pursuers making nearer advances. In this distress 
he concealed himself in the marshes of Mintur'ns, where 
he continued a night up to the chin ia a quagmire. 3. At 
break of day he left this dismal place, and made towards the 
seaside, in hopes of finding a ship to facilitate his escape ; 
but being known and discovered by some of the inhabitants, 
he w^as conducted to a neighbouring tov/n, with a halter 
round his neck, without clothes, and covered with m.ud ; and 
in this condition was sent to prison. 4. The governor of 
the place, willing to conform to the orders of the senate, 
.soon after sent a Cim'brian slave to despatch him ; but the 
barbarian no sooner entered the dungeon for this purpose 
than he stopped short, intimidated by the dreadful visage 
and awful voice of the fallen general, who sternly demand- 
ed if he had the presumption to kill Ca'ius Ma'rius ? The 
slave, unable to reply, threw down his sword, and rushing 
back from the prision, cried out, that he found it impossible 
to kill him ! 5. The governor, considering the fear of the 
slave as an omen in the unhappy exile's favour, gave him 

Q 



182 HISTORY OF ROMH. 

his freedom ; and, commending him to his fortune, provid- 
ed him with a ship to convey him from Italy. 6. He was 
forced by a tempest on the coast of Sicily. A Roman quaes- 
tor, who happened to be there, resolved to seize him ; and 
he lost sixteen of his crew, who were killed in their en- 
deavours to cover his retreat to the ship. He afterwards 
landed in Africa, near Carthage, and, overwhelmed with 
melancholy, sat himself down amongst the ruins of that 
desolate place. He soon, however, had orders from the prae- 
tor to retire. 7. Marius, who remembered his having once 
served this very man in necessity, could not suppress his 
indignation at finding ingratitude every where : and, pre- 
paring to obey, bid the messenger tell his master, that he 
had seen Ma'rius sitting among the ruins of Carthage ; inti- 
mating the greatness of his fail, by the desolation that was 
around him. 8. He once more embarked, and not know- 
ing where to land without encountering an enemy, he spent 
the winter at sea, expecting every hour the return of a mes- 
senger from his son, whom he had sent to solicit protection 
from the African prince, Mandras'tal. 9. After long expec- 
tation, instead of the messenger, his son himself arrived, 
having escaped from the inhospitable court of that monarch, 
where he had been kept, not as a friend, but as a prisoner, 
and had returned just time enough to prevent his father from 
sharing the same fate. 

10. In this situation they were informed that Cinna, one 
of their party who had remained at Rome, had put himself 
at the head of a large army, collected out of the Italian 
states, who had espoused his cause. Nor was it long before 
they joined their forces at the gates of Rome. Sylla was 
at that time absent in his command against Mithri 'dates. 
11. Cinna marched into the city ; but Ma'rius stopped, and 
refused to enter, alleging, that having been banished by a 
public decree, it was necessary to have another to authorise 
his return. It was thus that he desired to give his meditated 
cruelties the appearance of justice ; and while he was about 
to destroy thousands, to pretend an implicit veneration for 
the laws. 12. An assembly of the people being called, they 
began to reverse his banishment ; but they had scarcely 
gone through three of the tribes, when, incapable of re- 
straining his desire of revenge, he entered the city at the 
liead of his guards, and massacred all who had been obnox- 
ious to him, without remorse or pity. 13. Several who 
sought to propitiate the tyrant's rage, were murdered by 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 183 

his command in his presence ; many even of those who had 
never offended him were put to death ; and, at last, even 
his own officers never approached him but with terror. 14. 
Having in this manner satiated his revenge, he next abro- 
gated all the laws which w^ere enacted by his rival, and then 
made himself consul with Cinna. 15. Thus gratified in 
his two favourite passions, vengeance and ambition, having 
once saved his country, and now deluged it w^ith blood, at 
last, as if willing to crown the pile of slaughter which he 
had made, with his own body, he died the month after, not 
without suspicion of having hastened his end. 

16. In the mean time these accounts were brought to 
Sylla, who had been sent against Mithrida'tes, and who was 
performing many signal exploits against him ; hastily con- 
chiding a peace, therefore, he returned home to take ven- 
geance on his enemies at Rome. 

17. Nothing could intimidate Cinna from attempting to 
repel his opponent. Being joined by Car'bo, (now elected 
in the room of Vale'rius, w^ho had been slain) together 
with young Ma'rius, who inherited all the abilities and the 
ambition of his father, he determined to send over part of 
the forces he had raised in Dalma'tia to oppose Sylla before 
he entered Italy. Some troops were accordingly embarked ; 
but being dispersed by a storm, the others that had not yet 
put to sea, absolutely refused to go. 18. Upon this, Cinna, 
quite furious at their disobedience, rushed forward to per 
suade them to their duty. In the mean time one of the 
most mutinous of the soldiers being struck by an officer, re- 
turned the blow, and was apprehended for his crime. This 
iU-timed severity produced a tumult and a mutiny through 
the whole army; and, while Cinna did all he could to ap- 
pease it, he was run through the body by one of the crowd. 

19. Scip'io, the consul, who commanded against Sylla, 
was soon after allured by proposals for a treaty ; but a 
suspension of arms being agreed upon, Sylla's soldiers went 
into the opposite camp, displaying those riches which they 
had acquired in their expeditions, and offering to participate 
%vith their fellovz-citizens, in case they changed their party. 
20. In consequence of this the w^iole army declared unani- 
mously for Sylla : and Scip'io scarcely knew that he was 
forsaken and deposed, till he was informed of it by a party 
of the enemy, who, entering his tent, made him and his sou 
prisoners. 

21. In this manner both factions, exasperated to the 



184 HISTORY OF ROME. 

highest degree, and expecting no mercy on either part, gave 
vent to their fury in several engagements. The forces on 
the side of young Ma'rius, who nov/ succeeded his father in 
command, were the most numerous, but those of Sylla bet- 
ter united, and more under subordination. 22. Carbo, who 
commanded for Ma'rius in the field, sent eight legions to 
Praenes'te, to relieve his colleague, but they Vv^ere met by 
Pompey, afterwards surnamed the Great, in a defile, who 
slew many of them, and dispersed the rest. Carbo soon after 
engaged Metel'lus, but was overcome, with the loss of ten 
thousand slain, and six thousand taken prisoners. 23. In 
consequence, Urba'nus, one of the consuls, killed himself, 
and Carbo fled to Africa, where, after wandering a long 
time, he was at last delivered up to Pompey, who, to please 
Sylla, ordered him to be beheaded. 24. Sylla, now become 
undisputed master of his country, entered Eome at the head 
of his army. Happy, had he supported in peace the glory 
which he had acquired in war ; or, had he ceased to live 
v/hen he ceased to conquer ! 

25. Eight thousand men, who had escaped the general 
carnage, surrendered themselves to the conqueror ; he or- 
dered them to be put into the Villa Pub'lica, a large house 
in the Campus Ivlar'tius ; and, at the same time, convoked 
the senate : there, without discovering the least emotion, he 
spoke with great fluency of his own exploits, and, in the 
mean time, gave private directions that all those wretches 
whom he had confined, should be slain. 26. The senate, 
amazed at the horrid outcries of the sufferers, at first thought 
that the city was given up to plunder ; but Sylla, w^ith an 
unembarrassed air, informed them, that it was only some 
criminals who were punished by his order, and that the 
senate ought not to make themselves uneasy at their fate. 
27. The day after he proscribed forty senators, and sixteen 
hundred knights ; and after an intermission of two days, 
forty senators more, with an infinite number of the richest 
citizens. 

28. He next resolved to invest himself with the dictator- 
ship, and that for a perpetuity ; and thus uniting all civil as 
well as military power in his own person, he thought he 
might thence give an air of justice to every oppression. 

29. Thus he continued to govern with capricious tyranny, 
none daring to resist his power, until, contrary to the expec 
tation of all mankind, he laid dovvn the dictatorship, aftei 
having held it not quite three years. 



i 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 185 



Sylla reproaching the little image of Apollo with his defeat. 

30. After this, he retired into the country, and abandon- 
ed himself to debauchery ; but he did not long survive his 
abdication ; he was seized with a horrible distemper, and 
died a loathsome and mortifying object, and a melancholy 
proof of the futility of human ambition."-^ 

The character of Sylla exhibits a singular compound of 
great and mean qualities. Superstition was one of its fea- 
tures. It is said that having suffered a defeat in the course 
of the Social War, in Italy, he drew from his bosom a little 
image of Apollo, which he had stolen from the temple of 
Delphi, and had ever since carried about him when engaged 
in war. Kissing it with great devotion, he expostulated 
v^ith the god, for having brought him to perish dishonour- 
ably, with his countrymen, at the gates of his native city, af- 
ter having raised him by many victories to such a height of 
glory and greatness. 

* Two events, important in the history of Rome, occurred about this 
time. Serto'rius, a Roman general, in Spain, had rebelled against the 
government of SyFia, and defeated every army sent against him, till 
Pompey took the command ; and even then the result appeared doubtful, 
till Serto'rius, being assassinated by his ov^^n officers put an end to the 
war. 

Spar'tacus, a gladiator, having escaped from confinement, and assem- 
bled a number of his followers, commenced what is called the second 
Servile War. His army gradually increasing, he became a formidable 
enemy to the Roman state; overthrew the praetors and consuls sent 
against him ; but was at length defeated by Crassus, and the remains 
of his army cut in pieces bv Pompey, who met them on his return from 
Spain. 

q2 



18(5 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Questions for Examination, 

1. \\Tiat were the first acts of Sylla? 2. What became of Marius ? 

3. To what dangers was he exposed 1 

4. Was an attempt made on his hfe 1 

5. How did the governor treat the fugitive general 1 

6. What ingratitude was shown to Marius ] 

7. What was his reply ? 

S. From what African prince did he ask aid 1 
9. Was it granted ] 

10. What opportunity was taken by the Marian party to renew the 

struggle ] 

11. To what scruple did Marius pretend"? 

12. "What proves it a pretence ] 

13. What cruelties were practised by Marius 1 

14. What laws did he change] 15. How^ did Marius die 1 

1 6. How did Sylla act when he learned the news of the change ? 

17. What caused a tumult in Cinna's army ? 

18. How did it end ? 

1 9. What artilice was practised on Scipio ? 

20. What was the result ] 

21. Describe the relative condition of the rival forces 1 

22. Did Pompey obtain any victory ? 

23. What was the consequence ] 

24. Which faction finally prevailed ] 

25. What massacre was perpetrated by Sylla? 

26. How did he excuse it ? 27. Were these his only cruelties? 

28. "What magistracy did Sylla usurp ? 

29. How did he govern ? 

30. In what manner did the tyranny of Sylla terminate ? 



CHAPTER XIX. 



FROM THE PERPETUAL DICTATORSHIP OF SYLLA, TO THE 
TRIUMVIRATE OF CESAR, POMPEY, AND CRASSUS. U. C. 680. 

1. Upon the death of Sylla, the jealousies of Pompey 
and Crassus, the two most p^owerfiil men in the empire, be- 
gan to excite fresh dissensions. Pompey was the most 
beloved general, but Crassus the richest man in Rome. 

2. The first opportunity that was offered of discovering 
their mutual jealousy, was upon disbanding their troops 
Neither chose to begin ; so that the most fatal consequenceb 
were likely to arise from their dissension. At length Cras- 
sus, stifling his resentment, laid down his command ; and 



> (u^ ^ 



THE COMMONWEALTH 187 

the other followed his example immediately after. 3. TJie 
next trial between them was, who should be foremost in ob- 
taining the favour of the people. Crassus entertained the 
populace at a thousand tables, distributed corn to the fami- 
lies of the poor, and fed the greatest part of the citizens for 
nearly three months. Pompey, on the other hand, laboured 
to abrogate the laws made against the authority of the peo- 
ple by Syila ; restored to the knights the power of judging, 
which had been formerly granted them by Gracchus ; and 
gave back to the tribunes all their former privileges. 4. 
Thus each gave his private aims an appearance of zeal for 
the public good ; so that what was in reality ambition in 
both, took with one the name of liberality ; with the other, 
that of a love of freedom. 

5. An expedition, in v/hich Pompey cleared the Mediter- 
ranean, which was infested by pirates, having added greatly 
to his reputation, the tribunes of the people hoped it would 
be easy to advance their favourite still higher. 6. Man'lius, 
therefore, one of \h.% number, preferred a Uv/, that all the 
armies of the empire, the government of Asia, and the man- 
agement of the war which was renewed against ?uithrida'tes, 
should be committed to Pompey alone. The law passed, 
with little opposition, and the decree was confirmed. 

7. Being thus appointed to the command of that import 
I /mt war, he departed for Asia. 8. Mithrida'tes had beeu 
\k >bliged by Lucullus to take refuge in Lesser Armenia, and 
I thither that general v/as preparing to follow him, when his 
\ rhole army abandoned him ; so that it remained for Pom- 
pey to terminate the war, which he effected with great ease 
and expedition, adding a large extent of dominion to the Ro- 
man empire, and returning to Rome in triumph at the head 
of his conquering army. 

9. But the victories of Pompey rather served to heighten 
the glory than to increase the power of Rome ; they made 
it more a glaring object of ambition, and exposed its liber- 
ties to greater danger. Those liberties, indeed, seemed de- 
voted to ruin on every side ; for, even while he was pur- 
suing his conquests abroad, Rome was at the verge of ruin 
from a conspiracy at home. 10. This conspiracy vras pro- 
jected and carried on by Ser'gius Cat'iline, a patrician by 
birth, who resolved to build his own power on the downfall 
of his country. 11. He was singularly formed, both by art 
and nature, to conduct a conspiracy : he v/as possessed of 
courage equal to the most desperate attempts, and of elo- 



188 HISTORY OF ROME. 

quence to give a colour to his ambition : ruined in his for- 
tunes, profligate in his manners, vigilant in pursuing his 
aims, he was insatiable after wealth, only with a view to 
lavish it on his guilty pleasures. 12. Cat'iline having con- 
tracted debts in consequence of such an ill-spent life, was 
resolved to extricate himself from them by any means, how- 
ever unlawful. Accordingly, he assembled about thirty of 
his debauched associates, and informed them of his aims, 
his hopes, and his settled plans of operations. 13. It was 
resolved among them, that a general insurrection should be 
raised throughout Italy, the different parts of which he as- 
signed to different leaders. Rome was to be fired at several 
places at once ; and Cat'iline, at the head of an army raised 
in Etru'ria, was, in the general confusion, to possess him- 
self of the city, and massacre all the senators. Len'tulus, 
one of his profligate assistants, who had been praetor, or 
judge in the city, was to preside in their general councils ; 
Cethe'gus, a man who sacrificed the possession of gi'eat pre- 
sent power to the hopes of gratifying his revenge against 
Cicero,* was to direct the massacre through the city ; and 
Cas'sius was to conduct those who fired it. 

. 14. But the vigilance of Ci'cero being the chief obstacle 
to their designs, Catiline was very desirous to see him taken 
off before he left Rome ; upon which two knights of the 
company undertook to kill him the next morning in his bed, 
in an early visit, on pretence of business. 15. But the 
meeting vv^as no sooner over, than Ci'cero had information 
of all that passed in it ; for, by the intrigues of a woman 
named Ful'via, he had gained over Cu'rius, her lover, one 
of the conspirators, to send him a punctual account of all 
their deliberations. 16. Having taken proper precautions 
to guard himself against the designs of his morning visitors, 
who were punctual to the appointment, he next took care 
to provide for the defence of the city ; when, assembling the 
senate, he consulted what was best to be done in such a time 
of danger. 17. The first step taken was to offer considera- 
ble rewards for farther discoveries, and then to prepare for 

* Ci'cero, the first of Roman orators, as Demos'thenes was of the 
Greek, was born at Arpin'um, a town of the Volsci, and studied under 
the most celebrated orators and philosophers of Greece. His style of elo- 
quence was copious, highly ornamented, and addressed more to the pas- 
sions than to the judgment of his hearers. He was consul at the time 
of Cat'iline's conspiracy ; and, for his eminent services in detecting an<! 
fru^^tratm*'- it. was honoured vrith the title of Pator Patrias 



THK COMMONWEALTH. 



189 




Curius, disclosing Catiline's conspiracy to Fulvia. 

the defence of the state. 18. Cat'iline, to show how well 
he could dissemble, or justify any crime, went boldly to the 
senate, declaring his innocence ;^ but, when confronted by 
the eloquence of Ci'cero, he hastily withdrew, declaring 
aloud, that since he was denied a vindication of himself, and 
driven headlong into rebellion by his enemies, he would ex- 
tinguish the flame which was raised about him in universal 
ruin. 19. After a short conference with Lea'tulus and 
Cethe'gus, he left Rome by night, with a small retinue, to 
hasten towards Etru'ria, where Man'iius, one of the conspi- 
rators, was raising an army to support him.t 

20. In the mean time Ci'cero took proper precautions to 
secure all those of the conspiracy who remained in Rome. 
Len'tulus, Cethe'gus, Cas'sius, and several others, were put 
into confinement ; and soon after strangled in prison. 

21. While his associates were put to death in the city, 
Cat'iline had raised an army of tw^elve thousand men, of 
which a fourth part only were completely armed, the rest 
being furnished with such weapons as chance afforded ; 
darts, lances, and clubs. 22. He refused, at first, to enlist 
slaves, who flocked to him in great numbers, trusting to the 
strength of the conspiracy ; but upon the approach of the 
consul, vvrho w^as sent against him, and upon the arrival of 
the news that his confederates were put to death, the face 



* On his entrance, the senators near whom he attempted to seat him- 
self, quitting their places, left him quite alone. 

f On his arrival, he assumed all the insignia of a supreme magistrate, 
being preceded by lictors caiTying the axes and fasces. 



190 HISTORY OF ROME. 

of affairs altered. 23. His first attempt, therefore, was, by 
long marches, to make his escape over the Appenines into 
Gaul ; but in this his hopes were disappointed ; all the passes 
being guarded by an army superior to his own. 24. Being 
thus hemmed in on every side, and seeing all things despe- 
rate, with nothing left him but either to die or conquer, he 
resolved to make one vigorous effort against that army which 
pursued him. Anto'nius, the consul, being sick, the com- 
mand devolved upon Petrei'us, who, after a fierce and bloody 
action in which he lost a considerable part of his best troops, 
put Cat'iline's forces to the rout, and destroyed his whole 
army.* 

25. The extinction of this conspiracy seemed only to 
leave an open theatre for the ambition of the great men to 
display itself in. Pompey was now returned in triumph 
from conquering the east, as he had before been victorious 
in Europe and Africa. 

26. Crassus was the richest man in Rome, and next tc 
Pompey, possessed the greatest authority ; his party in the . 
senate w^as even greater than that of his rival, and the envy^ 
raised against him was less. He and Pompey had long 
been disunited by an opposition of interests and of charac- 
ters ; however, it was from a continuance of their mutual 
jealousies that the state was in some measure to expect its 
future safety. 27. It was in this situation of things that 
Julius Caesar, who had lately gone, as praetor, into Spain, 
and had returned with great riches and glory, resolved to 
convert their mutual jealousy to his own advantage. 28. 
This celebrated man was descended from popular and illus- 
trious ancestors. He warmly espoused the side of the 
people, and shortly after the death of Sylla, procured the 
recal of those w^hom Sylla had banished. He had all along 
declared for the populace against the senate, and became 
their most favourite magistrate. 29. This consummate 
statesman began by offering his services to Pompey, pro- 
mising to assist him in getting all his acts passed, notwith- 
standing the senate's opposition. Pompey, pleased at the 
acquisition of a person of so much merit, readily granted 
him his confidence and protection. 30. He next applied to 
Crassus, who, from former connections, was disposed to be- 
come still more nearly his friend. 3 1 . At length, finding them 
not averse to an union of interests, he took an opportunity 

* Cataline himself, finding his affairs desperate, threw himself into 
the midst of the enemy, and there found the death he sought. (Sallust.) 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 191 

of bringing them together ; and, remonstrating with them 
on the advantages as well as the necessity of a reconciliation, 
he had art enough to persuade them to forget former ani- 
mosities. 32. A combination was thus formed, by which 
they agreed that nothing should be done in the common- 
wealth without their mutual concurrence and approbation. 
This was called the first Trium'virate, by which we find the 
constitution weakened by a new interest which had not 
hitherto taken place, very different from that of the senate 
or the people, and yet dependent on both. 



Questions for Examinatioyi, 

1. What followed on the death of Sylla 1 

2. What first discovered their mutual jealousy ] 

3. What was the next trial between them ] 

4. Under what pretences did they hide their real views 1 

5. What farther raised the reputation of Pompey 1 

6. What means were had recourse to for this purpose 1 

7. 8. What was the state of the war in Asia ] 

9. What were the consequences of Pompey 's victories'? 

10. Who was the author, and what was the object of this conspiracy t 

11. What was the character of Catiline 1 

12. What occasioned this conspiracy? 

13. How was it to be carried into execution 1 

14. What was the chief obstacle to its accomplishment, and Ljw was 

this obstacle to be removed 1 

15. Was Cicero informed of their proceedings] 

16. What precautions did he take in consequence'? 

17. What was the first step taken 1 

18. What was the conduct of Catiline on this occasion! 

19. Did he continue in Rome ] 

20. Did the other conspirators escape 1 

21. How was Catiline employed in the mean time? 

22. Had he a fair prospect of success ? 

23. Did he boldly face his opponents 1 

24. What followed 1 

25. Did the extinction of this conspiracy give peace to Rome 1 

26. Who were the contending parties, and what was the consequence of 

this dissension 1 

27. Who profited by these jealousies'? 

38. Who was Julius Caesar, and by what means did he acquire popu- 
larity 1 

29. What was his first step towards power ? 

30. To whom did he next apply 1 

31. What consequence resulted from his application"? 

32. What agreement was entered into by them, and what were they 

called '? 



192 HISTORY OF ROME. 

CHAPTER XX. 

SECTION I. 

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE.. TO THE 
DEATH OF POMPEY. U. C. 694. 

1. The first thing that Ceesar did, upon forming the 
Trium'virate, was to avail himself of the interest of his con 
federates to obtain the consulship. 2. The senate had still 
some influence left ; and though they were obliged to con 
cur in choosing him, yet they gave him for a colleague one 
Bib'uius, whom they supposed would be a check upon his 
power. 3. But the opposition was too strong for even 
superior abilities to resist; so that Bib'ulus, after a slight 
attempt in favour of the senate, remained inactive. 4. Caesar 
began his schemes for empire by ingratiating himself with 
the people ; he procured a law for dividing certain lands in 
Campa'nia among such of the poor citizens as had at least 
three children. This proposal was just enough in itself, 
and it was criminal only from the views of the proposer. 

5. Having thus strengthened himself at home, he deliber- 
ated with his confederates about sharing the foreign pro- 
vinces of the empire. 6. The partition was soon made : 
Pompey chose Spain ; for, being fatigued with conquest, 
and satiated with military fame, he was willing to take his 
pleasures at Rome. Crassus chose Syria; w^hich province, 
as it had hitherto enriched the generals who had subdued it, 
would, he hoped, gi^atify him in this his favourite pursuit. 
To Caesar were left the provinces of Gaul, composed of 
fierce and powerful nations, most of them unsubdued, and 
the rest only professing a nominal subjection. 7. As this 
was appointing him rather to conquer than command, the 
government was granted him for five years, as if by its con- 
tinuance to compensate for its danger. 

8. It would be impossible, in this narrow compass, to 
enumerate the battles Caesar fought, and the states he sub- 
dued, in his expeditions into Gaul and Britain, which con- 
tinued eight years. 9. The Helve'tians* were the first thai 
were brought into subjection, with the loss of nearly two 

* The inhabitants of the country now called Switzerland. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 




Caesar landing in Britain. 

hundred thousand men ; those who remained after the car- 
nage were sent by Caesar in safety to the forests whence 
they had issued."^' 10. The Germans, with Ariovis'tus at their 
head, were next cut off, to the number of eighty thousand ; 
their monarch himself narrowly escaping in a little boat 
across the Rhine. The Belgset suffered such a terrible over- 
throw, that marshes arid rivers were rendered impassable 
from the heaps of slain. 11. The Ner'vians.i w^ho w^ere 
the most warlike of those barbarous nations, made head for 
a short time, and fell upon the Romans with such fury, that 
their army was in danger of being utterly routed ; but Cassar 
himself, hastily catching up a buckler, rushed through his 
troops into the midst of the enemy ; by w^hich means he so 
turned the fate of the day, that the barbarians w^ere all cut 
off to a man. 12. The Celtic Gauls were next brought 
under subjection. After them, the Sue'vi, the Mena'pii, and 
all the nations from the Mediterranean to the British sea. 
13. Thence, stimulated by the desire of conquest, he crossed 
over into Britain, upon pretence that the natives had fur- 
nished his enemies with continual supplies. 14. Upon 
approaching ihe shores, he found them covered with men to 
oppose his landing, and his forces were in danger of being 



* The Helvetians, finding their countr}- too narrow for their increased 
population, had determined on emigration. Being denied by Caesar a 
passage through his piovince, hostiUties connnenced, which terminated 
as above. (C^sar de Bel. Gal.) 

f Inliabitants of the country between the Rhine and the Loire. 

f Inhabitants of the modern province of Hainault. 

R 



194 HISTORY OF ROME 

driven back, till the standard-bearer of the tenth legion 
boldly leapt ashore, and being well assisted by Caesar, the 
natives were put to flight. 15. The Britons being terrified 
at Caesar's power, sent to desire a peace, which w^as granted 
them, and some hostages delivered. A storm, how^ever, soon 
after destroying great part of his fleet, they resolved to take 
advantage of the disaster, and m.arched against him with a 
powerful army. But w^hat could naked undisciplined troops 
do against forces that had been exercised under the greatest 
generals, and hardened by the conquest of the greatest part 
of the world ? Being overthrown, they were obliged once 
more to sue for peace. Caesar granted it, and returned to 
*^^ continent. 

16. While Caesar was thus increasing his reputation and 
riches abroad, Pompey, who remained in Rome, steadily 
co-operated with his ambition, and advanced his interests, 
while he vainly supposed he was forwarding his ow^n. By 
this means Caesar vvas continued five years longer in Gaul. 
17 Nor was Pompey roused from his lethargy till the fame 
of that great commander's valour, riches, and humanity, 
began to make him suspect they would soon eclipse his 
owm. 18. He now therefore did all in his powder to dimin- 
ish Caesar's reputation ; obliging the magistrates not to pub- 
lish any letters they received till he had diminished the 
credit of them, by spreading disadvantageous reports. 19. 
One or tw^o accidents, also, helped to widen the separation; 
namely, the death of Julia,* Pompey's wife, who had not 
a little contributed to improve the harmony that subsisted 
between them ; and the destruction of Crassus, who had 
conducted the war against the Partliians with so little pru- 
dence, tliat he suftered them to get the advantage of him in 
almost every skirmxish ; when, incapable of extricating him- 
self, he fell a sacrifice to his own rashness in trusting himself 
to a perfidious enemy.t 

It was at this period that T. Maurius Milo, being a can- 
didate for the ofiice of consul, during the heat of the can- 
vassing happened, when riding into the country, to meet 
Clodius, a turbulent man, who favoured his opponf"^'. The 
meeting was accidental, but a skirmish betweer lieir at- 

• She was the daughter of Caesar. 

f Crassus was inveigled into the power of Surena, the Parthian 
general, under the pretence of treating tor peace. His head was cut 
off and sent to Orode^, the king of Parthia, who poured molten gold 
'Jown his throat. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 



195 




Exposure of Clodius's body in the Forum. 

tendanls drew on a contest which terminated in the death 
of Clodius. The body w^as brought into Rome where it 
was exposed, all covered with blood and wounds, to the 
view of the populace, who flocked around it in crowds to 
lament the miserable f^ite of their leader. The next day 
the mob, headed by a kinsman of the deceased, carried the 
body, with the wounds exposed, into the forum ; and the 
enemies of Milo, addressing the crowd with inflammatory 
speeches, wrought them up to such a frenzy that they car- 
ried the body into the senate-house, and, tearing up the 
benches and tables, made a funeral pile, and, together with 
the body, burnt the house itself, and then stormed the house 
of Milo, but were repulsed. This violence, and the elo- 
quence of Cicero in his defence, saved Milo from the pun- 
ishment which he had good reason to fear for the assassina- 
tion of Clodius. 

20. Caesar, who now began to be sensible of the jealousies 
of Pompey, took occasion to solicit for the consulship, to- 
gether with a prolongation of his government in Gaul, de- 
sirous of trying whether Pompey w^ould thwart or promote 
his pretensi<ms'. 21. In this Pompey seemed to be quite 
inactive , but, at the same time, privately employed two of 
his creatures, who alleged in the senate that the laws did 
iiot permit a person who w^as absent to offer himself as a 
candidate for that high oflice. 22. Pompey's view in this 
was to allure Caesar from his government, in order to stand 
for the consulship in person. 23. Caesar, however, per 



i96 HISTORY OF ROME. 

ceiving his artifice, chose to remain in his province, con- 
vinced that while he headed an army devoted to him, he 
could give law as well as magistrates to the state. 

24. The senate, which was devoted to Pompey, because 
he had for some time attempted to defend them from the 
encroachments of the people, ordered home the two legions 
w^hich were in Caesar's army belonging to Pompey, as it 
was pretended, to oppose the Parthians, but in reality to 
diminish Caesar's power. 25. Caesar saw their motive : but 
as his plans were not yet ripe for execution, he sent them 
home in pursuance of the orders of the senate, having pre- 
viously attached the officers to him by benefits, and the 
soldiers by bounties, 26. The next step the senate took, 
was to recall Caesar from his government, as his time was 
very near expiring. But Cu'rio, his friend in the senate, 
proposed that Caesar should not leave his army till Pompey 
had set him the example. 27. This for a while perplexed 
Pompey; how^ever, during the debate, one of the senate 
declaring that Caesar had passed the Alps, and was marching 
with his w^hole army directly tow^ards Rome, the consul, 
immediately quitting the senate, went with his colleagues to 
a house w^here Pompey at that time resided. He there pre- 
sented him with a sword, commanding him to march against 
Caesar, and fight in defence of the commonwealth. 28. 
Pompey declared he was ready to obey, but with an air of 
pretended moderation added, that it was only in case more 
gentle expedients could not be employed. 29. Caesar, who 
was instructed in all that passed, though he was still in 
Gaul, was willing to give his aims all the appearance of 
justice. He agreed to lay down his employment when 
Pompey should do the same. But the senate rejected his 
propositions, blindly confident of their power, and relying 
on the assurances of Pompey. Caesar, still unwilling to 
come to an open rupture with the state, at last w^as content 
to ask the government of Illyr'ia, with two legions ; but this 
also was refused him. 80. Finding all attempts at an ac- 
commodation fruitless, and conscious, if not of the goodness 
of his cause, at least of the goodness of his troops, he began 
to draw them down towards the confines of Italy ; and 
passing the Alps with his third legion, stopped at Raven'na, 
whence he once more wrote to the consuls, declaring that 
lie was ready to resign all command in case Pompey would 
do so. 31. On the other hand, the senate decreed, that 



THE C03rM0X WEALTH. 197 

Caesar should lay down his government, and disband his 
forces within a limited time ; and, if he refused obedience, 
that he should be declared an enemy to the common^ 
wealth. 



Questions for Examinatioru 

1. What was Caesar's first act after the Triumvirate had been formed! 

2. Whom did the senate appoint as Csesar's colleague, and why 1 

3. Had Bibuius any controul over Cssarl 

4. How did Caesar commence his schemes? 
6. How did he farther promote his views 1 

6. How were the provinces allotted ? 

7, 8. Was C&sar's a desirable allotment? 

9. Who were the first that submitted to Cassar^s arma I 

10. Who were the next! 

11. Who made the most formidable resistance? 

12. What other nations were subdued by Caesar 1 

13. Did these conquests content him? 

14. What opposition did he experience on the British coast? 

15. What followed this defeat? 

16. In what way were Caesar's views promoted? 

17. Did not Pompey suspect his intentions? 

18. When undeceived, what measures did he pursue? 

19. What contributed to widen the breach? 

20. How did Caesar ascertain the disposition of Pompey towards himt 

21. Did Pompey take an active part? 

22. What was Pompey's view in this ? 

23. Did Caesar fail into the snare ? 

24. Which side did the senate favour? 

25. Did Caesar give up the legions? 

26. What was the next step they took? 

27. What was the consequence of this proposal ? 

28. Did Pompey obey this command? 

29. What was Caesar's conduct on this occasion 1 

30. How did he next proceed ? 

31. What measure did the senate adopt ? 



SECTION II. 



1. CiESAR, however, seemed no way disturbed at these 
violent proceedings ; the night before his intended expedition 
into Italy, he sat down to table cheerfully, conversing with 
his friends on subjects of literature and philosophy; and 
apparently disengaged from every ambitious concern. After 

R 2 



108 HiyfORY or ROME. 

some time, rising up, he desired ihe company to make them- 
selves joyous in his absence, and that he would be with 
ihem in a moment : in the mean time, having ordered his 
chariot to be prepared, he immediately set out, attended by 
a few friends, for iVrim'inum, a city upon the confines of 
Italy, whither he had despatched a part of his anny the 
morning before. 2. This journey by night, which was 
very fatiguing, he performed with great diligence, some- 
times walking, and sometimes on horseback ; till at the 
break of day, he came up wuth his army, w^hich consisted 
of about five thousand men, near the Eu'bicon, a little river 
which separates Italy from Gaul, and %vhich marked the 
limits of his command. 3. The Romans had ever been 
taught to consider this river as the sacred boundary of their 
domestic empire. 4. Caesar, therefore, when he advanced 
at the head of his army to the side of it, stopped short upon 
the bank, as if impressed with terror at the greatness of his 
enterprise. He could not pass it without transgressing the 
laws ; he therefore pondered for some time in fixed melan- 
choly, looking and debating with himself whether he should 
venture in. ''If I pass this river," said he to one of his 
generals, " what miseries shall I bring upon my country ! 
and if I now stop short I am undone." 5. After a pause 
he exclaimed, " Let us go where the gods and the injustice 
of our enemies call us." Thus saying, and renewing all 
his former alacrity, he plunged in, crying out, " The die is 
cast" His soldiers followed him v/ith equal promptitude, 
and having passed the Ru'bicon, quickly arrived at Arim'i- 
num, and made themselves masters of the place without any 
resistance. 

6. This unexpected enterprise excited the utmost terror 
in Rome ; every one imagining that Caesar was leading his 
army to lay the city in ruins. At the same time were to be 
seen the citizens flying into the country for safety, and the 
inhabitants of the country coming to seek shelter in the 
city. 7. In this universal confusion, Pompey felt all that 
repentance and self-condemnation, which must necessarily 
arise from the remembrance of having advanced his rival to 
his present pitch of power : wherever he appeared, many 
of his former friends were ready to tax him with his su- 
pineness, and sarcastically to reproach his ill-grounded pre- 
sumption. 8. " Where is now," cried Favo'nius, a ridiculous 
senator of this party, " the army that is to rise at your com- 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 199 

mand ? let us see if it will appear by stamping."* Cato 
reminded him of the many warnings he had given him; 
which, however, as he ^vas continually boding nothing but 
calamities, Pompey might very justly be excused from 
attending to. 9. Being at length wearied with these re- 
proaches, which were offered under colour of advice, he did 
all that lay in his pov/er to encourage and confirm his fol- . 
lowers : he told them that they should not want an army, 
for that he w^ould be their leader. He confessed, indeed, 
that he had all along mistaken Caesar's aims, judging only 
from what they ought to have been ; however, if his friends 
were still inspired with the love of freedom, they might yet 
enjoy it in Vv'hatever place their necessities should happen to 
conduct them. 10. He let them know that their affairs w^ere 
in a very promising situation : that his two lieutenants were 
at the head of a very considerable army in Spain, composed 
of veteran troops that had made a conquest of the east : 
besides these, there were infinite resources, both in Asia and 
Africa, together with the succours they were sure to receive 
from all the kingdoms that were in alliance with Rome. 
11. This speech served in some measure to revive the hopes 
of the confederacy. The greatest part of the senate, his 
private friends and dependents, with all those w^ho expected 
to make their fortunes by espousing his cause, agreed to 
follow him. But being in no capacity to resist Caesar 
at Rome, he resolved to lead his forces to Cap'ua, where 
the two legions that served under Caesar in Gaul were 
stationed. 

12. Caesar in the mean time, after having vainly attempted 
to bring Pompey to an accommodation, resolved to pursue 
him into Cap'ua before he could collect his forces. Accord- 
ingly, he marched on to take possession of the cities that 
lay between him and his rival, not regarding Rome, w^hich 
he knew would fall of course to the conqueror. 

13. Corfin'ium was the first city that attempted to stop 
the rapidity of his march. , It was defended by Domi'tius, 
who had been appointed by the senate to succeed him in 
Gaul. Caesar quickly invested it ; and though Domi tins 
senl frequently to Pompey, exhorting him to come and raise 



* This alludes to a boasting speech made some time before by Pom- 
pey, when he told the senate not to be alarmed at the news of Caesar's 
approach, for that he had only to stamp, and an army would rise at his 
command. 



200 HISTORY OF ROME. 

the siege, he was at length obliged to endeavour to escape 
privately. 14. His intentions being divulged, the garrison 
resolved to consult their own safety by delivering him up to 
the besiegers. Caesar readily accepted their offers, but kept 
his men from immediately entering the town. 15. After some 
time, Len'tulus the consul, w^ho was one of the besieged, 
came out to implore forgiveness for himself and the rest of 
his confederates, putting Caesar in mind of their ancient 
friendship, and acknowledging the many favours he had re- 
ceived at his hands. 16. To this Caesar, who would not 
wait the conclusion of his speech, generously replied, that 
he came into Italy not to injure the liberties of Rome and 
its citizens, but to restore them. 17. This humane reply 
being quickly carried into the city, the senators and the 
knights, with their children, and some officers of the garri- 
son, came out to claim the conqueror's protection, who, just 
glancing at their ingratitude, gave them their liberty, with 
permission to go wheresoever they should think proper. 
18. But while he dismissed the leaders, he took care upon 
this, as upon all other occasions, to attach the common sol- 
diers to his interest, sensible that he might stand in need of 
the army ; but that w^hile he lived, the army could never 
stand in need of a commander. 

19. Pompey, v/ho was unable to continue in Rome, having 
intelligence of what had passed upon this occasion, retreated 
to Brundu'sium, Vv^here he resolved to stand a siege, in order 
to retard the enemy, until the forces of the empire should 
be united to oppose him. 20. His aim in this succeeded to 
his wish ; and after having employed Caesar for some time 
in a fruitless siege, he privately carried his forces over to 
Dyrrach'ium, where the consul had levied a body of troops 
for his assistance. 21. However, though he m^ade good his 
escape, he was compelled to leave all Italy at the mercy of 
his rival, without a town or an army that had strength to 
oppose his progress. 

22. Caesar, who could not follow Pompey for want of 
shipping, went back to Rome, to take possession of the 
public treasures, which his opponent, by a most unaccount- 
able oversight, had neglected to take with him. 23. Upon 
his coming up to the door of the treasury, Meterius, the 
tribune, who guarded it, refused to let him pass ; but Cassar, 
with emotion, laying his hand upon his sword, threatened 
to strike him dead. *'Know, young man,'' cried he, *'it is 
easier to do this than sav it." This menace had its effect; 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 201 

Metel'lus retired, and Caesar took out of the treasury three 
hundred thousand pounds weight of gold, and an immense 
quantity of silver. 

24. Having thus provided for continuing the war, he de- 
parted from Rome, resolved to subdue Pompey's lieutenants, 
Afra'nius and Petrei'us, who had been long in Spain at the 
head of a veteran army, which had ever been victorious. 
25. Caesar, however, who knew the abilities of its present 
commanders, jocosely said, as he was preparing to march, 
*' I am going to fight an army without a general, and return 
to fight a general without an army." 

26. The first conflict which he had with Afra'nius and 
Petrei'us was rather unfavourable. It was fought near the 
city of Ilerda,* and both sides claimed the honour of the 
victory. But, by various stratagems, he reduced them at 
last to such extremity of hunger and drought, that they were 
obliged to yield at discretion. 27. Clemency was his 
favourite virtue ; he dismissed them all with the kindest 
professions, and then sent them home to Eome loaded with 
shame, and with obligations to publish his virtues, and con- 
firm the affections of his adherents. 28. Thus, in the space 
of about forty days, he became master of Spain, and re- 
turned again victorious to Rome. The citizens on this 
occasion received him with fresh demonstrations of joy, 
and created him dictator and consul. But the first of these 
offices he laid down when he had held it eleven days. 



Questions for Examination. 

J . How did Caesar conduct himself on the night previous to his in- 
tended journey to Italy 1 
2. Did he accomplish his journey in safety 1 

5, What rendered this little river of consequence 1 
4. Did Caesar pass it without hesitation ] 

6. How did he determine? 

6. What effect was produced at Rome by this enterprise 1 

7. How was Porapey affected by it 1 

8. What taunting expressions were used on this occasion 1 

9. What was Pompey's conduct in reply 1 

10. How did he represent the state of affairs] 

11. What was the consequence of this statement? 

12. How was Caesar employed in the mean while 1 
13 What city first arrested his progress L ^ 

• Now Lerida in Catalonia, 



202 HISTORY OF ROME. 

1 4. Did liC succeed in his endeavour 1 

15. What uttempt was made to incline Csesar to mercy 1 

16. What was Ccesar's reply] 

17. What was the consequence of this reply? 

18. Did he dismiss the soldiers likewise 1 

19. Whither did Pompey retreat, and with what view? 

20. Did he succeed in his aimsl 

21. What was the consequence of his retreat 1 

22. Did Cjesar follow^ Pompey ] 

23. Was he opposed in his attempt • 
21. What was his next enterprise ^ 

25. What was Caesar's opinion of these commanders! 

26. Were they easily conquered 1 

27. What use did he make of his "victory ? 

28. What was the duration of this campaign, and what were its conse- 



SECTION III. 



1. '\Yhile CrEsar was thus employed, Pompey was active 
in making preparations in Epi'rus and Greece to oppose 
him. 2. All the monarchs of the East had declared in his 
favour, and sent very large supplies. He was master of 
nine effective Italian legions, and had a fleet of five hundred 
large ships, under the conduct of Bib'ulus, an active and 
experienced commander. Added to these, he was supplied 
with large sums of money, and all the necessaries for an 
army, from the tributary provinces round him. 3. He had 
attacked Antony and Dolabel'la, who commanded for Caesar 
in that part of the empire, with such success, that the for- 
mer was obliged to fiy, and the latter was taken prisoner. 
Crowds of the most distinguished citizens and nobles from 
Rome came every day to join him. He had at one time 
above two hundred senators in his camp, among whom were 
Ci'cero and Ca'to, whose approbation of his cause was 
equivalent to an army. 

4. Notv/ithstanding these preparations, Caesar shipped off 
five of his twelve legions at Brundu'sium, and fortunately 
steered through the midst of his enemies, timing it so well 
that he made his passage in one day. 5. Still, however, 
convinced that the proper time for making proposals for a 
peace was after gaining a^irantage, he sent one Ru'fus, whom 
he had taken prisoner, to effect an accommodation with 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 203 




Caesar embarking in a fishing boat. 

Pompey, offering to refer all to the senate and people of 
Rome ; but Pompey once more rejected the overture, con- 
sidering the people of Rome too much in Caesar's interest 
to be relied on. 

6. Pompey had been raising supplies in Macedo'nia when 
he was first informed of C?3sar's landing upon tlie coast of 
Epi'rus : he now resolved immediately to march to Dyr- 
rach'ium, in order to cover that place from Caesar's attempts, 
as all his ammunition and provisions were deposited there. 
7. The first place where both armies came in sight of each 
other was on the opposite banks of the river Ap'sus ; and 
as both were commanded by the two greatest generals then 
in the world ; the one renowned for his conquests in th« 
East, and the other celebrated for his victories over the 
western parts of the empire, a battle was eagerly desired by 
the soldiers on either side. 8. But neither of the generals 
were willing to hazard it upon this occasion : Pompey could 
not rely upon his new levies ; and Caesar would not venture 
an engagement till he was joined by the rest of his forces. 

9. Caesar had waited some time with extreme impatience 
for the coming up of the remainder of his army, and even 
ventured alone in an open fishing-boat to hasten its arrival ; 
but he was driven back by a storm. ^ 10. However, his 
disappointment was soon relieved by an information of the 

* It was on this occasion that he encouraged the master of the vessel, 
to whom he had not before made himself known, with these memorable 
words — **Fear nothing, for thou carriest Caesar and all his fortunes,'* 



204 HISTORY OF ROME. 

landing of the troops at Apollo'nia; he, therefore, decamped 
in order to meet them ; and to prevent Pompey, with his 
army, from engaging them on their march, as he hiy on that 
side of the river where the succours iiad been obliged to 
coiae on shore. 

11. Pompey, being compelled to retreat, led his forces 
to Aspara'gium, where he was sure of being supplied with 
every thing necessary for his army, by the numerous fleets 
which he employed along the coasts of Epi'rus : there he 
pitched his camp upon a tongue of land (as mariner's express 
it) that jutted into the sea, where also was a small shelter 
for his ships. 12. In this place, being most advantageously 
situated, he began immediately to intrench his camp ; which 
Caesar perceiving, and finding that he was not likely soon 
to quit so advantageous a post, began also to intrench behind 
him. 13. As all beyond Pompey's camp towards the land 
side was hilly and steep, Caesar built redoubts upon the hills, 
stretching from shore to shore, and then caused lines of 
communication to be drawn from hill to hill, by w^hich he 
blocked up the camp of the enemy. 14. He hoped by this 
blockade to force his opponent to a battle, which he ar- 
dently desired, and which the other with equal industry 
declined. Thus both sides continued for some time em- 
ployed in designs and stratagems, the one to annoy and the 
other to defend. 15. Caesar's men daily carried on their 
works to straiten the enemy ; those of Pompey, having the 
advantage of numbers, did the same to enlarge themselves, 
and severely galled the enemy by their slingers and archers. 
16. Caesar, however, was indefatigable ; he caused blinds 
or mantalets to be made of the skins of beasts, to cover his 
men while at work ; he cut olf all the water that supplied 
the enemy's camp, and the forage from the horses, so that 
there remained no more subsistence for them. 17. But 
Pompey at last resolved to break through his lines, and gain 
some other part of the country more convenient for encamp- 
ment. Accordingly, having informed himself of the con- 
dition of Caesar's fortifications from some deserters who 
came over to him, he ordered the light infantry and archers 
on board his ships to attack Caesar's entrenchments by sea, 
wiiere they were least defended. 18. This was done with 
such effect, that though Caesar and his oflicers used their 
utmost endeavours to hinder Pompey's designs, yet by 
means of reiterated attempts, he at last effected his purpose 
of extricating his army from its present camp, and of en- 



THE C0M3I0N\VEALTH. 205 

(tamping in another place by the sea, where he had the con- 
venience both of forage and shipping. 19. Caesar being 
thus frustrated in his views of blocking up the enemy, and 
perceiving the loss he had sustained, resolved at last to force 
Pompey to a battle, though upon disadvantageous terms. 
20. The engagement began by attempting to cut off a legion 
which was posted in a wood ; and this brought on a general 
battle. The conflict was for some time carried on with 
great ardour, and with equal fortune ; but Caesar's army 
being entangled in the entrenchments of the old camps 
lately abandoned, began to fall into disorder ; upon which 
Pompey pressing his advantage, they at last fiecl wdth pre- 
cipitation. Great numbers perished in the trenches and on 
the banks of the river, or were pressed to death by their 
fellows. 21. Pompey pursued his success to the very 
camp of Caesar ; but either from surprise, under the sud- 
denness of his victory, or fearful of an ambuscade, he with 
drew his troops into his own camp, and thus lost an oppor- 
tunity of completing his victory. 

22. After this defeat, which w^as by no means decisive, 
Caesar marched, with all his forces united in one body, di- 
rectly to Gom'phi, a town in the province of Thes'saly. But 
the news of his defeat at Dyr'rachium had reached this place 
before him ; the inhabitants, therefore, who had before pro- 
mised him obedience, now changed their minds, and, with 
a degree of baseness equal to their imprudence, shut their 
gates against him. 23. Caesar was not to be injured with 
impunity. Having represented to his soldiers the great 
advantage of forcing a place so very rich, he ordered the 
scaling ladders to be got ready, and causing an assault to 
be made, proceeded with such vigour that, notwithstanding 
the height of the walls, the town was taken in a few hours. 
24. Caesar left it to be plundered, and, without delaying his 
march, went forward to Metrop'olis, another town of the 
same province, which yielded at his approach. By this 
means he soon became possessed of all Thes'saly, except 
Laris'sa, which was garrisoned by Scip'io, with his legion 
who commanded for Pompey. 25. During this interval. 
Pompey's officers continually soliciting their commander to 
come to a battle, he, at length, resolved to renounce his 
own judgment in compliance with those about him, and 
gave up all schemes of prudence for those dictated by 
avarice and passion. 26. Advancing, therefore, into Thes'- 
saly, within a few davs after the taking of Gom'phi, he drew 

S 



206 ' HISTORY OF ROxME. 

down upon the plains of Pliarsa'lia, where he was joined by 
Scip'io, his lieutenant, and the troops under his command. 
There, waiting the coming of Ccesar, he resolved to engage, 
and, by a single battle, decide the fate of kingdoms. 



Questions for Examination. 

1 . How was Pompey engaged at this time 1 

3. What advantages did he possess ? 

3. What farther contributed to give him hopes of success 1 

4. Was CfEsar discouraged by these formidable preparations T 

5. Was he resolutely bent on hostilities 1 

6. What was Pompey's first measure ? 

7. Where did the armies first come in sight of each other 1 

8. Was an immediate engagement the consequence 1 

9. Was this junction soon effected 1 

10. What was the consequence 1 

11. What was Pompey's next measure] 

12. Bid he remain long in this place 1 

13. What means did Caesar adopt to distress the enemy 1 

14. What did he promise himself from the adoption of this plan ? 

15. How were both armies employed 1 

16. What was the conduct of Caesar on this occasion? 

17. How did Pompey frustrate his designs'? 

18. Was he successful in his attempts ? 

19. What was Caesar's resolution on this occasion? 

20. By what means did he efiect this 1 

21. Did Pompey make the most of his victory 1 

22. Whither did Caesar betake himself, and what was the consequence^ 

of his defeat ? 

23. Did he quietly submit to this insult? 

24. What revenge did he talte ? 

25. How did Pompey act on this occasion ? 

26. Where was this great contest about to be decided ? 



SECTION IV. 



1. C^sAR had employed all his art for some time in 
sounding the inclinations of his men ; and finding his army 
once more resolute and vigorous, he advanced towards the 
plains of Pharsa'lia, where Pompey was encamped. 

2. The approach of two armies, composed of the best 
and bravest troops in the world, together with the greatness 
of the prize for which they contended, filled every mind 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 207 

with anxiety, though with different expectations. 3. Pom- 
pey's army, being most numerous, turned all their thoughts 
to the enjoyment of the victory ; Caesar's considered only 
the means of obtaining it ; Pompey's army depended upon 
their numbers, and their many generals ; Csesar's upon 
their discipline, and the conduct of their single commander. 
4. Pompey's partisans hoped much from the justice of 
their cause ; Caesar's alleged the frequent proposals which 
they had made for peace without effect. Thus the views, 
hopes and motives of both seemed different, whilst their 
hatred and ambition were the same. 5. Caesar, who was 
ever foremost in offering battle, led out his army to meet 
the enemy; but Pompey, either suspecting his troops, or 
dreading the event, kept his advantageous situation at the 
foot of the hill near which he was posted. 6. Caesar, 
unwilling to attack him at a disadvantage, resolved to de- 
camp the next day, hoping to weary out his antagonist, who 
was not a match for him in sustaining the fatigues of duty. 
7. Accordingly the order for marching was given, and the 
tents were struck, when word was brought him that Pom- 
pey's army had now quitted their intrenchments, and ad- 
vanced farther into the plain than usual ; so that he might 
engage them at less disadvantage. 8. Upon this he caused 
his troops to halt, and, with a countenance of joy, informed 
them that the happy time was at last come, which they had 
so long wished for, and which was to crov/n their glory, and 
terminate their fatigues. He then drew up his troops in 
order, and advanced towards the place of battle. 9. His 
forces did not amount to above half those of Pompey ; the 
army of the one was about forty-five thousand foot, and seven 
thousand horse : that of the other not exceeding twenty-two 
thousand foot, and about a thousand horse. 10. This dis- 
proportion, particularly in the cavalry, had filled Caesar with 
apprehensions ; he therefore had some days before picked 
out the strongest and nimblest of his foot soldiers, and ac- 
customed them to fight between the ranks of his cavalry. 
By their assistance, his thousand horse was a match for 
Pompey's seven thousand, and had actually got the better in 
a skirmish that happened between them some days before. 
11. Pompey, on the other hand, had a strong expectation 
of success ; he boasted that he could put Cassar's legions to 
flight without striking a single blow ; presuming that as soon 
as the armies formed, his cavalry, on which he placed his 
greatest expectations, would out-flank and surround the 



208 HISTORY OF ROME. 

enemy. In this disposition Pompey led his troops to battle 
12. As the armies approached, the two generals went from 
rank to rank, encouraging their men, exciting their hopes, 
and lessening their apprehensions. 13. Pompey represented 
to his men that the glorious occasion which they had long 
besought him to grant was now before them. " What ad- 
vantages," said he, could you wish, that you are not now 
possessed of. Your numbers, your vigour, a late victory, 
all assure us of a speedy and an easy conquest of those 
harassed and broken troops, composed of men worn out 
with age, and impressed with the terrors of a recent defeat ; 
but there is still a stronger bulwark for our protection than 
the superiority of our strength; and that is, the justice of 
our cause. You are engaged in the defence of liberty and 
of your country ; you are supported by its lav^s, and followed 
by its magistrates ; the world are spectators of your conduct, 
and wish you success : on the contrary, he whom you op 
pose is a robber, an oppressor of his country, already nearly 
sunk with the consciousness of his crimes, as well as the ill 
success of his arms. Show then, on this occasion, all that 
ardour and detestation of tyranny which should animate 
Romans, and do justice to mankind.'' 

•14. Caesar, on his part, went among his men with that 
steady serenity for which he was so much admired in the 
midst of danger. He insisted on nothing so strongly, as his 
frequent and unsuccessful endeavours for peace. He spoke 
with terror of the blood he was about to shed, and pleaded 
the necessity that urged him to it. He deplored the many 
brave men that Vv^ere to fall on both sides, and the wounds 
of his country, whoever might be victorious. 15. His sol- 
diers answered only with looks of ardour and impatience. 
He gave the signal to begin. The word on Pompey 's side 
was, " Her'cules the Invincible:" that on Caesar's, " Ve'nus 
the Victorious." 16. There was no more space between 
both armies than to give room for the charge : Pompey 
therefore ordered his men to receive the first shock without 
moving from their places, expecting the enemy's ranks to 
be put into disorder. Csesar's soldiers were now rushing 
on with their usual impetuosity, when, perceiving the enemy 
motionless, they all stopt short, as if by general consent, 
and halted in the midst of their career. 17. A terrible pause 
ensued, in w^hich both armies continued to gaze upon each 
other with mutual terror and dreadful serenity. At length, 
Caesar's men having taken breath, ran furiously upon the 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 209 

enemy, first discharging their javelins, and then drawing 
their swords. The same method was observed by Pompey's 
troops, who as firmly sustained the attack. His cavahy also 
were ordered to charge at the very onset, which, with the 
multitude of archers and slingers, soon obliged Caesar's men 
to give ground. 18. Caesar instantly ordered the six cohorts, 
that were placed as a reinforcement, to advance, and to 
strike at the enemy's faces. 19. This had its desired effect: 
Pompey's cavalry, that Avere just before sure of the victory, 
received an immediate check. The unusual method of 
fighting pursued by the cohorts, their aiming entirely at the 
visages of the assailants, and the horrible disfiguring wounds 
they made, all contributed to intimidate them so much, that 
instead of defending tlieir persons, they endeavoured only 
to save their faces. •' 20. A total rout ensued ; they fled to 
the neighbouring mountains, while the archers and slingers, 
who vrere thus abandoned, were cut to pieces. 21. Caesar 
now commanded the cohorts to pursue their success, and 
charge Pompey's troops upon the flank : this charge the 
enemy withstood for some time with great bravery, till 
Caesar brought up his third line, which had not yet engaged. 
22. Pompey's infantry being thus doubly attacked, in front 
by fresh troops, and in the rear by the victorious cohorts, 
could no longer resist, but fled to their camp. The flight 
began among the strangers. Pompey's right wing still 
valiantly maintained their ground. 23. Caesar, however, 
convinced that the victory was certain, with his usual cLem- 
ency cried out to pursue the strangers, but to spare the 
Romans ; upon Vv^hich they all laid down their arms and 
received quarter. The greatest slaughter was among the 
auxiliaries, who fled on all sides. 24. The battle had now 
lasted from break of day till noon, and the weather was ex 
tremely hot ; nevertheless, the conquerors remitted not their 
ardour, being encouraged by the example of a general, who 
thought his victory incomplete till he should become master 
of the enemy's camp. Accordingly, marching on foot at 
their head, he called upon them to follow and strike the de- 
cisive blow. 25. The cohorts which were left to defend 
the camp, for some time made a formidable resistance ; par- 
ticularly a great number of Thra'cians and other barbarians, 
who were appointed for that purpose ; but nothing could 

* Csesar calls the young patricians that composed Pompey's cavalry, 
*' pretty young dancers." 

s 2 



310 HISTORY OF ROME. 

resist the ardour of Caesar's victorious army ; the enemy 
were at last driven from the trenches, and compelled to fly 
to the mountains. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the state of Csesar's army immediately before the battle 

of Pharsalia ] 

2. What effect had the approaching event on the minds of men 1 

3. What were the respective advantages of each army ? 

4. On what did they principally build their hopes ? 

5. Who was the first to offer battle 1 

6. How did Caesar act on this occasion T 

7. What followed] 

8. What effect had this intelligence on Csesar's plan 1 

9. Of what number of troops w^ere each of the armies composed 1 

1 0. What did Csssar consider necessary to be done to remedy this dis» 

proportion 1 

11. What were Pompey's expectations and boasts? 

12. What was the conduct of the generals'? 

13. Repeat Pompey's address to his troops ? 

14. How did Csesar encourage his men 1 

15. V/hat effect had this speech, and what was the word on both sides'? 

16. In what manner did the attack commence ? 

1 7. Describe the progress of the battle ] 

18. What means did Csjsar adopt to prevent a defeat] 

19. V/as this measure successful 1 

20. What was the consequence 1 

21. What w^ere Caesar's farther commands! 

22. What followed ? 

23. What use did Csesar make of his victory 1 

24. Did not fatigue abate the ardour of Csesar's troojps ? 

25. Did they attempt to defend the camp % 



SECTION V. 



1. C^SAR, seeing" the field and camp strewed w^ith his 
fallen countrymen, was strongly affected at the melancholy 
prospect, and cried out to one that stood near him, " They 
would have it so." 2. In the camp, every object presented 
fresh instances of the blind presumption and madness of his 
adversaries. On all sides were to be seen tents adorned 
with ivy and myrtle, couches covered with purple, and side- 
boards loaded with plate. Every thing gave proof of the 



THE COMMONWEALTH 211 

highest luxury, and seemed rather the preparatives for a 
banquet, or the rejoicings for a victory, than dispositions 
for a battle. 3. A camp so richly furnished would have 
engaged the attention of any troops but Caesar's ; but there 
was still something to be done, and he permitted them not 
to pursue any other object than their enemies. 4. A con- 
siderable body having retired to the adjacent mountains, he 
prevailed on his soldiers to join him in the pursuit, in order 
to oblige these to surrender. He began by inclosing them 
with a line drawn at the foot of the mountain ; but they 
quickly abandoned a post which was untenable for want of 
water, and endeavoured to reach the city of Laris'sa. 5. 
Caesar, leading a part of his army by a shorter way, inter- 
cepted their retreat. Howev^er, these unhappy fugitives 
again found protection from a mountain, at the foot of 
which ran a rivulet that supplied them w^ith w^ater. 6, 
Night approaching, Cjssar's men were almost spent, and 
fainting with their incessant toil since morning ; yet still he 
prevailed upon them to renew their labours, and cut off the 
rivulet that supplied the defendants. 7. The fugitives, thus 
deprived of all hopes of succour or subsistence, sent depu- 
ties to the conqueror, offering to surrender at discretion. 
During this interval of negociation, a few senators that were 
among them, took the advantage of the night to escape, and 
the rest, next morning, gave up their arms, and experienced 
the conqueror's clemency. In fact, he addressed them with 
great gentleness, and forbade the soldiers to offer violence, 
or to take any thing from them. 8. Thus Caesar gained the 
most complete victory that had ever been obtained ; and by 
his great clemency after the battle, seemed to have deserved 
it. His loss amounted only to two hundred men ; that of 
Pompey to fifteen thousand ; twenty-four thousand men sur- 
rendered themselves prisoners of war, and the greatest part 
of these entered into Caesar's army, and were incorporated 
with the rest of his forces. 9. To the senators and Roman 
knights, w^ho fell into his hands, he generously gave liberty 
to retire v/herever they thought proper ; and as for the letters 
which Pornpey had received from those who wished to be 
thought neutral, Csesar burnt them all without reading, as 
Pompey had done on a former occasion. 10. Thus having 
performed all the duties of a general and a statesman, he sent 
for the legions which had passed the night in camp, to re- 
lieve those which had accompanied him in the pursuit, and 
arrived the same day at Laris'sa. 



212 HISTORY OF ROVE. 

11. As for Pompey, who had formerly shown such in 
stances of courage and conduct, when he saw his cavalry 
routed, on which he had placed his sole dependence, he ab- 
solutely lost his reason. 12. Instead of thinking how to 
remedy this disorder by rallying such troops as fled, or by 
opposmer fresh forces to stop the progress of the conqueror, 
beinor totally amazed by this first blow, he returned to the 
camp, and in liis tent waited the issue of an event which it 
was his duty to have directed, not to follow. There he re- 
mained for some moments speechless, till being told that 
the camp was anacked — •' What !" says he, '• are we pur- 
sued to our very intrenchments ?' * when, immediately quit- 
ting his armour for a habit more suited to his circumstances, 
he fled on horseback to Laris'sa: thence, perceiving that he 
was not pursued, he slackened his pace, giving way to all 
the a^fonizing redections which his deplorable situation must 
naturally suggest. 13. In this melancholy manner he 
passed along the vale of Tempe, and pursuing the course 
of the river Pe'neus, at last arrived at a fisherman's hut; 
here he passed the night, and then went on board a little 
bark, keeping along the sea-shore, till he descried a ship of 
S|pme burden, which seemed preparing to sail. In this he 
embarked : the master of the vessel stUl pa^^-ing him that 
homage which was due to his former station. 

14. From the month of the river Pe'neus he sailed to 
Amphip'olis, where, finding his aflairs desperate, he steered 
to Les'bos, to take with him his wife Come'lia, whom he 
had left there, at a distance from the dangers and distresses 
of war. 15. She, who had long flattered herself with the 
hopes of victor}', now felt the agonizing reverse of fortune : 
she was desired by the messenger, whose tears more than 
Ids words proclaimed her unspeakable misfortunes, to hasten 
away if she expected to see Pompey, who had but one ship, 
and even that not his own. 16. Her grief, which before 
was violent, became now insupportable : she fainted, and 
lay without signs of life. At length recovering, and reflect- 
ing that it was no time for vain lamentations, she fled through 
the city to the seaside. 

17. Pompey received and embraced her, and in silent 
despair supponed her in his arms. '-Alas !" said Corne'Ua, 
'* you who, before our marriage, appeared in these seas as 
the commander of five hundred sail, are now reduced to 
make your escape in a single vessel. Why come yon in 
search of an unfommate woman ? Whv wa.« I not left to a 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 8)3 




Death of Pompey. 

fate which now you are under the necessity of sharing with 
me ? Happy for me had I executed, long since, my design 
of quitting this life ! But fatally have I been reserved to add 
to Pompey's sorrows." 

18. Pompey instanced the uncertainty of all human affairs, 
and endeavoured by every argument to give her comfort ; 
then, taking her under his protection, he continued his 
course, stopping no longer than was necessary for a supply 
of provisions at the ports which occurred in his passage. 
19. He now determined upon applying to Ptol'emy, king 
of Egypt, to whose father he had been a considerable bene- 
factor. Ptol'emy was yet a minor, and had not the govern- 
ment in his own hands, but was under the direction of an 
administration. 20. His council insidiously contrived that 
Pompey should be invited on shore, and murdered before 
he should come into the king's presence. Achil'las, com- 
mander of the forces, and Septim'ius, a Roman, who had 
formerly been a centurion in Pompey's army, undertook 
to carry the treacherous design into execution. Attended 
by three or four more, they put off in a little bark, and 
rowed to Pompey's ship, that lay about a mile from the 
shore. 

21. Pompey now took leave of Corne'lia, repeating to 
her a verse of Soph'ocles, signifying, that *'he who trusts 
his freedom to a tyrant, from that moment becomes a slave." 
He then gave his hand to Achil'las, and, w^ith only two of 
his own attendants, stepped into the bark. 22. The frantic 
Corne'lia nung over the side of the deck, weeping and 



214 KISTOJIY OF ROME. 

exclaiming against his separation from her. *' Alas !'' said 
she, "whither art thou going?" 

He spoke ; but she, unmoved at his commands, 
Thus loud exclaiming, stretched her eager hands ; 
" Whither, inhuman ! whither art thou gone ] 
Still must I vv^sep our common griefs alone 1" 

Rowe's Lucan. 

In wild astonishment she followed him with her eyes, and 
uttering to the winds her fruitless lamentations. 

23. The mariners, regardless of her sorrov/s, rowed to- 
wards land, without a word passing among them, till Pom- 
pey, by w^ay of breaking silence, looking at Septim'ius, 
whose face he recollected. " Methinks, friend," said he, 
" you once served under me." Septim'ius noticing these 
words only by a contemptuous nod of the head, Pompey 
betook himself to a paper, on which he had minuted a 
speech intended to be made to the king, and began reading 
it. In this manner they approached the shore ; whilst Cor- 
ne'lia, whose insufferable sorrow had never let her lose 
sight of her husband, began to conceive hopes, perceiving 
that the people on the strand crowded down along the coast 
as if eager to receive him. 24. Alas ! these hopes were 
soon destroyed. At the instant that Pompey rose, support- 
ing himself upon his freedman's arm, Septim'ius stabbed him 
in the back, and Achillas instantly seconded the blow. 25. 
Pompey, perceiving his death inevitable, calmly disposed 
himself to meet it with decency; and covering his face with 
his robe, without a word resigned himself to his fate. 26. 
At this horrid sight, Corne'lia and her attendants shrieked, 
so as to be heard to the very shore. But the danger they 
were in allowing no time to look on, they immediately set 
sail, and, the wind proving favourable, fortunately escaped 
the pursuit of the Egyptian galleys. 27. In the mean time, 
Pompey' s murderers, having taken off his head, embalmed 
it for a present to Caesar, whilst the body was thrown naked 
on the strand, and exposed to the view of those whose cu- 
riosity was to be satisfied. 28. But his faithful freedman, 
Philip, still kept near it ; and when the crowd dispersed, he 
washed it in the sea, and looking round for materials to burr 
it, perceived the wrecks of a fishing-boat, of which he com- 
posed a pile. 29. While he was thus piously employed, 
he was accosted by an old Roman soldier, who had served 
under Pompey in his youth. •' Who art thou ?" said he, 



r 



rUK COMMONWEALTH. 215 

*^ that art making these humble preparations for Pompey's 
funeral?" — ''One of his freedmen," answered Philip. — 
" Alas," replied the soldier, '' permit me to share with you 
the honour of this sacred action. Among all the miseries 
of my exile, it will be my last sad comfort, that I have been 
able to assist at the funeral of my old commander, and to 
touch the body of the bravest general that ever Rome 
produced." 

30. Thus were the last rites performed to Pompey. But 
his ashes (according to Plutarch) were carefully collected, 
and carried to Corne'lia, who deposited them at his villa 
near Alba, in Italy. 31. We are told, too, that the Egyptians 
afterwards erected a monument to him, on the spot on which 
his funeral pile had been raised, with an inscription to this 
purpose : — '' How poor a tomb covers the man who once 
had temples erected to his honour !" 

32. From Pompey's death w^e may date the extinction of 
the republic. From this period the senate was dispossessed 
of its power ; and Rome henceforward was never without 
a master. 



Questions for Uxamination, 

1. How was Csesar affected by the result of the battle 1 

2. What appearance did Pompey's camp present 1 

3. Did Caesar's troops immediately begin to plunder 1 

4. What became of the fugitives 1 

5. Did they succeed in the attempt 1 

6. Were the labours of Cesar's soldiers now at an end 1 

7. What effect had this on the fugitives ] 

8. Was this victory of importance, and what was the loss on both sio«y 

9. In what manne-r did Caesar behave to the vanquished 1 

10. What followed ] 

11. What was the conduct of Pompey on this occasion 1 

12. Mention your reasons for this assertion ? 

13. Proceed in relating farther particulars 1 

14. Whither did he next steer his course 1 

15. 16. What effect had the tidings on Cornelia 1 

17. Relate what passed at their interview '? 

18. How did Pompey attempt to comfort her 7 

19. What determination did he now form] 

20. What was his intended reception] «? 

21. Did Pompey fall into the snare] 

22. Was his separation from his wife a painful one ] 
2.^^. Wxhat passed in the boat ] 

24. Were Cornelia's hopes well founded 1 



216 HISTORY OF ROME 

25. Did Pompej' resist this treacherous attack 1 

26. Was Cornelia a witness to this horrid transaction 7 

27. How was the hody of Pompey treated 1 

28. Had he no friend to perform the last offices for him ! 

29. By whom was he assisted ? 

30. What became of his remains 1 

31. What respect did the Egyptians afterwards pay to his memory 1 

32. What was the face of affairs after Pompey's death ] 



CHAPTER XXI. 
SECTION I. 



FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE COMMONWEALTH, TO THB 
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST EMPEROR, AUGUSTUS.—- 
U. C. 706. 

1. C^SAR has been much celebrated for his good fortune, 
but his abilities seem equal to the highest success. He 
possessed shining qualities, tarnished by ambition only. 
His talents were such as w^ould have rendered him victori- 
ous at the head of any army ; and he would have governed 
in any republic that had given him birth. 2. Having now 
gained a most complete victory, his success seemed only to 
increase his activity, and inspire him with fresh resolution 
to face new dangers. He determined, therefore, to pursue 
liis last advantage, and follow Pompey to whatever country 
he had retired ; convinced that, though he might gain new 
triumphs, he should never enjoy security until his rival was 
in his power. 

3. Accordingly, losing no time, he set sail for Egypt, 
and arrived at Alexandria with about four thousand men : a 
very inconsiderable force to keep so pov/erful a kingdom 
under subjection. 4. The first accounts he received were 
of Pompey's miserable end ; and soon after, one of the 
murderers came with his head and his ring, as a most 
grateful present to the conqueror. 5. But Caesar had too 
much humanity to be pleased with so horrid a spectacle — 
with the sad remains of the man he once loved ; his partner 
in power. He turned from it vvith disgust; and, after a 
short pause, gave vent to his pity in a flood of tears. He 
©rdered the head to be burned with the mo.tt costly per- 



THE EMPIRE. 217 

fumes, and placed the ashes in a temple, which he built and 
dedicated to the goddess Nem'esis, the avenger of cruel and 
inhuman deeds, 

6. It should seem that the Egyptians, by this time, had 
some hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Romans, 
which they considered, as in fact it was, only another name 
for subjection. They first took offence at Caesar's carrying 
the ensigns of Roman power before him as he entered the 
city. Photi'nus also treated him with great disrespect, and 
even attempted his life. 7. Caesar, however, concealed his 
resentment till he had a force sufficient to punish his treach- 
ery ; sending, therefore, privately, for the legions which he 
had formerly enrolled for Pompey's service, as being the 
nearest to Egypt, he, in the mean time, pretended to repose 
an entire confidence in the king's ministers, making great 
entertainments, and assisting at the conferences of the philo- 
sophers, who were numerous at Alexan'dria. 8. However, 
he soon changed his manner, when he found himself in no 
danger from the ministers' attempts : and declared, that, 
being a Roman consul, it was his duty to settle the succes- 
sion of the Egyptian crown. 

9. There were at that time two pretenders to the crown 
of Egypt ; Ptol'emy, the acknowledged king, and the cele- 
brated Cleopa'tra, his sister, to whom, by the custom of the 
country, he was married ; and w^ho, by his father's will, 
shared jointly in the succession. 10. Not contented with 
the participation of power, Cleopa'tra aimed at governing 
alone ; but being opposed in her views by the Roman sen- 
ate, who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, she was 
banished into Sy'ria, with Arsin'oe, her younger sister. 
11. CaBsar gave her new hopes of aspiring to the kingdom, 
and sent both to her and her brother to plead their cause 
before him. But Photi'nus, the young king's guardian, 
disdaining to .accept this proposal, backed his refusal by 
sending an army of twenty thousand men to besiege him in 
Alexandria. 12. Caesar bravely repulsed the enemy ; but 
finding the city of too great extent to be defended by so 
small an army as his, he retired to the palace, which com- 
manded the harbour, and there purposed to make his stand. 
13. Achillas, who commanded the Egyptians, attacked him 
with great vigour, and aimed at making himself master of 
the fleet that lay before the palace. 14. Caesar, however, 
too well knew the importance of those ships in the hands 
of an enemy ; and therefore burnt them all, in spite of every 

T 



218 HISTORY OF ROME. 

effort to prevent him. He next possessed himself of the isle 
of Pha'ros, by which he was enabled to receive supplies ; 
and, in this situation, determined to withstand the united 
force of the Egyptians.* 

15. In the mean time, Cleopa'tra, having heard of the 
present turn in her favour, resolved to depend on Caesars 
patronage for gaining the government, rather than on her 
own forces. But no arts, as she justly conceived, were so 
likely to influence Caesar as the charms of her person, 
which were irresistible. 16. She was now in the bloom 
of youth and beauty, while every feature borrowed grace 
from the lively turn of her temper. To the most enchant- 
ing address she joined the most harmonious voice. With 
all these accomplishments, she possessed a great share of 
the learning of the times, and could give audience to the 
ambassadors of seven different nations without an interpre- 
ter. 17. The difficulty was, how to gain admission to 
Ccfisar, as her enemies were in possession of all the avenues 
that led to the palace. For this purpose she went on board 
a small vessel, and, in the evening, landed near the palace ; 
where, being wrapt up in a coverlet, she was carried as a 
bundle of clothes into the very presence of Caesar. 18. Her 
address instantly struck him ; her wit and understanding 
fanned the flame ; but her affability entirely brought him 
over to second her claims. 

19. While Cleopa'tra v/as thus employed in forwarding 
her own views, her sister, Arsin'oe was also strenuously en- 
gaged in the camp, in pursuing a separate interest. She had 
found means, by the assistance of one Gan'ymede, her con- 
fidant, to make a large division in the Egyptian army in her 
favour ; and, soon after, by one of those sudden revolutions 
which are common in barbarian camps to this day, she 
caused Achil'las to be murdered, and Gan'ymede to take the 
command in his stead, and to carry on the siege with greater 
vigour than before. 20. Gan'ymede's principal effort was 
by letting in the sea upon those canals which supplied the 
palace with fresh water ; but this inconvenience Caesar re- 
medied by digging a great number of wells. His next en- 
deavour was to prevent the junction of Caesar's twenty- 
fourth legion, which he twice attempted in vain. He soon 
after made himself master of a bridge which joined the isle 

• In this contest the famous Alexan'drian library, consisting, it is 
■aid, of 700,000 volumes, waa accidentally burnt. 



THE EMPIRE. 219 

of Pha'ros to the continent, from which post Cae»ar was re- 
solved to dislodge him. 21. In tlie heat of the action, some 
mariners, partly through curiosity, and partly through am- 
bition, came and joined the combatants ; but, being seized 
with a panic, instanUy fled, and spread a general terror 
through the army. All Caesar's endeavours to rally his forces 
were in vain, the confusion was past remedy, and numbers 
were drowned or put to the sword in attempting to escape 
22. Now, therefore, seeing the irremediable disorder of his 
troops, he fled to a ship, in order to get to the palace that 
was just opposite ; but he was no sooner on board, than 
such crowds entered after him, that being apprehensive o? 
the ship's sinking, he jumped into the sea, and swam two 
hundred paces to the fleet which lay before the palace, all 
the time holding his Commentaries in his left hand above 
the water, and his coat of mail in his teeth. 

23. The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the 
palace ineffectual, endeavoured at least to get their king out 
of Caesar's power, as he had seized upon his person in the 
beginning of their disputes. For this purpose they made 
use of their customary arts of dissimulation, professing the 
utmost desire of peace, and only wanting the presence ol 
their lawful prince to give a sanction to the treaty. 24. Cae 
sar was sensible of their perfidy, but concealed his suspicions, 
and gave them their king, as he was under no apprehensiona 
from the abilities of a boy. Ptol'emy, however, the instant 
he was set at liberty, instead of promoting the peace, made 
every effort to give vigour to his hostilities. 

25. In this manner was Caesar hemmed in for some time 
by an artful and insidious enemy, and surrounded with al- 
most insurmountable difficulties ; but he was at last relieved 
from this mortifying situation by Mithrida'tes Pergame'nus, 
one of his most faithful partizans, who came with an army 
to his assistance. This general marched into Egypt, took 
the city of Pelu'sium, repulsed the Egyptian army with 
loss, and, at last, joining with Caesar, attacked their camp 
with a great slaughter of the Egyptians. Ptol'emy himself, 
attempting to escape on board a vessel, was drowned by the 
ship's sinking. 26. Caesar thus became master of all Egypt, 
without any farther opposition. He appointed Cleopa'tra, 
with her younger brother, who was then an infant, joint 
governors, according to the intent of their father's will, 
and drove out Arsin'oe, with Gan'ymede, to banishment. 

27. Having thus given away kingdoms, he now, foi a 



220 HISTORY OF ROME. 

while, seemed to relax from the usual activity of his eonduct» 
being captivated with the charms of Cleopa'tra. Instead of 
quitting Egypt to go and quell the remains of Pompey's party, 
he abandoned himself to his pleasures, passing whole nights 
in feasting with the young queen. He even resolved on at- 
tending her up the Nile, into Ethiopia; but the brave vete- 
rans, who had long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended 
his conduct, and refused to be partners in so infamous an 
expedition. 23. Thus at length roused from his lethargy, 
he resolved to prefer the call of ambition to that of love ; 
and to leave Cleopa'tra, in order to oppose Pharna'ces, the 
king of Bosphorus, who had made some inroads upon the 
dominions of Rome in the East. 

29. This prince, who had cruelly deposed his father, the 
great Mithrida'tes, being ambitious of conquering those do- 
minions, seized upon Arme'nia and Corchis, and overcame 
Domit'ius, who had been sent against him. 30. Upon Cae- 
sar's march to oppose him, Pharna'ces, who was as much 
terrified at the name of the general as at the strength of his 
army, laboured, by all the arts of negociation, to avert the 
impending danger. 31. Caesar, exasperated at his crimes 
and ingratitude, at first dissembled with the ambassadors ; 
and using all expedition, fell upon the enemy unexpectedly, 
and, in a few hours, obtained an easy and complete victory. 
Pharna'ces attempting to take refuge in his capital, w^as slain 
by one of his own commanders— a just punishment for his 
former parricide. Caesar achieved this conquest with so 
much ease, that in writing to a friend at Home, he expressed 
the rapidity of his victory in three words, " Veni, vidi, 
vici."* A man so accustomed to conquest might, perhaps, 
think a slight battle scarcely worth a long letter ; though it 
is more probable that these memorable words were dictated 
rather bv vanitv than indifference. 



Qi( est ions for Examination. 

1. What were the abilities and character of Caesar 1 
2 Did he rest satisfied with his present successes 1 

3. Whither did he steer his course 1 

4. What occurred on his arrival 1 

5. Was Caesar pleased with this spectacle T 

* I came, I saw, I conquered. 



THE EMPIRE. 221 

6. What was the conduct of the Egyptians towards Ciesar 1 

7. Did Caesar resent this conduct 1 

8. Did he continue this appearance of confidence 1 

9. Who were at this time the sovereigns of Egypt 1 

10. What rendered Caesar's interference necessary 1 

11. Was this interference agreeable to the Egyptians'? 

12. How did Caesar conduct himself on this occasion 1 

13. Was the attack formidable 1 

14. How did Csesar prevent the designs of the enemy 1 

15. What was the conduct of Cleopatra 1 

16. What attractions did she possess ? 

17. What obstacles presented themselves, and how were they over* 

come 1 
tS. Was CfiBsar captivated by her charms ? 

19. What measures did Arsinoe pursue ] 

20. What attempts did the enemy make to annoy Csesar, and how were 

they frustrated 1 

21. What unlucky accident occasioned the miscarriage of C(esar*i 

design 1 

22. How did Cajsar escape 1 

23. What did the Alexandrians next attempt 1 

24. Did Caesar comply with their wishes ? 

25. How was Caesar delivered from this dangerous situation 1 

26. What was the consequence of this victory 1 

27. Did Caesar pursue his career of victory 1 

28. What was the consequence of this boldness 1 

29. W^hat farther cause of offence had Pharnaces given 1 
80. Did Pharnaces boldly oppose the invader] 

3 1 . Did he succeed 1 



SECTION II. 



1. CiESAR, having settled afi^irs in this part of the empire, 
embarked for Italy, where he arrived sooner than his ene- 
mies could expect, but not before his presence there was 
absolutely required. 2. During his absence, he had been 
created consul for five years, dictator for one year, and 
tribune of the people for life. 3. But Antony, who in the 
mean time governed for him in Rome, had filled the city 
with riot and debauchery, and many commotions ensued, 
which nothing but the arrival of Ccssar could appease. 
4. By his moderation and humanity he soon restored tran- 
quillity to the city, scarcely making any distinction between 
those of his own and the opposite party. 5. Having, by 
gentle means, restored his authority at home, he prepared 
to march into Africa, where Pompey's party had found time 

T 2 



t22 HISTORY OF ROME. 

to rally under Scipio and Cato, assisted by Juba, king of 
Maurita'nia ; and, with his usual diligence, landed with a 
small party in Africa, while the rest of his army followed 
him. 6. Scipio coming to a battle soon after, received a 
complete and final overthrow, with litde or no loss on the 
side of the victor. Juba, and Petrei'us his general, killed 
each other in despair. Scipio, attempting to escape by sea 
into Spain, fell in among the enemy, and was slain ; so that 
of all the generals of that midone party, Cato was now the 
only one that remained. 

7. This extraordinary man, whom prosperity could not 
eiate, nor misfortunes depress, having retired into Africa, 
after the battle of Pharsa'lia, had led the wretched remains 
of Pompey's army through burning deserts, and tracts in- 
fested with serpents of various malignity, and was now in 
the cir.- of Urica, which he had been left to defend. 8. In 
love. ■ ^ -:. v.ith the show of Eoman government. Cato 
liad : . : . -T principal citizens into a senate, and con- 
ceived a resoiiiiion of holding out the town. But the en- 
thusiasm for liberty subsiding among his followers, he was 
resolved no lo :^er to force men to be free, who seemed 
naturally prone to slavery. 9. He now, therefore, desired 
«ome of his friends to save themselves by sea, and bade 
others submit to Caesar's clemency; observing, that, as to 
himself, he was at last victorious. After this, supping cheer- 
fully among h:^ i::^ '-: he retired to his apartment, where 
he behaved v : : ; . v- ; .1 tenderness to his son, and to aU 
his friends. "When he came into his bed-chamber, laying 
himself dov n. he Tonk up Plato's Dialogue on the Immor- 
tality of the :f \ for some time. Casting his 
^yes to the heau vi nis hea. he wondered much not to see 
lus sword there, which had been conveyed away by his 
son's order whh^ ^ were at supper. Calling to one 
of his domestics v what was become of ir, and re- 
ceiving no answer, he resumed his smdies ; and some time 
after asked again for his sword. When he had done read- 
ing, and perceived that nobody obeyed him, he called for 
his domestics one after the other, and with a peremptory- air 
again demanded his sword. 10. His son, with tears, be- 
sought him to change his resolution ; but, receiving a stern 
reprimand, desisted from his persuasions. His sword being 
at length brought to him, he seemed satisfied, and cried out, 
*' Now, again, I am master of myself." He took up the 
book again, which having perusetl, h* feli into a souno 



THE EMPIRE. 223 

leep. Upon awaking, he called to one of his freeclmen to 
know if his friends were embarked, or if any thino* yet re- 
mained that could be done to serve them. The freedman, 
assuring him that all was quiet, w^as ordered to leave the 
room. Cato no sooner found himself alone, than, seizing 
his sw^ord, he stabbed himself helow^ his chest. The blow^ 
not despatching him, he fell from his bed and overturned 
a table, on which he had been drawing some geometrical 
figures. At the noise of the fall, his servants shrieked, and 
his son and friends immediately flew to the room. They 
found him weltering in his blood, with his bowels appearing 
through the wound. 11. The surgeon, perceiving that his 
intestines were not wounded, was replacing them ; but Cato 
recovering himself, and understanding their intention was to 
preserve his life, forced the surgeon from him, and, wdth a 
fierce resolution, tore out his bowels and expired. 

12. Upon the death of Cato, the war in Africa being 
completed, Caesar returned in such trium.ph to Rome, as if 
he had abridged all his former triumphs only to increase the 
splendour of this. The citizens were astonished at the mag- 
nificence of the procession, and at the number of the coun- 
tries he had subdued. 13. It lasted four days : the first 
was for Gaul, the second l^or Egypt, the third for his victo- 
ries in Asia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. His 
veteran soldiers, scarred with wounds, and now laid up for 
life, followed their triumphant general, crowned with laurels. 
and conducted him to the Capitol. 14. To every one of 
those he gave a sum equivalent to about a hundred and fifty 
pounds sterling, double that sura to the centurions, and four 
times as much to the superior officers. The citizens also 
shared his bounty : to every one he distributed ten bushels 
of corn, ten pounds of oil, and a sum of money equal to 
about tAvo pounds sterling. After this he entertained the 
people at above twenty thousand tables, treated them with 
combats of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourse of 
spectators from every part of Italy. 

15. The people, intoxicated v/ith pleasure, thought their 
freedom too small a return for such benefits. They seemed 
eager only to find out new modes of homage, and unusual 
epithets of adulation for their great enslaver. He was cre- 
ated, by a new title, Magis'ter Mo' rum, or Master of the 
Morals of the People. He received the title of Emperor 
and father of his country. His person was declared sacred ; 
and, in short, upon him alone were devolved for life all the 



224 HISTORY OF ROML. 

great ciiA^^iies of the state. 16. It must be owned, tliat so 
much power could never have been entrusted to better keep- 
ing. He immediately began his empire by repressing ^-ice 
and encouras'incr virtue. He committed the power of judi- 
cature to the senators and knights alone ; and by many 
sumptuary lavrs restrained the scandalous luxuries of die 
rich. He proposed rewards to all such as had many chil- 
dren, and took the most prudent method of re-peopling the 
city, which had been exhausted in the late commotions. 

17. Having thus restored prosperity- once more to Rome, 
he asrain found himself under a necessity of going into 
Spain to oppose au army which had been raised there under 
the two sons of Porapey. and Labie'nus his former general. 
18. He proceeded in this expedition with his usual celerity, 
and arrived in Spain before the enemy thought him yet de- 
parted from Rome. Cne'ius Pompey, and Sextus, Pom- 
pey's sons, profiting by their unhappy father's example, re- 
solved, as much as possible, to protract the war ; so that the 
first operations of the two armies were spent in sieges and 
fruitless attempts to surprise each other. 19. However, 
Caesar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and pursu- 
ing his adversary with unwearied perseverance, at last com- 
pelled him to come to a battle upon the plain of Munda. 
20. Pompey drew up his men, by break of day, upon the 
declivity of a hill, with great exactness and order. Caesar 
drew up likewise in the plains below ; and after advancing- 
a little way from his trenches, ordered his men to make a 
halt, expecting the enemy to come down from the hill. This 
delay made Caesar's soldiers begin to murmur ; while Pom- 
pey' s witli full vigour poured down upon them, and a dread- 
ful conflict ensued. 21. The first shock was so dreadful, 
that Caesar's men, who had hitherto been used to conquer, 
now began to waver. Caesar was never in so much danger 
as now ; he threw himself several times into the ver)' thick- 
est of the battle. '' AVhat," cried he, '• are you goinsf to give 
up to a parcel of boys your general, who is grown grey in 
fighting at your head ?" 22. Upon this, his tenth legion 
exerted themselves with more than usual bravery ; and a 
part}' of horse being detached by Labie'nus from the camp 
in pursuit of a body of Numid'ian cavalry, Caesar cried 
aloud that they were fl^-insr. This cry instantly spread it- 
self through both armies, excitinof the one as much as it de- 
pressed the other. 23. Now, therefore, the tenth legion press- 
ed forward, and a total rout soon ensued. Thirtv thousand 



THE E>IPIRE. 2,2 Q 

men were killed on Cne'ius Pompey's side, and among?i 
them Labie'nus, whom Ceesar ordered to be buried vrith the 
funeral honours of a general officer. Cne'ius Pompey es- 
cpped with a few horsemen to the seaside ; but finding hi^ 
passage intercepted by Caesar's lieutenant, he was obliged tc 
seek for a retreat in an obscure earem. He was quickly 
discoyered by some of Caesar's troops, who presently cut oft 
his head, and brought it to the conqueror. His brother Sex 
tus, however, concealed himself so well, that he escaped alj 
pursuit ; and afterwards, from his piracies, became noted 
and formidable to the people of Rome. 

24. Caesar, by this last blow, subdued all his avowed ene- 
mies ; and the rest of his life was employed for the advan- 
tage of the state. He adorned the city with magnificent 
buildings ; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, sending colo- 
nies to both cities : he undertook to level several mountains 
in Italy, to drain the Pontine marshes near Kome ; and he 
designed to cut through the Isthmus of Peloponne'sus. 25. 
Thus, with a mind that could never remain inactive, he pon- 
dered mighty projects and schemes, beyond the limits of the 
longest life ; but the greatest of all was his intended expe- 
dition against the Parthians, by which he designed to revenge 
the death of Crassus, who having penetrated too far into their 
country, was overthrown, taken prisoner, and put to a cruel 
death, by having molten gold poured down his throat, as a 
punishment for his former avarice. From Parthia, Caesar in- 
tended to pass through Hyrca'nia, and enter Scyth'ia, along 
the banks of the Caspian sea ; then to open a way through 
the immeasurable forests of Germany into Gaul, and so to 
return to Rome. These were the aims of ambition ; but the 
jealousy of a ievr individuals put an end to them aU. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was Csesar^s neit step ? 

2. What honours were awarded him hi his absence 1 

3. What was the conduct of his deputy 1 

4. How did he put an end to these distarbances 1 

5. What was his next enterprise 1 

6. What was the success of the campaign 1 

7. How was Cato situated 1 

8. What measure had he pursued T 

9. When all hope had forsaken him, what was his conduct T 

10. Was no effort made to change his resolution, and what followed 1 



226 HISTORY OF ROME. 

11. Was the wound mortal 1 

12. What happened after the death of Cato 1 

13. Describe the triumph. 

14. Was not Csesar extremely Uberall 

15. What returns were made for this extraordmary liberality 1 

16. Was he deserving of these honours? 

1 7. Was he destined to pass the rest of his life in tranquillity ? 

18. Describe the opening of the campaign"? 

19. Were the sons of Pompey successful in their attempts 1 

20. What were the dispositions of the two armies? 

21. What memorable expression did the danger of the conflict draw 

from Caesar ? 

22. What was the consequence of this exclamation ? 

23. What was the result of the battle ? • 

24. In what manner did Csesar employ himself at this time 1 

25. What were his most important resolutions ? 



SECTION III. 



1. CiESAR having been made perpetual dictator, and re- 
ceived from the senate accumulated honours, it began to be 
rumoured that he intended to make himself king. In fact, 
he was possessed of the pov/er ; but the people, who had 
an aversion to the name, could not bear his assuming the 
title. 2. Whether he really designed to assume that empty- 
honour, must for ever remain a secret ; but certain it is, that 
the unsuspecting openness of his conduct created something 
like confidence in the innocence of his intentions. 3. When 
informed by those about him of the jealousies of many who 
envied his power, he was heard to say, that he would rather 
die once by treason, than live continually in the apprehen- 
sion of it. When advised by some to beware of Brutus, in 
whom he had for some time reposed the greatest confidence, 
he opened his breast, all scarred with wounds, saying, 
*' Do you think Brutus cares for such poor pillage as this?" 
and, being one night at supper, as his friends disputed among 
themselves what death was easiest, he replied, " That which 
is most sudden and least foreseen." But, to convince the 
world how little he apprehended from his enemies, he dis- 
banded his Spanish guards, and thus facilitated the enter- 
prise against his life. 

4. A deep conspiracy was now laid against him, into 
which no less than sixty senators entered. They were stiU 
the more formidable, as the generality of them were of his 



THE EMPIRE. 



227 




Brutus and Cassius conspiring against Ccsaix 

o^n party ; and, having been raised above other citizens, 
felt more strongly the weight of a single superior. At the 
head of this conspiracy were Brutus, whose life Caesar had 
spared after the battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius, who was 
pardoned soon after ; both praetors for the present year. 5. 
Brutus made it his chief glory to have descended from that 
Brutus who first gave liberty to Rome. The passion for 
freedom seemed to have been transmitted to him with the 
blood of his ancestors. But, though he detested tyranny, 
yet could he not forbear loving the tyrant from whom he 
had received the most signal benefits. 

6. The conspirators, to give a colour of justice to their 
proceedings, put off the execution of their design to the ides 
of March, '^ the day on which Caesar was to be offered the 
crown. 7. The augurs had foretold that this day would be 
fatal to him. The night preceding he heard his wife, Cal- 
phur'nia, lamenting in her sleep. Being awakened, she 
confessed to him, that she dreamt of his being assassinated 
in her arms. 8. These omens, in some measure, began to 
change his intention of going to the senate ; but one of the 

* The Romans divided their months into three parts ; namely, Ca- 
lends, Nones, and Ides ; all which they reckoned backwards. The Ides 
were always eight in number. The Nones sometimes four, at others 
six. The Calends varied according to the length of the month, and also 
with the Nones, as they were four or six. The Calends always began 
on the first of every month, and were counted backwards to the Ides, 
which fell on the 15th of March, May, July, and October ; and on the 
i3th of other months ; so that the Nones began on the 5th of each month 
when four, and on the 7th when six in number. The Nones, there- 
fore, always ended on the 2d day of the month. 



228 HISTORY OF ROME. 

conspirators coming in, prevailed upon him to keep his re- 
solution, telling him of the reproach that would attend his 
staying at home till his wife should have lucky dreams, and 
of the preparations that w^ere made for his appearance. 9. 
As he w^ent along to the senate, a slave who hastened to 
him with information of the conspiracy, attempted to come 
near him, but w^as prevented by the crowd. Artemido'rus, 
a Greek philosopher, who had discovered the whole plot, 
delivered him a memorial, containing the heads of his in- 
formation ; but Ceesar gave it, with other papers, to one of 
his secretaries, without reading, as was usual in matters of 
this nature. Having at length entered the senate-house, 
where the conspirators were prepared to receive him, he 
met one Spuri'na, an augur, who had foretold his danger, to 
whom he said smiling, '' Well, Spuri'na, the ides of March 
are come." — '* Yes," replied the augur, "but they are not 
yet gone." 10. No sooner had he taken his place, than 
the conspirators approached, under pretence of saluting him : 
Cimber, who Avas one of them, in a suppliant posture, pre- 
tended to sue for his brother's pardon, who had been ban- 
ished by Caesar's order. The conspirators seconded him 
with great earnestness ; and Cimber, seeming to sue with 
still greater submission, took hold of the bottom of his robe ; 
holding him, so as to prevent his rising. 11. This was the 
signal agreed on ; when Casca, who was behind, instantly 
stabbed him in the shoulder. Caesar sprung around, and, 
with the steel of his tablet, wounded him in the arm. The 
conspirators were all alarmed ; when, being inclosed round, 
he received a second stab, from an iinseen hand, in the 
breast ; while Cassius wounded him in the face. He still 
defended himself with great vigour, rushing among them, 
and throwing down such as opposed him, till he saw Brutus 
among the conspirators, w^ho, coming up, struck his dagger 
into his thigh. 12. Caesar, from that moment, thought no 
more of defending himself; but, looking upon Brutus, cried 
out, " Et tu Brute P''- — And you too, O Brutus ! Then cov- 
ering his head, and spreading his robe before him, in order 
to fall with decency, he sunk down at the base of Pompey's 
statue : after having received three and twenty wounds, from 
those whom he vainly supposed he had disarmed by his 
benefits. 

13. Caesar was killed in his fifty-sixth year, and about 
IT. c. > fourteen years after he had begun the conquest of 
709.5 ^^^^ world. 14. If we examine his history, we shall 



TIIK I^MPIRE. 



229 




Death of Julius Caesar. 

be at a loss whether most to admire his great abilities, O'- 
his wonderful fortune. To pretend to say, that from the 
beginning he planned the subjection of his native country, 
is doing no great credit to his weil-knowm penetration, as a 
thousand obstacles lay in his way, which fortune, rather 
than conduct, w^as to surmount ; no man, therefore, of his 
sagacity, would have begun a scheme in which the chances 
of succeeding w^ere so many against him. It is most pro- 
bable that, like all very successful men, lie made the best of 
every occurrence ; and his ambition rising w^ith his good 
fortune, from at first being content with humbler aims, he at 
last began to think of governing the w^orld, when he found 
scarcely any obstacle to oppose his designs. Such is the 
disposition of man, whose cravings after power are then 
most insatiable when he enjoys the greater share.* 

16. As soon as the conspirators had despatched Caesar, 
they retired to the Capitol, and guarded its accesses by a 
body of gladiators which Brutus had in pay. 

17. The friends of the late dictator now began to find 
that this was the time for coming into greater power than 
before, and for satisfying their ambition under the pretence 
of promoting justice : of this number was Antony. IS. He 
was a man of moderate abilities, of excessive vices, am- 



* Though Caesar's ambition led him to usurp a power to which the 
Romans were not wiUing to submit, it appears that he used it with un- 
exampled moderation. He was beloved and revered by the people, 
honoured and almost adored by his friends, and esteemed and admired 
even by his enemies. Absolute power could not have been in better 
hands. 

u 




/ 

230 HISTORY OF ROME. 

bitioiis of power only because it gave his pleasures a wider 
range to riot in : but skilled in war, to which he had been 
trained from his youth/^ He was consul for this year, and 
resolved, with Lep'idus, who like himself was fond of com- 
motions, to seize this opportunity of gaining a power which 
Cassar had died for usurping. Lep'idus, therefore, took pos- 
session of the Forum,t w^ith a band of soldiers at his de- 
.«^otion ; and Antony, being consul, was permitted to corn- 
wand them. 19. Their first step was to possess themselves 
of Caesar's papers and money, and the next to assemble the 
senate. 20. Never had this august assembly been con- 
vened upon so delicate an occasion, as to determine whether 
Caesar had been a legal magistrate, or a tyrannical usurper ; 
and whether those who killed him merited rewards or pun- 
ishments. Many of them had received all their promotions 
from Ccesar, and had acquired large fortunes in consequence 
of his appointments : to vote him an usurper, therefore, 
would be to endanger their property ; and yet, to vote him 
innocent, might endanger the state. In this dilemma they 
seemed willing to reconcile extremes ; they approved all 
the acts of Caesar, and yet granted a general pardon to the 
conspirators. 

21. This decree was very far from giving Antony satis- 
faction, as it granted security to a number of men who were 
the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would be foremost 
in opposing his schemes of restoring absolute power. As, 
therefore, the senate had ratified all Caesar's acts without 
distinction, he formed a plan of making him rule when dead 
as imperiously as he had done when living. 22. Being pos- 
sessed of Caesar's books of accounts, he so far gained over 
his secretary as to make him insert whatever he thought 
proper. By these means, great sums of money, which Cae- 
sar would never have bestowed, were distributed among the 
people ; and every man who had any seditious designs 
against the government was there sure to find a gratuity. 
23. Things being in this situation, Antony demanded of the 
senate that Ceesar's funeral obsequies should be performed. 
This they could not decently forbid, as they had never de- 

* It was the general opinion of the conspirators that Antony shoukl 
be cut off with Csesar ; but Brutus pleaded for and obtained his safety. 
This kindness was ill repaid. 

-j- The Forum was a public place at Rome, where lawyers and orators 
made thei speeches in matters of property of the state, or in criminal 
csLses. 



THE EMPIRE. 231 

dared him a tyrant : accordingly, the body was brought 
forth into the Forum with the utmost solemnity ; and An- 
tony, who charged himself wdth these last duties of friend- 
ship, began his operations upon the passions of the people 
by the prevailing motives of private interest. 24. He first 
read to them Caesar's will, in which he made Octavius, his 
sister's grandson, his heir, permitting him to take the name 
of Caesar, and bequeathed him three parts of his private for- 
tune ; which, in case of his death, Brutas w^as to have in- 
herited. To the Eoman people were left the gardens which 
he possessed on the other side of the Tiber ; and to every 
citizen three hundred sesterces. Unfolding Caesar's bloody 
robe, pierced by the daggers of the conspirators, he observed 
to them the number of stabs in it. He also displayed a 
waxen image, representing the body of Caesar, all covered 
with wounds. 25. The people could no longer retain their 
indignation, but unanimously cried out for revenge, and ran, 
with flaming brands from the pile, to set fire to the houses 
of the conspirators. In this rage of resentment, meeting 
with one Cinna, whom they mistook for another of the same 
name that was in the conspiracy, they tore him in pieces. 
26. The conspirators themselves, however, being well guard- 
ed, repulsed the multitude with no great trouble ; but perceiv- 
ing the general rage of the people, they thought it safest to 
retire from the city. 

27. In the mean time, Antony, who had excited this 
flame, resolved to make the most of the occasion. But an 
obstacle to his ambition seemed to arise from a quarter in 
which he least expected it, namely, from Octa'vius, after- 
wards called Augus'tus, who was the grand-nephew and 
adopted son of Caesar. A third competitor also for power 
appeared in Lep'idus, a man of some authority and great 
riches. 28. At first, the ambition of these three seemed to 
threaten fatal consequences to each other ; but, uniting in the 
common cause, they resolved to revenge the death of Caesar, 
and dividing their power, they formed what is called the 
Second Triumvirate. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What design was Caesar supposed to entertain 1 

2. Was this rumour well founded ] 

3. When hints of danger were given him, what was his conduct ? 



232 HISTORY OF ROME. 

4. What was the consequence of this imprudence 1 

5. What was the character of Brutus ] 

6. What time was fixed for the conspiracy to take place 1 

7. Had Cffisar any intimations of his danger 1 

8. Was he at all influenced by them 1 

9. V/ere no other attempts made to warn him of his approaching 

fate? 

10. In what way did the conspirators commence their attempt? 

11. What followed ? 

12. What was the consequence of this ? 

13. What was Cjesar's age] 

14. Did CsBsar plan the conquest of his country from the first 

15. By what means did he accomplish it ] 

16. How did the conspirators escape the vengeance of the people? 
J 7. What advantage was taken of this event 1 

18. What was the character of Antony, and what resolution did he 

form ? 

1 9. What were his first acts 1 

20. How were the senate situated on this occasion? 

21. Was Antony satisfied with this decree ? 

22. How did he accomplish this ? 

23. W^hat was his next measure ? 

24. By what means did he efi^ect his purpose ? 

25. What was the consequence of this artful conduct ? 

26. iJid the conspirators fall victims to their fury ? 

27. Had Antony no rivals in his attempts to acquire power 1 

28. What was the result of this rivalship ? 



SECTION IV. 



1. The meeting of these three usurpers of their country's 
freedom, was upon a little island of the river Rhenus.* 
Their mutual suspicions were the cause of their meeting in 
a place v/here they had no fear of treachery ; for, even in 
their union, they could not divest themselves of mutual dif- 
fidence. 2. Lep'idus first entered ; and, finding all things 
safe, made the signal for the other tv/o to approach. At 
their first meeting, after saluting each other, Augustus began 
the conference, by thanking Antony for putting Dec'imus 
Brutus to death ; w4io, being abandoned by his army, had 
been taken, as he Avas endeavouring to escape into Macedo' 
nia, and was beheaded by Antony's soldiers. 3. They then 
entered upon the business that lay before them, without an^ 
retrospection to the past. Their conference lasted three 

* Now the RhenOj which runs through Bologna and falls into the Po 




233 



The Second Triamvirate preparing their Proscription List, 

days ; and, in this period, they settled a division of the 
government, and determined the fate of thousands. 4. The 
result of this conference was, that the supreme authority 
should be lodged in their hands, under the title of the Tri- 
um'virate, for the space of five years ; that Antony sliould 
have Gaul ; Lep'idus, Spain, and Augustus, Africa and the 
Mediterra'nean islands. As for Italy, and the eastern pro- 
vinces, they were to remain in common, until their general 
enemy should be subdued ; and, among other articles of 
union, it was agreed that all their enemies should be de- 
stroyed, of which each presented a list. 5. In these were 
comprised, not only the enemies but the friends of the Tri- 
ura'virate, since the partisans of the one were found among 
the opposers of the other. Thus Lep'idus gave up his 
brother ^mil'ius Paidus to the vengeance of his colleague ; 
Antony permitted the proscription of his uncle Lucius ; and 
Augustus delivered up the great Ci'cero, who was assas- 
sinated shordy after by Antony's command.* 

* It is impossible to paint the horrors of this dreadful pj^scription 
Nothing was to be seen but blood and slaughter; the streets were 
covered with dead bodies ; the heads of the most illustrious senators 
were exposed on the rostra, and their bodies left to be devoured by dogs 
and birds of prey ; three hundred senators, and above two thousand 
knights, besides a vast number of others of considerable rank, fell vic- 
tims on this occasion. Manv noble instances of fidelity vfere displayed 

u 2 



234 HISTORY OF ROME. 

6. In the mean time Brutus and Cassius, the principal of 
the conspirators against Caesar, being compelled to quit 
Rome, ^vent into Greece, v/here they persuaded the Roman 
students at ilthens to declare in the cause of freedom ; then 
parting, the former raised a powerful army in Macedonia, 
while the latter went into Syria, where he soon became 
master of twelve legions, and reduced his opponent, Dola- 
bella, to such straits as to force him to lay violent hands on 
himself. 7. Both armies joined at Smyr'na : the sight of 
such a formidable force began to revive the declining spirits 
of the party, and to reunite the two generals still more 
closely, between vv'hom there had been, some time before, 
a slight misunderstanding. In short, having quitted Italy 
like distressed exiles, without having one soldier or one 
town that owned their command, they now found them- 
selves at the head of a flourishing army, furnished with 
every necessary for carrying on the war, and in a condition 
to support a contest on which the empire of the world de- 
pended. 

8. It was in this flourishing state of their aflairs that the 
conspirators formed a resolution of marching against Cleo- 
patra, who had made great preparations to assist their op- 
ponents. 9. However, they were diverted from this pur- 
pose by information that Augustus and Antony were now 
upon their march, with forty legions, to oppose them. Bru- 
tus, therefore, moved to have their army pass over into 
Greece and Macedonia, and there meet the enemy : but 
Cassius so far prevailed as to have the Rho'dians and Ly'- 
cians first reduced, who had refused their usual contribu- 
tions. 10. This expedition was immediately put in execu- 
tion, and extraordinary contributions were thus raised, the 
Rho'dians having scarcely anything left them but their lives. 
The Ly'cians suffered still more severely ; for having shut 
themselves up in their capital town Xanthus, they defended 
the place against Brutus with so much fury, that neither his 
arts nor enti*eaties could prevail upon them to surrender. 
11. At length, the town being set on fire by their attempt- 
ing to burn the vrorks of the Romans, Brutus, instead of 
laying hold of this opportunity to storm the place, made 
eveiy effort to preserve it, entreating his soldiers to try all 
means of extinguishing the fire ; but the desperate frenzy 

by slaves at this tenible conjuncture, several chose rather to die on the 
rack, in the most exquisite torments, than betray the place where theii 
masters were concealed. 



THE EMPIRE. 235 

of the citizens was not to be mollified. 12. Far from think- 
ing themselves obliged to the generous enemy for the efforts 
which they made to save them, they resolved to perish in 
the flames. Instead of extinguishing, therefore, they did all 
in their power to augment the fire, by throwing in wood, 
dry reeds, and all kinds of fuel. 13. Nothing could ex- 
ceed the distress of Brutus upon seeing the townsmen thus 
resolutely bent on destroying themselves. He rode about 
the fortifications, stretching out his hands to the Xan'thians, 
and conjuring them to have pity on themselves and their 
city ; but, insensible to his expostulations, they rushed into 
the flames with desperate obstinacy, and the whole soon be- 
came a heap of undistinguishable ruin. 14. At this horrid 
spectacle Brutus melted into tears, offering a reward to every 
soldier w^ho should bring him a Ly'cian alive. The num- 
ber of those whom it was possible to save from their ow^n 
fury amounted to no more than one hundred and fifty. 15. 
Some w^riters, hov/ever, affirm that the town w^as burnt to 
the ground, and the inhabitants destroyed, by the command 
of Brutus ; and that those who surrendered at discretion, he 
deprived of all their public and private property. 

16. Brutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis where 
they resolved to have a private conference together. They 
shut themselves up in the first convenient house, with ex- 
press orders to their servants to give admission to no one. 
17. Brutus began by reprimanding Cassius for having dis- 
posed of offices for money, which should ever be the rew^ard 
of merit, and for having overtaxed the tributary states. 
Cassius repelled the imputation of avarice with the more 
bitterness, as he knew the charge to be groundless. The 
debate grew v/arm ; till, from loud speaking, they burst into 
tears. 18. Their friends, who were standing at the door, 
overheard the increasing vehemence of their voices, and 
began to tremble for the consequences, till Favo'nius, who 
valued himself upon a cynical boldness, that knew no re- 
straint, entering the room with a jest, calmed their mutual 
animosity. 19. Cassius w^as ready enough to forego his 
anger, being a man of great abilities, but of an uneven dis- 
position ; not averse to pleasure in private company, and, 
upon the whole, of morals not quite correct. But the con- 
duct of Brutus v/as perfectly steady. An even gentleness, 
a noble elevation of sentiment, a strength of mind over 
which neither vice nor pleasure could have an infiuence, 
and an inflexible firmness in the cause of justice, composed 



996 HISTOKT OF ROME. 

the character of this great man. 20. After their conference, 
niglit coming on, Cassius invited Brutus and his friends to 
an entertainment, where freedom and cheerfidness, for a 
while, took place of political anxiety, and softened the se- 
Teiity of wisdom. Upon retiring home it was that Brutus 
thought he saw a spectre in his tent. 21. He namrally 
slept but little, and was capable of bearing want of rest by 
lonff habit and great sobriety. He never allowed himself to 
sleep in the daytime, as was common in Rome ; and only 
gave so much of the night to repose as could barely renew 
the functions of nature. But now, oppressed with various 
cares, he allowed himself a still shorter time after his 
nightly repast ; andy waking about midnight, generally read 
or stodied till morning. 22. It was in the dead of niffht, 
says Plutarch, when the whole camp was perfectly quiet, 
that Brutus was thus employed; reading by a lamp that was 
just expiring- On a sndden he thought he heard a noiso, 
as if somebody was approaching, and lookinsr towards the 
door, perceived it open. A gigantic figure of frightful aspect 
stood before him, and continued to gaze upon him wiA 
silent severity. 2-3. Brutus is reported to have asked, 
** Art thou a dsemon or a mortal ? and why comest thou to 
me?" " Brutus," answered the phantom, " I am thy evil 
genius — thou shall see me again at Philippi."* '• Well, 
Sien,"replied Brutus, without being discomposed, " we shall 
meet again." Upon this the phantom vanished ; when Bru- 
tus, calling to his servants, asked if they had seen anythincr ; 
to which they answering in the negative, he resumed his 
studies. 24. Struck with so strange an occurrence, he 
mentioned it to Cassius, who rightly considered it as the ef- 
fect of an imagination disordered by vigilance and anxiety. 
25. Brutus appeared satisfied with this solution ; and as 
Antony and Augustus were now advanced into Macedonia, 
he and his colleague passed over into Thrace, and drew near 
to Philippi, where the forces of the Trium'viri were posted 
to receive them. 

* A citj on the confines of Ifaoedcmia. noted fin* the battle between 
Bmtos and Cassiiis, and Maik Antony and AugiDEtiLs, B. C. 42 ; and 
also tbe EfMstle of Paul to the people of PhiJip'pL 



THE EMPIRE . 237 

Questions for ExaminaiiQn. 

1. Where was the first meeting of the Triumvirate, and why was it 

chosen 7 

2. What precautions did they take 1 

3. What farther was done 1 

4. What was the result of the conference 1 

5. Who were the proscribed? 

6. What became of Brutus and Cassius ] 

7. What effect had this success on the minds of their party ] 

8. What was their first resolution 1 

9. Did they put it in execution 1 

10. What was the consequence to the Rhodians and Lycians *? 

1 1 . What unfortunate accident hastened the fate of the town 7 

12. Did they not second the efforts of Brutus] 

13. By what means did Brutus attempt to divert them from their pur- 

pose? 

14. 15. By what method did he endeavour to save some of the Lycians 1 

16. Where did Brutus and Cassius meet, and what ensued] 

17. Was their interview an amicable one] 

18. Did no one interpose] 

19. What were the characters of these great men] 

20. What happened after the conference ] 

21. What were the peculiar habits of Brutus ] 

22. What happened to him while thus employed ] 

23. What conversation passed between them ] 

24. Did he mention the circumstance to any one ] 

25. Did Brutus assent to this opinion, and what followed ] 



SECTION V. 



1 . Mankind now began to regard the approaching armies 
with terror and suspense. The empire of the world de- 
pended upon the fate of a battle. From victory, on the one 
side, they had to expect freedom ; on the other, a sovereign 
with absolute command. 2. Brutus was the only man who 
looked upon these great events with calmness and tranquil- 
lity. Indifferent as to success, and satisfied with having 
done his duty, he said to one of his friends, ''If I am vic- 
torious, I shall restore liberty to my country : if not, by 
dying, I shall myself be delivered from slavery. My con- 
dition is fixed ; I run no hazards." 3. The republican army 
consisted of fourscore thousand foot, and twenty thousand 
horse. The army of the Trium'viri amounted to a hundred 
thousand foot and thirteen thousand horse. 4. Thus com- 
plete on both sides, they met and encamped near each other 




^8 ' HISTORY OF ROME. 



upon the plains of Philip 'pi. Near the town were two lit- 
tle hills, about a mile distant from each other ; upon these 
hills, Brutus and Cassius fixed their camps, and kept up a 
free communication, which mutually defended each other. 
5. In this commodious situation they could act as they 
thought proper, and give battle just when it w^as thought to 
their advantage to engage. Behind was the sea, which fur- 
nished them with all kinds of provisions ; and, at twelve 
miles distance, the island of Thasos, which served them for 
a general magazine. 6. The Trium'viri, on the other hand, 
were encamped on the plain below, and were obliged to 
bring provisions from fifteen leagues' distance ; so that their 
scheme and interest were to forward a battle as soon as pos- 
sible. This they offered several times, drawing out their 
men from the camp, and provoking the enemy to engage. 
7. On the contrary, the enemy contented themselves with 
drawing up their troops at the head of their camps, without 
descending to the plain. This resolution of postponing the 
battle, was the chance that the republican army had for vic- 
tory ; and Cassius, sensible of his advantage, resolved to 
harass rather than engage the enemy. 8. But Brutus, who 
began to suspect the fidelity of some of his officers, used all 
his influence to persuade Cassius to change his resolution. 
*' I am impatient," said he, ''to put an end to the miseries 
of mankind ; and in this I hope to succeed whether I con- 
quer or fall." 9. His wishes were soon gratified ; for An- 
tony's soldiers having, with great labour, made a road 
through the marsh w^hich lay to the left of Cassius's camp, 
by that means opened a communication with the island of 
Thasos, w^hich lay behind him. Both armies, after several 
attempts to possess themselves of this road, resolved at 
length to come to a general engagement. 10. This, how- 
ever, was contrary to the advice of Cassius, who found him- 
self forced, as Pompey had formerly been, to expose the 
liberty of Rome to the hazard of a battle. On the ensuing 
morning, the two generals gave the signal for engaging, and 
conferred together a little w^hile before the battle began. 
11. Cassius desired to be informed how Brutus intended to 
act in case they should be unsuccessful. To this Brutus 
repli«*d, " Formerly, in my writings, I condemned the death 
of Cato, and maintained, that avoiding calamities by suicide 
is an insolent attempt against Heaven, that allotted them ; 
but I have altered my opinion ; I have given up my life to 
my country, and I think I have a right to my own w^ay of 



{j^n^ y- 



thp: empire. 230 

ending it.* I am resolved, therefore, to change a miserable 
being here for a better hereafter, if fortune turn against me." 
1^. *' My friend," cried Cassius, embracing him, *' now 
may we venture to face the enemy ; for either we shall be 
conquerors, or we shall have no cause to fear those that be 
so." 13. Augustus being sick, the forces of the Triumviri 
were commanded by Antony alone, who began the engage- 
ment by a victorious attack upon the lines of Cassius. Bru- 
tus, on ti>e other side, made a dreadful irruption on the army 
of Augustus, and drove forward with so much intrepidity, 
that he broke them upon the very first charge. Upon this, 
he penetrated as far as the camp, and slaughtering those that 
were left for its defence, his troops immediately began to 
plunder. 14. In the mean time, however, the lines of Cas- 
sius vvere forced, and his cavalry put to flight. There was 
no effort that this unfortunate general did not exert to make 
his infantry stand ; stopping those that fled, and himself 
seizing the colours to rally them. But the valour of an in- 
dividual was insufficient to inspire a timorous army. 15. At 
length, despairing of success, Cassius retired to his tent and 
killed himself. Brutus was soon informed of the defeat of 
Cassius, and in a little time after, of his death ; scarcely 
able to restrain the excess of his grief for a man whom he 
lamented as the last of the Romans. 

16. Brutus, now become sole general, assembled the 
dispersed troops of Cassius, and animated them with, fresh 
hopes of victory. As they had lost their all from the plun- 
dering of their camp, he promised two thousand denarii to 
each man to make them amends. 17. Inspired with new 
ardour, they admired the liberality of their general, and, 
with loud shouts, proclaimed his intrepidity. Still, how- 
ever, he wanted confidence to face the adversary, who 
offered him battle the ensuing day. His aim was to starve 
the enemy, who were in extreme want of provisions, from 
their fleet having been lately defeated. 18. But his single 
opinion was overruled by the army, who now grew every 
day more confident of their strength, and more arrogant to 
their general. At last, therefore, after a respite of twenty 
days, he was obliged to comply with their solicitations to 
try the fate of a battle. Both armies were drawn out, and 

* This is very erroneous reasoning : suicide is, no doubt a heinous 
crime : but Brutus appears to have been governed by his apprehension 
of danger, instead of being convinced by the sober dictates of his judg- 
ment 



240 HISTORY OF ROME. 

the} remained a long while opposite to each other without 
offering to engage. It is said, that he himself had lost much 
of his ardour by having again seen, or fancied that he saw, the 
spectre, in the night preceding. However, he encouraged 
his men, and gave the signal for battle. As usual, he had 
the advantage where he commanded in person ; bearing 
down the enemy at the head of his infantry, and supported 
by his cavalry, making great slaughter. 19. But the forces 
which had belonged to Cassius were seized with a panic, 
and communicating their terror to the rest, the whole army 
at last gave way. Brutus, surrounded by the most valiant 
of his officers, fought long with amazing valour. The son 
of Cato, and the brother of Cassius, fell fighting by his side. 
At last, he was obliged to yield to necessity, and fled. 20. : 
In the mean time, the two Triumviri, assured of victory, 
expressly ordered that the general should by no means be 
suffered to escape. Thus the whole body of the enemy be- 
ing intent on the person of Brutus alone, his capture seemed 
inevitable. 21. In this deplorable exigence, Lucil'ius, his 
friend, resolved, by his own death, to effect his general's 
delivery. 22. Seeing a body of Thracian horse closely 
pursuing Brutus, and just upon the point cf taking him, he 
boldly threw himself in their way, telling them that he was 
Brutus. The Thra'cians overjoyed with so great a prize, 
immediately despatched some of their companions with the 
news of their success to the army. 23. Upon this, the 
ardour of the pursuit abating, Antony marched out to meet 
his prisoner, either to hasten his death, or insult his misfor- 
tunes. He was followed by a great number of officers and 
soldiers, some silently deploring the fate of so virtuous a 
man, others reproaching that mean desire of life for which 
he consented to undergo captivity. 24. Antony now seeing 
the Thracians approach, began to prepare himself for the in- 
terview ; but the faithful Lucilius, advancing with a cheerful 
air — ''It is not Brutus," said he, "that is taken; fortune 
has not yet had the power of committing so great an outrage 
upon virtue. As for my life, it is well lost in preserving 
his honour ; take it, for I have deceived you." Antony, 
struck w^ith so much fidelity, pardoned him, loaded him 
with benefits, and honoured him v/ith his friendship. 

25. In the mean time, Brutus, with a small number of 
friends, passed over a rivulet ; and night coming on, sat 
down under a rock, v/hich concealed him from the pursuit 
of the enemy. After taking breath, and casting his eyes to 



THE EMPIRE. 241 

heaven, he repeated a Une from Eurip'ides, contaming a 
wish to the gods, "That guilt should not pass in this life 
without punishment." To this he added another from the 
same poet: " O unhappy virtue ! I have worshipped thee 
as a real good ; but thou art a vain empty name, and the slave 
of fortune." He then called to mind, with great tenderness, 
those v/hom he had seen perish in battle. 26. He sent out 
one Statil'ius to give him information of those that remained ; 
but Statil'ius never returned, being killed by a party of the 
enemy's horse. Brutus, judging rightly of his fate, now 
resolved to die likewi&e ; and entreated those who stood 
round him to give him their last sad assistance : but they all 
refused so melancholy a service. 27. He then retired aside 
with his friend Strato, requesting him to perform the last 
office of friendship. Upon Strato's refusal, he ordered one 
of his slaves to execute what he so ardently desired ; but 
Strato crying out, *' that it never should he said that Brutus, 
in his last extremity, stood in need of a slave for want of a 
friend," turned aside his head, and presenting the sword's 
point, Brutus threw himself upon it, and immediately ex- 
pired, in the forty-third year of his age. a. u, 711. 



Questions foi Examination. 

1. What great event was now depending ! 

2. What were Brutus's feelings on this occasion 1 

3. What was the respective strength of the armies? 

4. Where did they meet and encamp 1 

5. What were the advantages of this situation T 

6. Were the Triumviri equally well situated 1 

7. Were the enemy equally ready to engage 1 

8. What induced Brutus to combat this resolution \ 

9. Did he obtain his wish 1 

10. Did Cassius wish to engage] 

11. What passed between the generals on this occasion? 

12. What was the reply of Cassius 1 

1 3. What happened at the commencement of the battle 1 

14. Was Cassius equally successful] 

15. What did he do in his extremity, and what effect had it on Brutus 1 

16. Did Brutus attempt to recover the victory 1 

17. What followed '? 

18. Were his intentions agreeable to his troops, and what was the con 

sequence l 

19. What decided the victory against him 1 

20. What orders were issued by the Triumviri on this occasion '^ 

X 



242 HISTORY OF kome. 

21. By whom was his deliverance attempted] 

22. How did he accomplish this] 

23. What was the consequence? 

24. Relate the circumstances of their interview ? 
^5. What happened to Brutus in the mean time 1 

26. How did he attempt to gain intelligence, and what followed his dis- 

appointment ? 

27. Relate the manner of his death ] 



SECTION VI. 



I. From the moment of Brutus's death, the Trium'vir" 
began to act as sovereigns, and to divide the Roman do- 
minions among them as their own by right of conquest. 2. 
However, though there were apparently three who partici- 
pated all power, yet, in fact, only two were actually pos- 
sessed of it, since Lep'idus v/as admitted at first merely to 
curb the mutual jealousy of Antony and Augustus, and was 
possessed neitiier of interest in the army, nor authority 
among the people. 3. Their earliest care was to punish 
those whom tliey had formerly marked for vengeance. 
Horten'sius, Dru'sus, and Quintirius Va'rus, all men of the 
first rank in the commonwealth, either killed themselves or 
were slain. A senator and his son were ordered to cast lots 
for their lives, but both refused ; the father voluntarily gave 
himself up to the executioner, and the sou stabbed himself 
before his face. Another beo:g;ed to have the rites of burial 
after his death : to which Angus 'tus replied, " that he would 
soon find a grave in the vultures that would devour him." 
4. But chiefly the people lamented to see the head of Bru- 
tus sent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Caesar's statue. 
His ashes, hov/ever, were sent to his wife Portia, Cato's 
daughter, who, following the exa nples of both her husband 
and father, killed herself, by sv/allowing coals. 5. It is ob- 
served, that of all those who had a hand in the death of Cds- 
sar, not one died a natural death. 

6. The power of the Triumviri being thus established 
upon the ruin of the commonwealth, they now began to 
think of enjoying that homage to which they had aspired. 
7 Antony v/ent into Greece to receive the flattery of that 
refined people, and spent some time at A'thens, conversing 
with the philosophers, and assisting at their disputes in 
person. Thence he passed over into Asia, where all the 



THE EMPIRE. 243 




Antony with Cleopatra in Egypt. 

nionarchs of the east, who acknowledged the Roman power, 
cume to pay him their obedience ; while the fairest princesses 
Strove to gain his favour by the greatness of their presents 
or ihe aikirements of their beauty. 8. In this manner he 
proceeded from kingdom to kingdom, attended by a succes- 
sion of sovereigns, exacting contributions, distributing fa- 
vours, and giving away crowns with capricious insolence. 
He presented the kingdom of Cappado'cia to Sy'senes, in 
prejudice of Ariara'thes, only because he was pleased with 
the beauty of Glaph'yra, the mother of the former. He 
settled Herod in the kingdom of Judea, and supported him. 
But among all the sovereigns of the east, who depended 
upon Antony, Cleopatra, the celebrated queen of Egypt, 
was the most distinguished. 

9. It happened that Sera'pion, her governor in the isle 
of Cyprus, had formerly furnished some succours to Cas- 
sij;s and the conspirators ; and it was thought proper she 
sfiould answer for his conduct. Accordingly, having re- 
ceived orders from Antony to clear herself of the imputation 
of infidelity, she readily complied, equally conscious of the 
goodness of her cause and the power of her beauty. 10. 
She was now in her twenty-seventh year, and consequently 
had improved those allurements by art, which in earlier 
age are seldom attended to. Her address and wit were still 
^arther heightened ; and though there were some women in 
Rome that were her equals in beauty, none could rival her 
in the powers of conversation. 11. Antony was in Tarsus, 
a city of Cili'cia, when Cleopatra resolved to attend his 
court in person. She sailed down the river Cydnus to meet 
him, with the most sumptuous pageantry. The stern of 



244 HISTORY OF KaME. 

her galley Vv'as covered with gold, its sails vrere purple silk, 
its oars silver, aiTd they kept time to the sound of flutes 
and cymbals. She exhibited herself reclining on a couch 
spangled with stars of gold, and such other ornaments as 
poets and painters had usually ascribed to Venus. On each 
side were boys like cupids, fanning her by turns, while 
beautiful nymphs, dressed like Nereids and Graces, were 
placed at proper distances around her : the sweets that were 
burninof on board her galley perfumed the banks of the river 
as she passed, while an infinite number of people gazed 
upon the exhibition with delight and admiration. 12. A.n- 
tony soon became captivated with her beauty, and found 
himself unable to defend his heart against that passion which 
proved the cause of his future misfortunes. When Cleopa'- 
tra had thus secured her power, she set out on her return 
to Egypt. Antony, quitting every other object, presently 
hastened after her, and there gave himself up to all that ea^e 
and softness to which his viciovis heart was prone, and 
which that luxurious people were able to supply. 

13. While he remained thus idle in Eg}'pt, Augustus, 
who took upon him to lead back the veteran troops, and 
settle them in Italy, was assiduously employed in providing 
for their subsistence. 14. He had promised them lands at 
home, as a recompense for their past services ; but they 
could not receive their new grants without turning out the 
'^^rmer inhabitants. 15. In consequence of this, multitudes 
^d women, with their children in their arms, whose tender 
^ears and innocence excited compassion, daily filled the 
temples and the streets with their lamentations. Numbers 
of husbandmen and shepherds came to deprecate the con- 
queror's intention, or to obtain a habitation in some other 
part of the world. 16. Among this number was Virgil, the 
poet, to whom mankind owe more obligations than to a 
thousand conquerors, who, in an humble manner, begged 
permission to retain his patrimonial farm. 17. Virgil ob- 
tained his request ;* but the rest of his countrymen at Man- 
tua,! and Cremo'na, were turned out without mercy. 

18. Italy and Rome novr felt the most extreme miseries. 

* On shov.ing the cider for the restoration of his property, he was 
nearly killed by the centurion who was in possession, and escaped only 
by swimming across a river. To these melancholy events he alludes in 
his first Eclogue. 

f Mantua was a very ancient town, supposed to be older than Rome. 
!^ is still called Mantua,, and i? the capital of a duchy of the same name 



THE EMPIRE, 245 

The insolent soldiers plundered at will ; v/liile Sextiis 
Pompey, being master of the sea, cnt off all foreign com- 
munication, and prevented the people from receiving their 
usual supplies of corn. To these mischiefs v/ere added the 
commencement of another civil v/ar. 19. Fulvia, the wife 
of Antony, whom he had left behind at Rome, felt for some 
time all the rage of jealousy, and resolved to try every 
method of bringing back her husband from Cleopa'tra. 20. 
She considered a breach with Augustus as the only probable 
means of rousing him from his lethargy ; and, accordingly, 
with the assistance of Lucius, her brother-in-law, she began 
to sow the seeds of dissension. The pretext ^vas, that 
Antony should have a share in the distribution of lands as 
well as Augustus. 21. This produced negociations between 
them, and Augustus offered to make tlie veterans themselves 
umpires in this dispute. Lucius refused to acquiesce ; and 
being at the head of more than six legions, mostly com- 
posed of such as w^ere dispossessed of their lands, he re- 
solved to compel Augustus to accept of v/hatever terms he 
should offer. Thus a new war v/as excited between Augus- 
tus and Antony ; or, at least, the generals of Antony assumed 
the sanction of his name. 22. Augustus was victorious ; 
Lucius was hemmed in between two armies, and constrained 
to retreat to Peru'sia, where he was closely besieged by the 
opposite party. He made many desperate sallies, and Ful- 
via did all in her power to relieve him, but without success, 
so that, being at last reduced to extremity by famine, he 
delivered himself up to the mercy of the conqueror. Augus- 
tus received him honourably, and generously pardoned iiisi 
and all his followers.* 

23. Antony having heard of his brother's overthro T^ and 
of his wdfe being compelled to leave Italy, Avas resolved to 
oppose Augustus. He accordingly sailed at the head of a 
considerable fleet, and had an interview with Fulvia at 
Athens. 24. He much blamed her for occasioning ths late 
disorders, testified the utmost contempt for her person, and, 
leaving her upon her death-bed, hastened into Italy to fight 
Augustus. They both met at Brundu'sium, and it w^as now 
thought that the flames of civil w^ar w^ere going to blaze out 
once m.ore. 25. The forces of iVntony were numerous, but 

* He, however, displayed his usual cruelty towards the inhabitants, 
causing three hundred senators to be sacrificed at an altar erected to tka 
memory of Julius Caesar, and delivering up the city to plunder and the 
flames. 

X 2 



246 HISTORY or ro:vie. 

mostly newly raised; however, he Vvas assisted by Sextiis! 
Pompei'us, who, in those oppositions of interest, was daily 
comins: into power. Augustus was at the head of those 
veterans who had always been irresistible, but who seemed 
no way disposed to fight against Antony, their former gene- 
ral. 28. A negociation was therefore proposed, and a re- 
conciliation wa5 effected: all offences and affronts were 
rautuallv forgiven ; and, to cement the union, a marriage 
was concluded between Antony and Octavia, the sister of 
Auoaistus. 27. A new division of the Roman empire was 
made between them ; -Augustus was to have command of 
the West — Antony of the East ; while Lepidus was obliged 
to content himself with the provinces in Africa. As for 
Sextus Pompei'us, he was permuted to retain all the islands 
he already possessed, together with Peloponnestis ; he was 
also granted the privilege of dem.anding the consulship, 
though absent, and of discharging that ofiice by a friend. 
It was stipulated to leave the sea open, and to pay the peo- 
ple what corn was due out of Sicily. Thus a general peace 
was concluded, to the great satisfaction of the people, who 
now expected an end to all their calamities. 



Questions fo r Exam in atio 1 1 . 

i. What ensued on the death of Brutus \ 

2. Were the triumviii possessed of equal power T 

3. \Miat were their first measures 1 

4. By what were the people most affected 1 

5. What observation has been made on these events ] 

6. What was the consequence of the estabhshment of their power ' 

7. Whither did Antoiw 'betake himself for that purpose ] 

8. How was he employed ] 

9. Bv what means did' Cleopatra incur his displeasure ? 

10. V>'hat personal adi-antages did she possess? 

11. Did she appear before Antony as an humble suppliant? 

12. What was the result of the interview ] 

13. How was Augustus employed in the mean time ? 

14. What recompense had he promised these troops? 

15. Vv'hat was the consequence of this tyranny ? 

16. What remarkable person was among the sufferers'! 

17. Vv'as his request gianted ] 

18. What was the state of Italy at this time 1 

19. What occasioned it] 

20. What did she consider as the most probable means of reclaiming 

him ] 



THE EMPIRE. 247 

21. Were terms of accorrimodation offered and accepted? 

22. What was the event of the war 1 

23. What was Antony's conduct on the occasion 1 

24. Did he approve of his wife's proceedings ] 

25. Were the two armies of nearly equal strength] 

26. What was the consequence 1 

27. What further measures w^ere adopted '? 



SECTION VII. 



1. The only obstacle to the ambition of Augustus was 
Antony, whom he resolved to remove ; and for that purpose 
rendered his character at Rome as contemptible as he pos- 
sibly could. In fact, Antony's conduct did not a little con- 
tribute to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner. 
2. He had marched against the Parthians with a prodigious 
army, but was forced to return with the loss of the fourth 
part of his forces, and all his baggage. 

3. However, Antony seemed quite regardless of contempt: 
alive only to pleasure, and totally disregarding the business 
of the state, he spent his whole tnne in the company of 
Cleopatra, who studied every art to increase his passion 
and vary his entertainments. 4. Few women have been so 
much celebrated for the art of giving novelty to pleasure, 
and making trifles important. Still ingenious in filling up 
the time with some new strokes of refinement, she was at 
one time a queen, then a bac'chanal, and sometimes a hun- 
tress. 5. Not contented with sharing with her all the de- 
lights which Egypt could afford, Antony w^as resolved to 
enlarge his sphere of luxury, by granting her some of those 
kingdoms which belonged to the Roman empire. He gave 
her all Pheni'cia, Celc-Syria, and Cy'prus, with a great 
part of Cili'cia, Ara'bia, and Jude'a, gifts which he had no 
right to bestow, but which he pretended to grant in imitation 
of Hercules. 6. This complication of vice and folly at last 
totally exasperated the Romans, and Augus'tus, willing to 
take the advantage of their resentment, took care to exag- 
gerate all his defects. 7. At length, when he found the 
people sufficiently irritated against him, he resolved lo send 
Octa'via, who was then at Rome, to Antony, as if with a 
view of reclaiming her husband; but, in fact, to furnish 
a sufficient pretext for declaring war against him, as he kne^v 
she would be dismissed with contempt. 



248 HISTORY OF ROME. 

8. Antony was novr in the city of Leiicop'olis, revelling 
with Cleopatra, when he heard that Octa'via was at Athens, 
upon her journey to visit him. This was very nn welcome 
news both to him ami Cleopa'tra ; the latter, fearing the 
charms of her rival, endeavoured to convince Antony of the 
strength of her passion, by her sighs, her looks, and well- 
feigned melancholy. He frequently caught her in tears, 
which she seemingly attempted to hide, and of which she 
appeared extremely reluctant to tell him the cause. 9. These 
artinces, tosfether with the ceaseless flattery and importimity 
of her creatures, prevailed so much on Antony's weakness, 
that he commanded Octa'via to return home without seeing 
her ; and still more to exasperate the people of Rome, he 
resolved to repudiate her, and take Cleopa'tra as his wife. 
10. He accordingly assembled the people of Alexandria in 
the public theatre, where was raised an alcove of silver, 
under which were placed two thrones of gold, one for him- 
self, and the other for Cleopa'tra. There he seated himself, 
dressed as Bacchus, while Cleopatra sat beside him, clothed 
in the ornaments and attributes of I 'sis, the principal deity of 
the Egyptians. 11. On that occasion he declared her queen 
of all the countries which he had already bestowed upon 
her, while he associated Caesa'rio, her son by Caesar, as her 
partner in the government. To the two children of himself 
by her, he gave the title of King of Kings, with very ex- 
tensive dominions ; and, to crov>'n his absurdities, he next 
sent a minute account of his proceedings to the two consuls 
at Rome. 

12. In the mean time, Augustus had a sufficient pretext 
for declaring war, and informed the senate of his intentions. 
However, he deferred the execution of his design for a 
while, being then employed in quelling an insurrection of 
the Illy'rians. 13. The following year was chielly taken 
up in preparations against Antony, who. perceiving his in- 
tentions, remonstrated to the senate, that he had many 
causes of complaint against his colleague, who had seized 
upon Sicily without afibrding him a share ; alleging that 
he had also dispossessed Lep'idus, and kept to himself the 
piovince be had commanded ; and that he had divided all 
Italy among his own soldiers, leaving nothinsr to recom- 
pense tnose in Asia. 14. To this complaint Augustus was 
content to make a sarcastic answer, implying that it was 
absurd to complain of his distribution of a few trifling dis- 
tricts in Italy, when Antony, having conquered Par'thia, 



THJ- EMPIRE. 249 

might ROW reward his soldiers w4th cities and provinces."^ 
15. This sarcasm provoked him to send his army without 
delay into Europe, to meet Augustus, while he and Cleo- 
pa'tra followed to Sa'mos,t in order to prepare for carrying 
on the war with vigour. 16. When arrived there, it was 
ridiculous enough to behold the odd mixture of preparations 
for pleasure and for war. On one side, all the kings and 
princes from Egypt to the Euxine Sea had orders to send 
him supplies of men, provisions, and arms ; on the other, 
comedians, dancers, buffoons, and musicians, were ordered 
to attend him. 

17. His delay at Sa'mos, and afterwards at A'thens, 
where he carried Cleopa'tra to receive new honours, proved 
extremely favourable to the arms of Augustus, who was at 
first scarcely in a situation to oppose him, had he gone into 
Italy ; but he soon found time to put himself in a condition 
for carrying on the war, and shortly after declared it against 
him in form. At length both sides found themselves in 
readiness to begin, and their armies were suitable to the 
greatness of the empire for which they contended. 18. The 
one was followed by all the forces of the East ; the other 
drew after him all the strength of the West. Antony's force 
composed a body of one hundred thousand foot, and twelve 
thousand horse, w^hile his fleet amounted to nve hundred 
ships of w^ar. Augustus mustered but eighty thousand foot, 
but equalled his adversary in the number of cavalry ; his fleet 
was but half as numerous as Antony's ; however, his ships 
were better built, and manned with better soldiers. 

19. The great decisive engagement, which was a naval 
one, w^as fought near Ac'tium,! a city of Epi'nis, at the 
entrance of the gulf of Ambra'cia. Antony ranged his 
ships before the mouth of the gulf; and Augustus drew up 
his fleet in opposition. Neither general assumed any fixed 
station to command in, but went about from ship to ship, 
Avherever his presence vras necessary. In the mean time 
the two land armies, on the opposite sides of the gulf, were 
drawn up, only as spectators of the engagement, and en- 

* The severity of this sarcasm lay in its being directly contrary to 
truth, as Antony had been defeated by the Par'thians. 

J Samos, a celebrated island in the Archipelago. It has been ren - 
dered famous for the worship and a temple of Juno, with a noted Asylum. 
Its capital was of the same name, and is memorable fen: the birth of 
Pythag'oras. 

i Actium is famous for a temple of Apollo. 



250 HISTORY OF ROMZ. 

courageil ilie fleets, by their shouts, to engage. 20. Tlie 
battle began on both sides after a manner not practised 
upon former occasions. The prows of their vessels were 
armed with brazen beaks, with which it was usual to drive 
furiously against each other; but Antony's ships being large, 
unwieldv, and badlv manned, were incapable of the neces- 
sar]i- swiftness, while those of Augustus, from the lightness 
of their consiruction, were fearful of the rude encounter : 
the batile, tlierefore, rather resembled a land fight, the ships 
beine brought alongside each other. They fought with great 
ardour, without advantage on either side, except from a small 
appearance of disorder in the centre of Antony's fleet. 21. 
But, all on a sudden, Cleopatra determined the fortune of 
the day. She was seen flying from the engagement with 
her sixty sail, struck, perhaps, with the terrors natural to 
her sex ; and, to increase the general amazement, Antony 
himself precipitately followed, leaving his fleet at the mercy 
of the conquerors ; while the army on land submitted, being 
thus abandoned by their general. 

22. When Cleopa'tra fled, Antony pursued her in a quin- 
quireme,* and coming alongside her ship, entered it without 
any desii-e of seeing her. She was in the stern, and he 
went to the prow, where he remained silent and melan- 
choly. In tliis manner he continued three whole days, 
during which, either through indignation or shame, he 
neither saw nor spoke to Cleopa'tra. The queen's female 
attendants, however, reconciled them, and every thinff went 
on as before. 23. Still he had the consolarlon to suppose his 
army continued faithful to him, and accordingly despatched 
orders to conduct it into Asia. But he was soon undeceived 
when he arrived in Africa, where he was informed of their 
submission to his rival.t 24. This so transported him with 
rage, that with difficulty he was prevented from kiUinsf him- 
self. At length, at the entreaty of his friends, he returned to 
Alexandria. 25. Cleopa'tra seemed to retain that fortitude 
in her misfortunes, which had utterly abandoned her ad- 
mirer. Having amassed considerable riches, by means of 
confiscations and other acts of iriolence, she formed a very 

* A galley with five Danks of oars. 

f They continued unshaken in their fidelity for se^en days after the 
liattie ol Actioni; notwithstanding the advantageons offers made them hy 
Augustus, in hopes Antony wooid return and pat himself at their head , 
but finding themselves disappointed, and abandoned by their principal 
officers, they at length surrendered. 



THE EMPIRE. 251 




Sea-fight, near Actium. 

singular and unheard of project. 26. This was to convey 
her whole fleet over the Isthmus of Su'ez into the Red Sea, 
and thereby save herself, with all her treasures, in another 
region beyond the power of Rome. 27. Some of her ves- 
sels were actually transported thither, pursuant to her or* 
ders ; but the Arabians having burnt them, and Antony 
dissuading her from the design, she abandoned it for the 
more improbable scheme of defending Egypt against the 
conqueror. 28. She omitted nothing in her power to put 
this in practice, and made all kinds of preparations for war, 
hoping, at least, by these means to obtain better terms from 
Augustus. In fact, she had been more in love with An- 
tony's fortune than his person ; and if she could have fallen 
upon any method of saving herself, though even at his ex- 
pense, there is little doubt but she would have embraced it 
with gladness. 29. She had still hopes from the power of 
her charms, though she was almost arrived at the age of 
forty : and was desirous of trying upon Augustus those arts 
which had already been so successful. Thus, in three em^ 
bassies which were sent from Antony to Augustus in Asia, ' 
the queen had always her secret agents, charged with pro- 
posals in her name. Antony desired no more than that his 
life might be spared, and to have the liberty of passing the 
remainder of his days in obscurity. To these requests 
Augustus made no reply. 30. Cleopa'tra also sent him 
public proposals in favour of her children ; but at the same 
time privately resigned to him her crown, with all the en 
signs of royalty. To the queen's public proposal no an 



252 HISTORY OF ROME. 

swer was given ; to her private offer he replied by giving 
her assurances of his favour, in case she would send away 
Antony, or put him to death. 31. These private negocia- 
tions were not so concealed but they came to the knowledge 
of Antony, whose jealousy and rage every occurrence now 
contributed to heighten. He built a small solitary house 
upon a mole in the sea, and shut himself up, a prey to those 
passions that are the tormentors of unsuccessful tyranny. 
There he passed his time, shunning all commerce with man 
kind, and professing to imitate Timon,* the man-hater. 32. 
However, his furious jealousy drove him from this retreat 
into society ; for hearing that Cleopa'tra had secret confer- 
ences with one Thyrsus, an emissary from Augustus, he 
seized upon him, ordered him to be cruelly scourged, and 
sent him back to his patron. At the same time he sent 
letters by him importing that Thyrsus had been chastised 
for insulting a man in misfortunes ; but withal he gave 
Augustus permission to revenge himself by scourging Hip- 
par'chus, Antony's freedman, in the same manner. The 
revenge, in this case, would have been highly pleasing to 
Antony, as Hippar'chus had left him, to join the fortunes of 
his more successful rival. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What obstacle remained to the ambition of Augustas, and how did 

he attempt its removal ] 

2. How was Antony at this time employed 

3. Did he keenly feel his misfortune ] 

4. Was she eminently skilled in the ait of pleasing 1 

5. Was not Antony lavish in his favours to her ? 

6. "SATiat was the consequence of this folly ] 

7. By what means did he seek a quarrel ] 

8. How was this measure approved by Antony and Cleopatra 1 

9. What imprudent resolutions did he adopt? 

10. Did he do tliis pubUclyl 

11. What farther favours did he bestow on her ] 

12. Did Augustus immediately commence hostilities ? 

* Ti'mon, the misanthrope, was bom near Athens, B. C. 420. He 
declared himself the enemy of the human race, and had a companion 
named Apeman'tus, who possessed a similar disposition. The latter 
asking him one day why he paid such respect to Alcibi^ades, " It is," 
said the churl, " because I foresee he will prove the ruin of the Athe'ni- 
ans, my countrymen." (Plutarch.) 



THE EMPIRE. 253 

13. What complaints did Antony make of Augustus 1 

14. Did Augustus notice these accusations 1 

15. What effect had his reply on Antony 1 

16. Were these military preparations formidable 1 

17. What advantages did Antony offer Augustus 1 

18. What was the respective strength of the armies? 

19. Describe the preparations for this great conflict ? 

20. Was the engagement well contested 1 

21. What extraordinary circumstance decided its fate 1 

22. Did he reproach Cleopatra for her timidity ? 

23. Had Antony any resources left ? 

24. How did he receive this news'? 

25. How did Cleopatra act in this exigence 1 

26. What was this project? 

27. Was it put in execution 1 

28. How did she attempt this, and with what views ? 

29. What farther hopes had she of favour 1 

30. What proposals did she make, and how were they received 1 

31. Was Antony aware of these negociations ? 

32. Did he persist in thus secluding himself? 



SECTION viir. 



1. Augustus advanced with another army against Pellu'- 
siLim,* which, by its strong situation, might have retarded 
his progress for some time. But the governor of the city, 
either wanting courage to defend it, or previously instructed 
by Cleopa'tra to give it up, permitted him to take posses- 
sion ; so that Augus'tus had now no obstacle in his way to 
Alexan'dria, whither he marched with all expedition. 2. 
Antony, upon his arrival, sallied out to oppose him, fighting 
with desperation, and putting the enemy's cavalry to flight. 
3. This slight advantage once more revived his declining 
hopes ; and, being naturally vain, he re-entered Alexan'dria 
in triumph. Then going, armed as he was, to the palace, 
and embracing Cleopa'tra, he presented to her a soldier who 
had distinguished himself in the engagement. 4. The queen 
rewarded him very magnificently, presenting him with a 
helmet and breastplate of gold. With these, however, the 
soldier deserted in the night to the other army, prudently 
resolving to secure his riches by keeping on the strongest 
side. 5. Antony, not able to bear this defection without 
fresh indignation, resolved to make a bold expiring effort by 

* A strong city of Egypt. 

Y 



254 HISTORY or R03ir. 

sea and land ; bat previously offered to light his adversary 
in single combat. Augus'rus, however, too well knew the 
inequality of their situations to comply with this forlorn 
proposal; he, therefore, coolly replied, <* Antony has ways 
enough to die besides in single combat." 

6. The next day, he posted the few troops he had re- 
maining upon a rising ground near the city, whence he sent 
orders To his galleys to engage the enemy.' There he waited 
to be a spectator of the combat ; and at first he had the sa- 
tisfaction to see them advance in good order. 7. But his 
joy was soon turned into rage, when he beheld his ships 
only saluting those of Angus 'tus, and both fleets unitino" to- 
gether and sailing back into the harbour, and at the s^ame 
time his cavalry deserting him. He tried, however, to lead 
on his infantry ; but these were easily vanquished, and he 
himself compelled to return into theVtown. 8. His fury 
was now ungovernable, crying out as he passed that he was 
betrayed by Cleopa'tra, and delivered up to those who, for 
her sake alone, were his enemies. In these suspicions he 
was not deceived; for it was by secret orders from the 
queen that the fleet passed over to the enernv. 

9. Cleopa'tra had for a long while dreaded the effects of 
Antony's jealousy; and had ^some time before prepared a 
method of obviating the effects of any sudden sallies it 
might produce. 10. Near the temple of Isis she had 
erected a building, which was seemingly designed for a 
sepulchre. Hither she moved her treasure and most valua- 
ble effects, covering them with torches, fagots, and other 
combustible matter.^ 11. This sepulchre she desio:ned to 
answer a double purpose, as well to screen her from the 
sudden resentments of Antony, as to make Augustus believe 
that she would burn all her treasure, in case he refused 
proper terms of capitulation. Here, therefore, she retired 
from Antony's fury — shutting the fortified grates, and giving 
orders to have it reported tha^she was dead." 12. This^news 
soon reached Antony, and it recalled all his former love and 
tenderness. Subject to every gust of passion, and each of 
them in the extreme, he now lamented her death with the 
same violence that he had just before seemed to desire it. 
*; Miserable man '/' exclaimed he, " what is there now worth 
living for ? since all that could soothe or soften my cares 
is departed ! O Cleopa'tra ! our separation does not so much 
afilict me, as the disgrace I suffer, in permittinor a woman to 
instruct me in the ways of dying." 13. He now called to 



THE EMPIRE. 



255 




Deatliof Eros. 



hmi one of his freedmen, named Eros, whom he had en- 
gaged, by oath, to kill him, whenever fortune should drive 
him to this last resource, and commanded him to perform 
his promise. This faithful follower drew his sword, as if 
going instantly to strike the blow% when, turning his face, 
he plunged it into his own bosom, and dropped at his mas- 
ter's feet. 14. Antony, for a while, hung over his faithful 
servant, charmed with his fidelity. Then snatching up the 
sword he stabbed himself in the belly, and fell backward 
upon a couch. 15. The wound was mortal ; yet the blood 
stopping, he recovered his spirits, and earnestly conjured 
those who were come into the room to put an end to his 
life; but they all fled, seized with fright and horror. 16. 
He continued in this miserable condition till he was in- 
formed by one of the queen's secretaries, that his mistress 
w^as still alive, and begged that he v/ould suffer himself to 
be transported to the monument where she v/as. He was 
accordingly brought to the sepulchre ; but Cleopa'tra, at- 
tended by her two women only, durst by no means per- 
mit the gate to be opened, but from the window threw 
down cords, with which, with great difficnlty, they drew 
him up. 17. Antony, bathed in his blood, held out his 
hands to Cleopa'tra, and faintly endeavoured to raise him- 
self from the couch on which he had been laid. The 
queen gave way to sorrow, tore her clothes, beat her breast, 
and kissing the Avound of which he w^as dying, called him 
her husband, her lord, her emperor. 18. Antony entreated 
her to moderate the transports of her grief, and to preserve 
her life, if she could be able to do it with honour. '* As for 



256 HISTORY OF ROME. 

me, lament not my misfortunes," he said; " but congratulate 
me upon the happiness which I have enjoyed ; I have lived 
the greatest and most powerful of men ; and though I fall, 
my fate is not ignominious ; a Roman myself, I am., at last, 
by a Roman overcome,^^ Having thus said, he expired. 

19. Proculei'us now made his appearance by command 
of Augus'tus, who had been informed of Antony's desperate 
conduct. He was sent to try all means of getting Cleopa'tra 
into his power. 20. Augustus had a double motive for his 
solicitude on this occasion ; one was — to prevent her de- 
stroying the treasures she had taken with her into the tomb ; 
the other — to preserve her person, as an ornament to grace 
his triumph. 21. Cleopa'tra, however, was upon her guard, 
and rejected any conference with Proculei'us, except through 
the gate, which was well secured. At length, having pro- 
cured a ladder, he, with two of Augustus's soldiers, entered 
by the same window through which Antony had been drawn 
up. Cleopa'tra, perceiving what had happened, drew a 
poinard, that hung at her girdle, to stab herself; but Procu- 
lei'us forced it fi'om her. 22. Augustus, pleased to find her 
in his power, sent Epaphrodi'tus to bring her to his palace, 
and to watch her with the utmost circumspection. He was 
ordered to use her, in every respect, with that deference and 
submission which were due to her rank, and to do every 
thing in his power to render her captivity tolerable. 

23. Though kings and generals made interest for Antony's 
body, in order to pay the last honours to it, this consolation 
was reserved for Cleopa'tra. She alone was permitted to 
have the honour of granting Antony the rites of burial, and 
was furnished with every thing becoming his dignity to 
receive, or her love to offer. 24. Yet still she languished 
under her new confinement. Her many losses, her frantic 
sorrow, the blows which she had given her bosom, pro- 
duced a fever, which she wished to increase. She resolved, 
by abstaining from nourishment, to starve herself to death, 
under the pretence of a regimen necessary for her disorder. 
25. But Augus'tus, being made acquainted with the real 
motive by her physicians, began to threaten her, with regard 
to the safety of her children, in case she should perish. The 
fear of being the cause of their death was a motive she could 
not resist. Cleopa'tra, therefore, allowed herself to bo 
treated as was thought proper, and she recovered. 

26. In the mean time Augustus made his entry into Alex- 
cin'dria, taking care to mitigate the fears of the inhabitant?, 



THE EPflPIflE. 257 

l)y conversing familiarly with Ar'cnSj a philosopher, and a 
native of the place. The citizens, however, trembled at his 
approach. And when he placed himself upon the tribunal, 
tliey prostrated themselves, with their faces to the ground, 
before him, like criminals who waited the sentence for their 
execution. 27. Angus 'tus presently ordered them to rise, 
telling them that three motives induced him to pardon them : 
his respect for Alexander, who was the founder of their city ; 
his admiration of its beauty ; and his friendship for Ar'cus, 
their fellow citizen. 28. Two only of particular note were 
put to death upon this occasion ; Antony's eldest son, An- 
tyl'lus, and Cssa'rio, the son of Julius Caesar, both betrayed 
into his hands by their respective tutors, who themselves 
suffered for their perfidy shortly after. As for the rest of 
Cleopa'tra's children, he treated them with great gentleness, 
leaving them to the care of those who were intrusted with 
their education, to whom he gave orders to provide them 
v/ith every thing suitable to their birth. 29. Cleopa'tra, 
being recovered, Angus 'tus visited her in person : she re- 
ceived him lying on a couch ; but, upon his entering the 
apartment, rose up, habited in a loose robe, and prostrated 
herself before him. Her misfortunes had given an air of 
severity to her features ; her hair was dishevelled, her voice 
trembling, her complexion pale, and her eyes swollen with 
weeping ; yet, still, her natural beauty seemed to gleam 
thiough the distresses that surrounded her; and the grace 
of her motions, and the alluring softness of her looks, still 
bore testimony to the former power of her charms. 30. 
Augus'tus raised her with his usual complaisance, and, de- 
siring her to sit, placed himself beside her. 31. Cleopa'tra 
had been prepared for this interview, and made use of every 
art to propitiate the conqueror. She tried apologies, en- 
treaties and allure m.ents, to obtain his favour and soften his 
resentment. She began by attempting to justify her con- 
duct ; but when her skill failed against manifest proofs, she 
turned her defence into supplications. She reminded him 
of Cagsar's humanity to those in distress ; she read some of 
his letters to her, full of tenderness, and expatiated upon the 
intimacy that subsisted between them " But of what ser- 
vice," cried she, " are now all his benefits to me ! Why did 
1 not die with him ! Yet, still he lives — methinks I see him 
still before me ! he revives in you." 32. Augus'tus, who 
was no stranger to this method of address, remained firm 
against all attacks ; answering with a cold indifi^'-^rence, 

Y 2 



258 HISTORY OF ROME, 

which obliged her to give her attempts a different turn 
33. She now addressed his avarice, presenting him with an 
inventory of her treasure and jewels. This gave occasion 
to a very singular scene, that may serve to show that the 
little decorums of breeding were then by no means attended 
to as in modern times. 34. One of her stewards having 
alleged, that the inventory was defective, and that she had 
secreted a part of her effects, she fell into the most extrava- 
gant passion, started from her couch, and snatching him by 
the hair, gave him repeated blows on the face. Augus'tus, 
smiling at her indignation, led her to the couch, and desired 
her to be pacified. To this she replied, that it was insuf- 
ferable to be insulted in the presence of one whom she so 
higlily esteemed. •• And admitting," cried she, " that I 
have secreted a few ornaments, am I to blame, when they 
are reserved, not for myself, but for Liv'ia and Octa'via, 
whom I hope to make my intercessors with you ?" 35. The 
apology, which intimated a desire of li\'ing, was not dis- 
agreeable to Augustus, who politely assured her she was at 
liberty to keep whatever she had reserved, and that in every 
thing she should be indulged to the height of her expecta 
tions. He then took leave, and departed, imagining he had 
reconciled her to life, and to the indignitv^ of being shown 
in the intended triumph, which he was preparing for his re- 
turn to Rome ; but in this he was deceived. 36. Cleopa'tra 
had all this time corresponded with Dolabel'la, a young Ro- 
man of high birth in the camp of Ausriistus, who, from com- 
passion, or perhaps from stronger motives, was interested in 
her misfortunes. By him she was secretly informed tha^ 
Augustus determined to send her and her children, within 
three days, to Rome, to grace his triumphant entry. 37. 
She, at length, therefore, determined upon dying ; but first 
throwing herself upon Antony's coffin, bewailed her cap- 
tivity, and renewed her protestations not to survive him. 
Having bathed, and ordered a sumptuous banquet, she at- 
tired herself in the most splendid manner. After partaking 
of the banquet, she commanded all, except her two women, 
to leave the apartment. She had contrived to have an asp 
secretly conveyed to her in a basket of fruit, and then wrote 
to Augustus, to inform him of her fatal purpose, desiring to 
be buried in the same tomb with Antony. 38. Augustus, 
upon receiving the letter, instantly despatched messengers 
in hopes to stop the fulfilment of her intentions ; but they 
arrived too late. T^pon entering the chamber, they beheld 



THE EMPIRE. 



259 




Death of Cleopatra. 

Cleopa'tra lying dead upon her couch, arrayed in royal 
robes. Near her, I'ras, one of her faithful attendants, was 
stretched at the feet of her mistress ; and Char'niion,"^ 
the other, scarcely alive, was settling- the diadem upon 
Cleopa'tra's head. " Alas !" cried one of the messengers, 
-' is this well done, Charmion ?" " Yes," replied she, " it 
is well done — such a death becomes a glorious queen, de- 
scended from a race of glorious ancestors." Pronouncing 
these words, she dropped and expired with her much loved 
mistress. t 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What new conquest was achieved by Augustus] 

2. What was Antony's conduct on his arrival ] 

3. Was he elated by this slight success ] 

4. How was he rewarded, and in what manner did he evince his grati- 

tude 1 

5. What were Antony's feeUngs and conduct on the occasion ? 

6. Did he attempt farther hostilities 1 

7. Was this satisfaction well founded 1 
How was he affected by this ill success 1 
Was Cleopatra prepared for these misfortunes 1 
What precautions had she taken ? 
What was her design in building this sepulchre? 
Was Antony affected by this news ] 



* Pronounced Kar^mion. 

j- Cleopatra was forty years old at the time of her death, and hsu' 
hved twelve years with Antony. 



t&^ HISTORY OF ROME. 

13. What followed] 

14. Did Antony persist in his purpose? 

15. Did he immediately expire] 

16. Had he another interview with Cleopatra 1 

17. 18. Relate the particulars of this interview! 
3 9. How did Augustus act on this occasion? 

20. Vv''hy was Augustus anxious to preserve the life of Cleopatra? 

21. Did he obtain ready admittance to her, and what was the conse- 

quence ] 

22. How was she treated 1 

23. By whom were the last honours paid to Antony? 

24. Did this kindness reconcile her to her situation ? 

25. By what means did Augustus overcome her resolution ? 

26. What circumstances attended the entrance of Augustus into Alex 

andria ? 

27. Were their fears reaUzed 1 

28. Who fell victims on the occasion? 

29. Did Augustus visit Cleopatra, and how was he received ? 

30. What was his conduct towards her ? 

31. How did Cleopatra conduct herself at this interview ? 

32. Was Augustus moved by her artifices? 

33. Mention her next attempt and its consequence. 

34. Relate the particulars. 

35. Was the apology accepted ? 

36. With whom did Cleopatra correspond, and what did she learn ? 

37. What resolution did she form, and how did she accomplish it ? 

38. Did not Augustus attempt to prevent her resolution, and was ho 

successful ? 



CHAPTER XXII. 

SECTION I. 



1. By the death of Antony, Augiis'tus having become 
master of the Roman empire, returned to Rome in triumph ; 
where, by feasts and magnificent shows, he began to obliter- 
ate the impressions of his former cruelty ; and thencefor- 
Avard resolved to secure, by his clemency, a throne, the 
foundations of which were laid in blood. 2. He was now 
at the head of the most extensive empire that mankind had 
ever beheld. The former spirit of the Romans, and those 
characteristic marks that distinguished them from others, 
were now totally lost. The city vras inhabited by a con- 
course from all the countries of the world ; and being con- 
sequently divested o^ all ju^t patriotic principles, perhaps a 



THE Ex^IPIRE. 261 

iJfionarchy is the best form of government that could be found 
to unite its members. 3. However, it was very remarkable, 
that during these long contentions among themselves, and 
these horrid devastations by civil war, the state was daily 
growing more formidable and powerful, and completed the 
destruction of all the kings who presumed to oppose it. 

4. The first care of Angus 'tus was to assure himself of 
the friends of Antony ; to which end he publickly reported 
that he had burnt all Antony's letters and papers without 
reading them, convinced that, while any thought themselves 
suspected, they would be fearful of even ofiering him their 
friendship. 

5. He had gained the kingdom by his army, but he re- 
solved to govern it by the senate. This body, though greatly 
fallen from its ancient splendor, he knew to be the best 
constituted, and most remarkable for wisdom and justice. 
To the senate, therefore, he gave the chief power in the ad- 
ministration of his government, while he himself secured 
the fidelity of the people and the army by donatives, and 
acts of favour. 6. By these means the odium of severity 
fell upon the senate, and the popularity of pardon was solely 
his own. Thus restoring splendor to the senate, and dis- 
countenancing corruption, he pretended to reserve to him- 
self a very moderate share of authority, to which none 
could object : namely, power to compel all ranks of the state 
to do their duty. 7. This was, in fact, reserving absolute 
dominion in his own hands ; but the misguided people be- 
gan to look upon his moderation with astonishment : they 
considered themselves as restored to their former freedom, 
except the capacity of promoting sedition ; and the senate 
supposed their power re-established in all things but their 
tendency to injustice. It was even said that the Romans, 
by such a government, lost nothing of the happiness that 
liberty could produce, and were exempt from all the misfor- 
tunes it could occasion. 8. This observation might have 
some truth under such a monarch as Augustus now appeared 
to be ; but they were afterwards taught to change their sen- 
timents under his successors, when they found themselves 
aflilicted with all the punishments that tyranny could infiict, 
or sedition make necessary. 

9. After having established this admirable order, Augus- 
tus found himself agitated by different passions ; and con- 
sidered, a long time, whether he should keep the empire, or 
restore the people to their ancient liberty. 1 0. But he adopted 



262 HISTORY OF ROME. 

the advice of Maecenas, which was, to continue in power : 
and he was afterwards swayed by him on every occasion. 
By the advice of that minister, he became gentle, affable, and 
humane : he encouraged men of learning, and gave them 
much of his time and his friendship. These in their turn, 
relieved his most anxious hours, and circulated his praise, 
throughout the .empire. 

11. Thus having given peace and happiness to his sub- 
jects, and being convinced of the attachment of all orders 
of the state to his person, he resolved upon impressing the 
people with an idea of his magnanimity, by making a show 
of resigning his authority. 12. To this end, having pre- 
viously instructed his creatures in the senate how to act, he 
addressed them in a studied speech, imxporting the difficulty 
of governing so extensive an empire ; a task to which, he 
said, none but the immortal gods Avere equal. He modestly 
urged his own inability, though impelled by every motive 
to undertake it ; and then, with a degree of seeming gene- 
rosity, freely gave up all that power which his arms had 
gained, and which the senate had confirmed, giving them 
to understand, that the true spirit of the Romans was not 
lost in him. 13. This speech operated upon the senate va- 
riously, as they were more or less in the secret.. Many be- 
lieved the sincerity of his conduct as an act of heroism une- 
qualled by any thing that had hitherto appeared ; others, 
though ignorant of his motives, distrusted his designs. Some 
there were, who, having greatly suffered during the popular 
commotions, were fearful of their being renewed ; but the 
majority, who were properly instructed by his ministers, fre- 
quently attem^pted to interrupt him while speaking, and 
received his proposals with pretended indignation. 14. 
These unanimously besought him not to resign the adminis- 
tration ; and, upon his continuing to decline their request, 
tiiey m a manner compelled him to comply. However, that 
his person might be in greater security, they immediately 
decreed that the pay of his guard should be doubled. 15. 
On the other hand, that he might seem to make concessions 
on his side, he permitted the senate to govern the weak, in- 
ternal provinces, while the most powerful provinces, and 
those that required the greatest armies for their defence, 
were taken entirely under his ov/n command. Over these 
he assumed the government for ten years only, leaving the 
people still in hopes of regaining their ancient freedom 
at the same time, however, laying his measures so well 



THE EMi'lRE. 263 

that his government was renewed every ten years, to his 
death. 

16. This show of resignation only served to confirm him 
in the empire, and in the hearts of the people. New hon- 
ours were heaped upon him. He was now first called Au- 
gustus (a name I have hitherto used as that by which he is 
best known in history.) A laurel was ordered to be planted 
at his gates. That house was called the palace wherever 
he made his abode. He was confimied in the title of father 
of his country, and his person declared sacred and inviola- 
ble. 17. In short, flattery seemed on the rack to find out 
new modes of pleasing him ; but, though he despised the 
arts of the senate, he permitted their homage, well knowing 
that, among mankind, titles produce a respect which enforces 
authority. 

18. Upon entering into his tenth consulship, the senate, 
by oath, approved of all his acts, and set him wholly above 
the power of the laws. They, some time after, offered to 
swear not only to all the laws he had made, but such as he 
should make for the future. 19. It was customary with 
fathers, upon their death-beds, to command their children 
to carry oblations to the Capitol, with an inscription, that at 
the day of their deaths they left Augustus in health. It was 
determined that no man should be put to death on such days 
as the emperor entered the city. Upon a dearth of provi- 
sions, the people entreated him to accept of the dictatorship ; 
but he would by no means assume the title of dictator, 
which had been abolished by law. 

20. An accumulation of titles and employments did not 
in the least diminish his assiduity in fulfilling the duties of 
each. Several very wholesome edicts were passed by his 
command, tending to suppress corruption in the senate, and 
licentiousness in the people. 21. He ordained that none 
should exhibit a show of gladiators without an order from 
the senate ; and then not oftener than twice a year, nor with 
more than a hundred and twenty at a time. This law was 
extremely necessary at so corrupt a period of the empire, 
when armies of these unfortunate men were brought at once 
upon the stage, and compelled ta fight, often, till half of them 
were slain. 22. It had been usual also with the knights, 
and women of the first distinction, to exhibit themselves as 
dancers upon the theatre ; he ordered that not only these, 
but their children and grand-children should be restrained 
from such exercises for the future. 23. He fined many 



264 HISTORY OF ROME. 

that had refused to marry at a certain age, and rewarded 
such as had many children. He enacted that the senators 
should be held in great reverence ; adding to their dignity 
what he had taken from their power. 24. He made a law, 
that no man should have the freedom of the city without a 
previous examination into his merit and character. He ap- 
pointed new rules and limits to the manumission of slaves, 
and was himself very strict in the observance of them. With 
regard to dramatic performers, of whom he was very fond, 
he severely examined their morals, not allowing licentious- 
ness in their lives, nor indecency in their actions. Though 
he encouraged the athletic exercises, he would not permit 
women to be present at them. 25. In order to prevent 
bribery in suing for offices, he took considerable sums of 
money from the candidates by way of pledge ; and if any 
indirect practices were proved against them, they were 
obliged to forfeit all. 26. Slaves had been hitherto dis- 
allowed to confess anything against their own masters ; but 
he abolished the practice, and first sold the slave to another, 
which altering the property, his examination became free. 
27. These and other laws, all tending to extirpate vice or> 
deter from crimes, gave the manners of the people another 
complexion ; and the rough character of the Roman soldier 
was now softened into that of the refined citizen.* 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What was the consequence of the death of Antony 1 

2. What was the character of the Roman people at this time 1 

3. Did these convulsions weaken the empire 1 

4. What was the first care of Augustus ] 

5. In what way did he propose to govern ] 

6. What were the consequences of this conduct 1 

7. What advantages did the Romans fancy they enjoyed ? 

8. Was this observation correct 1 

9. What conflicting passions agitated the mind of Augustus 1 

10. Whose advice did he adopt, and what was that advice 1 

11. What artifice did he employ to confirm his power! 

12. How did he make his intentions known ] 

13. What effect was produced by this proposal? 

14. What was their conduct on this occasion 1 

* In his sixth consulship Augustus commanded a census to be made, 
when there was found the astonishing number of 4.060,000 inhabitant* 
in Rome, which was fifty miles in circumference. 



THE EMPIRE, 265 

1 5. What farther artifices did he employ 1 

16. What were the consequences of this affected moderation I 

1 7. Was he imposed upon by these arts ? 

18. What farther instances of abject servility did the senate display? 

19. What else was done to his honour 1 

20. Did these honours render him remiss 1 

21. What salutary law did he enact ] 

22. What next ? 

23. What regulations concerning marriage, and respect to senators, did 

he enforce 1 

24. How did he improve the morals of the people ? 

25. How did he prevent bribery ? 

26. By what means did he promote justice] 

27. What was the consequence of these regulations 1 



SECTION IL 



1. Augustus, by his own example, tended greatly to hu- 
manize his fellow-citizens ; for being placed above all equal- 
ity, he had nothing to fear from condescension. He was 
familiar with all, and suffered himself to be reprimanded 
with the most patient humility. Though, by his sole autho- 
rity, he could condemn or acquit whomsoever he thought 
proper, he gave the laws their proper course, and even 
pleaded for persons he desired to protect. 2. When the 
advocate for Pri'mus"^ desired to know, with an insolent air, 
what brought Augustus into court, the emperor calmly re- 
plied, " The public good." When one of his veteran sol- 
diers entreated his protection, Augustus bid him apply to an 
advocate. " Ah !" replied the soldier, '' it was not by proxy 
that I served you at the battle of Ac'tium." Augustus was 
so pleased that he pleaded his cause and gained it for him. 
One day a petition was presented to him with so much awe 
as to displease him. " Friend," cried he, " you seem as if 
you wsre offering something to an elephant rather than to a 
iiian ; be bolder." 8. Once as he was sitting in judgment, 
Maece'nas perceiving that he was inclined to be severe, and 
not being able to get to him through the crowd, he threw a 
paper into his lap, on which was written, '' Arise, execu- 
tioner !" Augustus read it witliout displeasure, and imme- 

* M. Primus, while governor of Macedon, had made an irruption into 
the counti7 of the Odrysians ; for this he was prosecuted, and pleaded 
that it was by the emperor's orders. Augustus denying this, L. Mureua 
put the impudent question to him mentioned in the text. 

z 



^66 HISTORY OF ROME. 

diately rising, pardoned those whom he was disposed to 
condemn. 4. But what most of all showed a total altera- 
tion, was his treatment of Cornelius Cinna, Pompey's 
grandson. This nobleman had entered into a conspiracy 
against him : Augustus sent for the other conspirators, re- 
primanded them, and dismissed them. But resolving to 
mortify Cinna by the greatness of his generosity — " I have 
twice, says he, " given you your life, as an enemy and as a 
conspirator : I now give you the consulship ; let us therefore 
be friends for the future ; let us contend only in showing 
whether my confidence or your ndelity shall be victorious." 

5. In the practice of such virtues he passed a long reign. 
In fact, he seemed the first Roman who aimed at gaining a 
character by the arts of peace, and who obtained the affec- 
tions of the soldiers without any military talents of his own : 
nevertheless, the Roman arms, under his lieutenants, were 
crowned with success. 

6. But he had uneasiness of a domestic nature that dis- 
tressed him. He had man'ied Liv'ia, the wife of Tibe'rius 
Nero, by the consent of her husband, when she was six 
months advanced in her pregnancy. She was an imperious 
woman, and, conscious of being beloved, controlled him at 
her pleasure. 7. She had two sons, Tibe'rius the elder, 
and Dru'sus, who was born three months after she had been 
married to Augustus, and who was thought to be his own 
son. The elder of these, Tibe'rius, whom he afterwards 
adopted, and who succeeded him in the empire, was a good 
general, but of a suspicious and obstinate temper, and of a 
conduct so turbulent and restless, that he was at last exiled 
for five years to the island of Rhodes, v/here he chiefly 
spent his time in a retired manner, conversing with the 
Greeks, and addicting himself to literature, of which, how- 
ever he afterwards made but a bad use. 

8. But the greatest affliction that Augustus experienced 
was from the conduct of his daughter Julia, whom he had 
by Scribo'nia, his former wife. Julia, whom he mairied to 
his general Agrip'pa, and afterv/ards to Tibe'rius, set no 
bounds to her misconduct. She was arrived at that excess 
of wickedness, that the very court where her father presided 
was not exempt from her infamies. 9. Augustus, at first, had 
thoughts of putting her to death : but, after consideration, 
he banished her to Pandata'da."^ He ordered that no per- 

* An island on the coast of Lueania, in Italy ; now called Santa 
Maria. 



THE EMPIRE. 2G7 

son should come near her without his permission, and sent 
her mother Scribo'nia along with her, to bear her company. 
When any one attempted to intercede for Julia, his answer 
was, '' that fire and water should sooner unite than he with 
her." 10. Augustus, having survived most of his contem- 
poraries, at length, in the seventy-fourth year of his age, 
began to think of retiring from the fatigues of state, and of 
constituting Tibe'rius his partner in the throne. He desired 
the senate to salute him no longer at the palace, nor take it 
amiss, if, for the future, he could not converse with them as 
formerly. 11. From that time Tibe'rius was joined Cu. c. 
in the government of the provinces with him, and ( 762. 
invested with nearly the same authority. However, Augus- 
tus could not entirely forsake the administration, which 
habit had rendered a source of pleasure ; and he still con- 
tinued a watchful guardian, and showed himself, to the last, 
a lover of his people. 12. Finding it now, therefore, very 
inconvenient to come to the senate, by reason of his age, he 
desired to have twenty privy-counsellors assigned him for a 
year ; and it was decreed, that whatever measures were re- 
solved upon by them and the consuls, should have entirely 
the force of a law. 13. He seemed apprehensive of his ap- 
proaching end, for he made his will, and delivered it to the 
vestal virgins. He then solemnized the census, or number- 
ing the people, whom he found to amount to four millions 
one hundred and thirty-seven thousand ; which shows Rome 
to be equal to four of the greatest cities of modern times. 

14. While these ceremonies were performing, in the midst 
of a mighty concourse of people in the Cam'pus Mar'tius, 
it is said that an eagle flew round the emperor several 
times, and, directing its flight to a neighbouring temple, 
perched over the name of Agrippa : this omen was, by 
the augurs, conceived to portend the death of the emperor. 

15. Shortly after, having accompanied Tibe'rius in his 
march into Illyr'ia, he was taken ill. Returning thence, 
he sent for Tibe'rius and his most intimate friends. 
A few hours before his death he ordered a looking-glass to 
be brought, and his hair to be adjusted with more than usual 
care. He then addressed his friends, whom he beheld sur- 
rounding his bed, and desired to know whether he had pro 
perly played his part in life ; to which, being answered in 
the affirmative, he cried out with his last breath, " Then 
give me your applause." Thus, at the age of seventy-six, 
after reigning forty-four years, he expired in the arms of 



268 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Liv'ia, bidding her remember their marriage and their last 
farewell.'" 

16.. The death of the emperor caused inexpressible grief 
throughout the whole empire. It was, by some, supposed 
that his wife Liv'ia had some hand in hastening it, with a 
view to procure the succession more speedily for her son. 
However this was, she took care, for a time, to keep the im- 
portant event concealed, by guarding all the passages to the 
palace ; sometimes giving out that he was recovered, and 
then pretending a relapse. At length, having settled the 
succession to her mind, she published the emperor's death ; 
and at the same time, the adoption of Tibe'rius to the em- 
pire. 17. The emperor's funeral v/as performed with great 
magnificence. The senators being in their places, Tibe'rius, 
(Tin whom that care devolved, pronounced a consolatory ora- 
iion. After this his will was read, wherein he made Tibe'- 
?ius and Liv'ia his heirs. 18. He was studious of serving his 
country to the very last, and the sorrow of the people seemed 
equal to his assiduity. It was decreed, that all the women 
should mourn for him a whole year. Temples were erected 
to him, divine honours were allowed him, and one Nume'- 
rius At'ticus, a senator, willing to convert the adulation of 
the times to his own benefit, received a large sum of money 
for swearing that he saw him ascending into heaven ; so 
that no doubt remained among the people concerning his 
divinity. 

19. Such were the honours paid to Augustus, whose 
power began in the slaughter, and terminated in the liappi- 
©ess of his subjects ; so that it was said of him, '' that it 
had been good for mankind if he had never been born, or 
if he had never died." 20. It is possible that the cruelties 
exercised in his triumvirate were suggested by his colleagues. 
In the case of Caesar's death, he might think that revenge 
was virtue. Certain it is, that severities were necessary to 
restore public tranquillity ; for, until the Roman spirit should 
be eradicated, no monarchy could be secure. 21. He in 
dulged his subjects in the appearance of a republic, while 

* The date of Augustus's reign is here reckoned from the death of 
Antony, when he became sole monarch ; but if it be reckoned from his 
first coming into power, soon after the death of JuUus Csesar, it is nearly 
56 years. Augustus carried on his wars principally by his lieutenants, 
but he went personally into Spain and Gaul. His bravery, however, 
has been greatly called in question, and many flagiant instances of his 
cowardice recorded. How true they may be is not easy to determine. 



THE EMPIRE. 269 

he made them really happy in the effects of a most absolute 
monarchy, administered with the most consummate prudence. 
In this last quality he seems to have excelled most mon- 
archs ; and; indeed, could we separate Octavius from Au- 
gustus, he was one of the most faultless princes in history. 
22. About this time our Saviour was born in Jude'a.* 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What was the general conduct of Augustus 1 

2. Mention some instances of his moderation 1 

3. What farther instance of his moderation is on record 1 

4. How did he most decidedly show the alteration in his disposition 1 

5. In what was he particularly remarkable 1 

6. Was he happy in domestic life 1 

7. What family had she, and what was the character of her son ? 

8. Had he no other domestic trials ] 

9. In what way was she punished 1 

10. Was the reign of Augustus of considerable length 1 

1 1 . Did he associate Tiberius with him in the government ? 

12. By what means did he lighten the burden of government ? 

13. By what measure did he prepare for his approaching end I 

14. What omen portended his death] 

15. How did he meet his end ] 

16. How were the people affected by his death, and why was it for • 

time concealed? 

17. How was his funeral celebrated 1 

18. What honours were decreed him ! 

1 9. Were those honours deserved ! 

20. What excuses may be made for his early cruelties 1 

21. By what means did he secure his power ] 

22. What remarkable event happened in his reign ! 



SECTION III. 



1. Tibe'rius was fifty-six years old when he took upon 
him the government of the Roman empire. He C u. c. 762. 
had lived in a state of profound dissimulation ^ a. d. 1 0. 
imder Augustus, and was not yet hardy enough to show 
himself in his real character. In the beginning of his 
reign nothing appeared but prudence, generosity, and cle 

* The temple of Janus was now shut for the third time since tu© 
foundation of the city. 

z 2 



<,i\f HISTORY OF K03I£. 

mency.* 2. But the successes of his nephew, German'i- 
cus, son of his late brother Dru'sus, over the Germans, first 
brought his natural disposition to light, and discovered the 
malignity of his mind without disguise. 3. He was hardly 
settled on his throne, when he received intelligence that the 
legions in Panno'nia, hearing of the death of Aiigustus, and 
desirous of novelty, had revolted ; but these were soon 
quieted, and Percen'nius, their leader, slain. 4. A com- 
motion in Germany was attended with much more important 
consequences. The legions in that part of the empire were 
conducted by German'icus, a youth of most admirable quali- 
ties, who had been, at the late emperor's request, adopted, in 
order to succeed to the empire. These forces had taken the 
opportunity of his absence to revolt, and now began to 
s^ffirm that the whole Koman empire was in their powder, 
and that its principal grandeur was owing to the success of 
their arms ; when German'icus returned, therefore, they 
unanimously resolved to choose him emperor. 5. This 
general was the darling of the soldiers, and almost idolized, 
so that he might, with very little difficulty, have raised him- 
self to the highest dignity in the state ; but his duty pre- 
vailed over his ambition ; he rejected their offers with the 
utmost indignation, and used the most indefatigable endeav- 
ours to quell the sedition. This he effected, though with 
extreme hazard, by cutting off many of the principal revolt- 
ers, and then by leading the troops against the Germxans, 
who were considered as the common enemies of the empire. 
6. Tiberius was as much pleased with the loyalty of 
German'icus, as he was distressed at his superior popular- 
ity ; his success, also, immediately after, against the Ger- 
mans, still more excited the emperor's envy and private 
disgust. He overthrew the enemy in several battles, sub- 
duing many wild and extensive countries. 7. These victo- 
ries, hov/ever, only served to inflame the emperor's jealousy: 
and every virtue in the general now became a new cause of 
offence. This dislike began to appear by Tiberius 's making 
use of every pretence to draw German'icus from the legions ; 
but he was obliged to postpone his purpose on account of a 
domestic insurrection made in Italy by one Cle'mens, w^hom 
he put to death by a private execution in a secret apartment 
of the palace. 

* He began his reign, however, with the murder of Agrippa Pcsthu-- 
mus, the grandson of Augustus. 



THE EMPIRE. 271 

9. Having thus got rid of his domestic enemy, he turned 
his thoughts to the most specious means of bringing home 
German'icus from the legions in Germany. He began by 
procuring him a triumph for his late victories, and tJien 
writing to him to return in order to enjoy those honours 
which the senate had decreed ; adding, that he had reaped 
enough of glory in a country to which he had been sent 
nine times, and been each timie victorious ; concluding, that 
so great a number of triumphs was sufficient ; and the most 
signal vengeance w^hich could be inflicted on this turbulent 
people was to permit them to continue their intestine divi- 
sions. 10. German'icus was met on his return, many miles 
from the city, by a vast multitude, who received him with 
marks of adoration rather than respect. The gracefulness 
of his person ; his triumphal chariot, in which were carried 
his five children ; and the recovered standards of the army 
of Va'rus, threw the people into a phrenzy of joy and ad- 
miration.* 

11. German'icus was now appointed to a new dignity. 
He departed from Rome on an expedition to the east, car- 
rying with him his wdfe Agrippi'na, and his children. 12. 
But Tibe'rius, to restrain his power, had sent Cne'ius Pi'so 
governor into Syr'ia. This Pi'so was a person of furious 
and headstrong temper, and, in every respect, fit to execute 
those fatal purposes for w^hich he was designed. 13. His 
instructior_s w^ere, to oppose German'icus upon every occa- 
sion, to excite hatred against him, and even to procure his 
death if an opportunity should offer. He accordingly took 
every opportunity of abusing German'icus ; and taxed him 
with diminishing the Roman glory, by his peculiar protec- 
tion of the Athe'nians. 14. German'icus disregarded his 
invectives, being more intent on executing the business of 
his commission, than on counteracting the private designs 
of Pi'so. 15. Piso, however, and his wife Planci'na, who 
is recorded as a woman of an implacable and cruel dispo- 
sition, continued t^ defame him. German'icus opposed 
only patience and condescension to all their invectives, and, 
with that gentleness which was peculiar to him, repaid their 
resentments by courtesy. 16. He was not ignorant of their 
motives, and was rather willing to evade than oppose their 

* Varus had been surprised by the Germans, defeated, and his whole, 
army cut to pieces. Augustus was so grieved at this disgrace and loss, 
that, for a long time, he wore mourning, and frequently was heard to 
cry out, in the agony of his grief, " Restore me my legions, Varus." 



272 HISTORY OF ROME. 

enmity. He, therefore, took a voyage .nto -Egypt, under 
pretence of viewing the celebrated antiqdities of that coun- 
try ; but, in reality, to avoid the machinations of Pi'so, and 
those of his wife, which were still more dangerous. 17. 
Upon his return he fell sick, and, whether from a mind pre- 
viously alarmed, or from more apparent marks of treachery, 
he sent to let Pi'so know, that he broke off all further con- 
nections. Growing daily worse, his death appeared to be 
inevitable. 18. Finding his end approaching, he addressed 
his friends, who stood around his bed, to the following ef- 
fect: *' Had my death been natural, I might have reason to 
complain of being thus snatched away from all the endear- 
ments of life, at so early an age ; but my complaints are 
aggravated, in falling the victim of Pi'so's and Planci'na's 
treachery. Let the emperor, therefore, I conjure you, know 
the manner of my death, and the tortures I suffer. Those 
who loved me when living — those who even envied my for- 
tune — will feel some regret, when they hear of a soldier, 
who had so often escaped the rage of the enemy, falling a 
sacrifice to the treachery of a vroman. Plead then my cause 
before the people— -you will be heard with pity — and if my 
murderers should pretend to have acted by command, they 
will either receive no credit or no pardon." 19. As he 
spoke these words, he stretched forth his hand, M^hich his 
weeping friends tenderly pressing, most earnestly vowed 
that they would lose their lives rather than their revenge. 
The dying prince, then turning to his wife, conjured her, by 
her regard to his memory, and by all the bonds of nuptial 
love, to submit to the necessity of the times, and to evade 
the resentment of her more powerful enemies by not op- 
posing it.* 20. Nothing could exceed the distress of the 
whole empire, upon hearing of the death of German'icus, 
and the people of Rome seemed to set no bounds to it. 21. 
In this universal confusion, Pi'so seemed marked for de- 
struction. He and his wife stood charged with the death 
of German'icus, by giving him a slow poison. Indeed, 
even the emperor himself, with his mother Liv'ia, incurred 
a share of the general suspicion. 22. This was soon after 
greatly increased by the arrival of Agrippi'na, the widow 
of German'icus, a woman^of invincible courage, and in 

* Germanicus died in the 34th year of his age, and was universally 
mourned for, not only by the Roman people, but by the princes in 
alliance with Rome, and even by the proud monarch of Parthia. (Sunt. 
1. 4. c. 5.) 



THE EMPIRE. 273 

high esteem for her virtue. She appeared bearing the urn 
containing the ashes of her husband, and, attended by all 
her children, went to the tomb of Augustus. 23. Vvhen she 
approached the city, she was met by the senate and people 
of Rome, both with acclamations and expressions of sorrow. 
The veteran soldiers, who had served under German'icus, 
gave the sincerest testimonies of their concern. The mul- 
titude, w^hile the ashes were depositing, regarded the cere- 
mony in profound silence ; but presently broke out into 
loud lamentations, crying out. The commonwealth is now 
no more. 

24. Tibe'rius permitted the accusation of Pi 'so, though 
he was justly supposed to be merely the instrument of his 
own vengeance. This general was accused before the sen- 
ate of the death of German'icus, and of other crimes. 

25. He put an end to his trial, which had been drawn 
out to a great length, by committing suicide.* His w^ife 
Planci'na, who was universally believed to be most culpa- 
ble, escaped punishment by the interest of Liv'ia. 

26. Tibe'rius, having now no object of jealousy to keep 
him in awe, began to pull off the mask, and appear more 
in his natural character than before. 27. In the beginning 
of his cruelties, he took into his confidence Seja'nus, a 
Roman knight, who found out the method of gaining his 
affection by the most refined degree of dissimulation, and 
was an overmatch for his master in his own arts.t It is not 
well known whether he was the adviser of all the cruelties 
that ensued ; but certain it is, that from the beginning of 
his ministry, Tibe'rius seemed to become more fatally sus- 
picious. 



Questions for Examination, 

1 . What vvrere the age and character of Tiberius on his accession 1 

2. What first showed him in his true colours 1 

* He was found in the morning v/ith his throat cut, and his sword 
lying by him ; but whether this was done by his own hand, or by the 
orders of Tiberius, is not known. (Tacitus.) 

■\ Sejanus, though simply a Roman knight, Vv'as descended from an 
illustrious family, and was, in the very beginning of Tiberius's reign, 
associated with his father in the command of the pr£8torian guards. By 
removing these from their usual quarters in the city, and uniting them 
in one body in a camp, he laid the foundation of that power, which they 
afterwards usurped, of disposing of the empire at their pleasure. 



274 HISTORY OF ROME. 

3. What was the first news he heard ? 

4 Was there r.ot a more formidable revolt 1 

5. Did Germanicus accept this dignity ] 

6. Did Tiberius properly appreciate this conduct ! 

7. Was he pleased with his success ] 

8. How did this appear] 

9. What followed this execution? 

10. How was Germanicus received 1 

11. How was he next employed? 

12. What restraints were imposed on himl 

1 3. What were Piso's instructions, and how did he execute them 1 

14. How did Germanicus act on the occasion 1 

15. Did Piso persevere in his base attempts? 

16. Was Germanicus aware of their design? 

17. What happened on his return ? 

18. Re'^.eat his speech on his death-bed. 

19. What farther passed on this occasion? 

20. Was his untimely end lamented ? 

21. Who incurred the popular hatred on this occasion? 

22. How was this increased ? 

23. What honours were paid her ? 

24. Was the tyrant's vile agent rewarded for his services ? 

25. What v/as the issue ? 

26. B w did Tiberius conduct himself after this ? 

27. Who wa-3 his prime minister ? 



SECTION IV. 



1. Seja'nus began his administration by using all bis 
address to persuade Tiberius to retire to some agreeable re- 
treat, remote from Rome ; from this he expected many ad- 
vantages, since there could be no access to the emperor but 
through him. 2. The emperor, either prevailed upon by 
his persuasions, or pursuing the natural turn of his temper, 
left Rome and went into Campa'nia, under pretence of de- 
dicating temples to Ju'piter and Augustus. Growing w^eary, 
however, of places where mankind might follow him with 
their complaints and distresses, he withdrew himself into 
the delightful island of Ca'preae ; and buried in this retreat, 
gave himself up to abandoned pleasures, regardless of the 
miseries of his subjects. 3. From this time he became 
mor3 cruel, and Seja'nus increased his distrusts. Secret 
spies and informers were placed in all parts of the city, who 
converted the most harmless actions into subjects of offence. 
4. Ill consequence of this, Ne'ro and Dru'sus, the children 
of German'icuS; were declared enemies to the state, and 



THE EMPIRE. 275 

afterwards starved to death in prison ; while Agrippi'na, 
their mother, was sent into banishment. Sabi'nns, Asin'ius, 
Gal'lus, and Syria'cus, were, upon slight pretences, con* 
demned and executed. 5. In this manner Seja'nus pro- 
ceeded, removing all who stood between him and the empire ; 
and every day increasing his confidence with Tibe'rius, and 
his power with the senate. The number of his statues ex- 
ceeded even those of the emperor; people swore by his 
fortune, in the same manner as they would have done had 
he been upon the throne ; and he was more dreaded than 
even the tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. 6. But 
the rapidity*of his rise seemed only preparatory to the 
greatness of his downfall. All we know of his first dis- 
grace with the emperor is, that Sati'rus Secun'dus was the 
man who had the boldness to accuse him of treason ; and 
Anto'nia, the mother of German'icus, seconded the accusa- 
tion. 7. The senate, who had long been jealous of his 
power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this op- 
portunity of going beyond the orders of Tibe'rius ; instead 
of sentencing him to imprisonment, they directed his exe- 
cution.* 8. Whilst he was conducting to his fate, the peo- 
ple loaded him with insult and execration ; pursued him 
with sarcastic reproaches ; and threw down his statues. He 
himself was strangled by the executioner. 

9. His death only lighted up the emperor's rage for far- 
ther executions. Planci'na, the wife of Pi'so, and others, 
were put to death for being attached to Seja'nus. He began 
to grow weary of single executions, and gave orders that 
all the accused should be put to death together, without fur- 
ther examination. The whole city was, in consequence, 
filled with slaughter and mourning. 10. When one Car- 
nu'lius killed himself, to avoid the torture, " Ah !" cried 
Tibe'rius, '' how has that man been able to escape me !" 
When a prisoner had earnestly entreated that he would not 
defer his death : '^ Know," said the tyrant, " I am not suf- 
ficiently your friend to shorten your torments." 

* To such a pitch of meanness were the Roman senators arrived, that 
when the emperor's letter arrived, the senators, thinking it contained 
orders for bestowing on Sejanus the tribunitial power, crowded around 
him, each striving to be foremost in congratulating him on his new dig- 
nity; but they no sooner learned the real contents of the fatal letter 
than all forsook him ; even those who sat near him removed to another 
part of the house, lest they should be accounted his friends. (Dio.) The 
populace likewise broke in pieces those very statues which, a few hours 
before, they had adored. 



276 HISTORY OF ROMK. 

11. Tu this manner he lived, odious to the world, and 
troublesome to himself; an enemy to the lives of others, a 
tormenlor of his own.'^ At length, in the 22d year of his 
reign, lie be^an to feel the approaches of dissolution, and 
his appetite totally forsook him. 12. He now, therefore, 
found it was time to think of a successor, and fixed upon 
Caiig'ula :t willing, perhaps, by the enormity of Calig'ula's 
conduct, with which he was well acquainted, to lessen the 
obloquy of his own. 

13. Still, however, he seemed desirous to avoid his end ; 
and strove, by change of place, to cut off the inquietude of 
his own reflections. He left his favourite islaij^, and went 
upon the continent ; and at last, fixed at the promontory of 
Mise'num.J There he fell into faintings, which all believed 
to be fatal. 14. Calig'ula supposing him actually dead, 
caused himself to be acknowledged by the Praetorian sol- 
diers, § and went forth from the emperor's apartment amidst 
the applauses of the multitude ; when, all of a sudden, he was 
inform.ed that the emperor was likely to recover. 15. This 
unexpected account filled the whole court w^ith terror and 
alarm ; every one who had before been earnestly testifying 
his joy, nov/ reassumed his pretended sorrow, and forsook 
the new emperor, through a feigned solicitude for the fate of 
the old. 16. Calig'ula seemed thunderstruck ; he preserved 
a gloomy silence, expecting nothing but death, instead of the 
empire at which he aspired. 17. Marco, however, who was 
hardened in crimes, ordered that the dying emperor should 
be despatched, by smothering him with pillows ; or, as 
some will have it, by poison. Thus died Tibe'rius in the 

* It has been well said of Tiberius, " This great prince — this sovereign 
of Rome — with his numerous armies, his prsstorian bands, and his un- 
limited power, was in hourly fear of secret assassins, incessantly racked 
by his ow^n apprehensions ; with all the eclat of empire, the most miser- 
able being in his dominions. His power, indeed, was unlimited, but so 
was his misery ; the more he made others suffer, the faster he multi- 
plied his own torments. Such was his situation and life, and such are 
the natural consequences of the abuse of power." 

■f He was so named from caliga, a sort of military boot which he 
usually wore. 

t A promontory, port, and town in Italy, near Naples. 

§ The PrjEtorian bands were instituted by Augustus, to guard his 
person, and maintain his authority. Under bold and warlike emperors, 
they were kept in tolerable subjection ; but when the reins of govern- 
ment were held by feeble hands, they becam.e the disturbers, instead of 
preservers, of the public peace ; and, at length, deposed and set up em- 
perors at their pleasure. 



THE EMPIRE. 277 

seventy-eighth year of his age, after reigning C u. c. 780. 
twenty-two years. I a. d. 37. 

18. It was in the eighteenth year of this emperor's reign 
that Christ, (after having spent two years in the public min- 
istry, instructing the multitude in the way of salvation,) was 
crucified ; as if the universal depravity ot mankind wanted 
no less a sacrifice than this to reclaim them. Pi'late sent to 
Tibe'rius an account of Christ's passion, resurrection, and 
miracles, and the emperor made a report of the whole to the 
senate, desiring that Christ might be accounted a god by the 
Romans. 19. But the senate, displeased that the proposal 
had not come first from themselves, refused to allow of his 
apotheosis ; alleging an ancient law, which gave them the 
superintendence in all matters of religion. They even went 
so far as to command, by an edict, that all Christians should 
leave the city ; but Tibe'rius, by another edict, threatened 
death to such as should accuse them ; by which means they 
continued unmolested during the rest of his reign. 

20. The vices of Calig'ula were concealed under the ap- 
pearance of virtue in the beginning of his reign. In less 
than eight months, however, every trace of moderation and 
clemency vanished ; while furious passions, unexampled 
avarice, and capricious cruelty, reigned uncontrolled; and 
pride, impiety, lust, and avarice, appeared in all their native 
deformity. 

21. Calig'ula's pride first appeared in his assuming to 
himself the title of ruler ; which was usually granted only 
to kings. He would also have taken the crown and diadem, 
had he not been advised, that he was already superior to all 
the monarchs of the world. 22. Not long after he assumed 
divine honours, and gave himself the names of such divini- 
ties as he thought most agreeable to his nature. For this 
purpose he caused the heads of the statues of Jupiter, and 
some other gods, to be struck off, and his own to be put in 
their places. He frequently seated himself between Castor 
and Pollux, and ordered that all who came to this temple to 
worship should pay their adorations only to himself. 23. How- 
ever, such was the extravagant inconsistency of this unac- 
countable idiot, that he changed his divinity as often as he 
changed his clothes; being at one time a male deity, at 
another a female ; sometimes Jupiter or Mars ; and not un- 
frequently Venus or Diana. 24. He even built and dedi- 
cated a temple to his own divinity, in which his statue of 
gold was everv day dressed in robes similar to those which 

2 A 



278 HISTORY OF ROME. 

he himself wore, and worshipped by crowds of adorers 
His priests w^ere numerous ; the sacrifices made to him 
were of the most exquisite delicacies that could be procured ; 
and the dignity of the priesthood was sought by the most 
opulent men of the city. However, he admitted his wife 
and his horse to that honour ; and to give a finishing stroke 
to his absurdities, became a priest to himself. 25. His 
method of assuming the manners of a deity w^as not less ri- 
diculous ; he often went out at full moon, and courted it in 
the style of a lover. He employed many inventions to imi- 
tate thunder, and would frequently defy Jupiter, crying out 
with a speech of Homer, " Do you conquer me, or I will 
conquer you." He frequently pretended to converse in 
whispers with the statue of Jupiter, and usually seemed 
angry at its replies, threatening to send it back into Greece, 
whence it came. Sometimes, however, he would assume a 
better temper, and seem contented that Jupiter and he should 
dwell together in amity. 

26. Of all his vices, prodigality was the most remarkable, 
and that which in some measure gave rise to the rest. The 
luxuries of former emperors were simplicity itself when 
compared to those which he practised. He contrived new 
ways of bathing, when the richest oils and most precious 
perfumes were lavished with the utmost profusion. His 
luxuries of the table were of immense value, and even jew- 
els, as we are told, were dissolved in his sauces. He some- 
times had services of pure gold presented before his guests, 
instead of meat, observing that a man should be an econo- 
mist or an emperor. 

27. The manner in which he maintained his horse will 
give some idea of his domestic extravagance. He built a 
stable of marble, and a manger of ivory ; and whenever the 
animal, which he called Incita'tus, was to run in the race, he 
placed sentinels near its stable, the night preceding, to pre- 
vent its slumbers from being broken.* 

* Some still more extraordinary accounts are given of this horse : i- 
is said that he appointed it a house, furniture, and kitchen, in order to 
treat all its visitors with proper respect. Sometimes he in\dted Incita'- 
tus to his own table, and presented it with gilt oats, and wine in a gol- 
den cup. He would often sw^ear, "by the safety of his horse 1" and it 
IS even said that it was his intention to have appointed it to the consul- 
ship, had not his death prevented it 



i 



THE EMPIRE* 279 

Questions for Exaiidnation, 

1. What was the first measure of Sejanus? 

2. Did the emperor yield to his persuasions ? 

3. What consequences ensued from this measure? 

4. Who were the first sufferers 1 

5. iJid Sejanus increase his influence 1 

6. Was this elevation permanent 1 

7. To what punishment was he condemned ] 

8. What occurred at his execution 1 

9. Was this the only victim to the cruelty of Tiberius ? 

10. How did Tiberius aggravate his cruelties'? 

11. Did these cruelties long continue? 

12. How did he act on this ? 

13. Was he resigned to his fate? 

14. What followed on this ? 

15. How was this news received ? 

16. Did Caligula boldly meet the consequences ? 

17. How was this averted ? 

18. What highly remarkable event happened in this reign ? 

1 9. Was his desire gratified ? 

20. What was the conduct of Caligula on this occasion 1 

21. By what acts did he display his pride ? 

22. Did his arrogance carry him farther than this ? 

23. Under what name did he assume divine honours ? 

24. Of what farther absurdities was he guilty ? 

25. Relate other follies of his ? 

26. What was his principal vice ? 

27. Give an instance of his domestic extravagance ? 



SECTION V. 



1. The impiety, however, of Calig'ula was but subordi- 
nate to his cruelties. He slew many of the senate, and after- 
wards cited them to appear. He cast great numbers of old 
and infirm men to the wild beasts, to free the state from 
such unserviceable citizens. He usually fed his wild beasts 
with the bodies of those wretches whom he condemned ; 
and every tenth day sent oif numbers of them to be thus 
devoured, which he jocosely called clearing his accounts. 
One of those who was thus exposed, crying out that he was 
innocent,* Calig'ula ordered him to be taken up, his tongue 

* One day on visiting the amphitheatre, finding there were no criminals 
condemned to fight with wild beasts, he ordered numbers of the specta- 
tors to be thrown to them, previously causing their tongues to be cut out, 
hat they might not, by their cries, disturb his inhuman diversions. 



280 HISTORY OF ROME. 

to be cut out, and then thrown into the amphitheatre as be 
fore. 2. He took delight in iiilling men with slow tortures, 
that, as he expressed it, they might feel themselves dying, 
being always present at such executions himself, directing 
the duration of the punishment, and mitigating the tortures 
merely to prolong them. 3. In fact, he valued himself for 
no quality more than his unrelenting temper, and inflexible 
severity, when he presided at an execution. 4. Upon one 
occasion, being incensed with the citizens, he wished that 
the Roman people had but one neck, that he might dispatch 
them at one blow. 

5. Such insupportable and capricious cruelties produced 
many secret conspiracies against him ; but they were for 
a while deferred upon account of his intended expedition 
u. c. 793. > against the Germans and Britons, 6. For this 
A. D. 41. 5 purpose he caused numerous levies to be made, 
and talked with so much resolution, that it was universally 
believed he would conquer all before him. 7. His march 
perfectly indicated the inequality of his temper; sometimes 
it was so rapid that the cohorts were obliged to leave their 
standards behind them ; at other times it was so slov/, that 
it more resembled a pompous procession than a military ex- 
pedition. 8. In this disposition he would cause himself to 
be carried on a litter, on eight men's shoulders, and ordered 
all the neighbouring cities to have their streets well swept 
and watered, that he might not be annoyed with dust. 9. 
However, all these mighty preparations ended in nothing. 
Instead of conquering Britain, he merely gave refuge to one 
of its banished princes ; and this he described, in his letter 
to the senate, as taking possession of the whole island. 
10. Instead of conquering Germany, he only led his army 
to the seashore in Gaul : there, disposing his engines and 
warlike machines with great solemnity, a.nd drawing up his 
men in order of battle, he went on board his galley, with 
which coasting along, he commanded his trumpets to sound, 
and the signal to be given as if for an engagement. 11. His 
men, who had previous orders, immediately fell to gathering 
♦he shells that lay upon the shore into their helmets, as their 
spoils of the conquered ocean, worthy of the palace and the 
capitol. 12. After this doughty expedition, calling his army 
together, like a general after victory, he harangued them in 
a pompous manner, and highly extolled their achievements ; 
then, distributing money among them, and congratulating 
them upon their riches, he dismissed them, with orders to 



THE EMPIRE. 281 

be joyful : and, that such exploits should not pass without 
a memorial, he ordered a lofty tower to be erected by the 
seaside.* 

13. Cassius Gher'ea, a tribune of the Praetorian bands, 
was the person who at last freed the world from this tyrant. 
Besides the motives which he had in common with other 
men, he had received repeated insults from Oalig'ula, who 
took all occasions of turning him into ridicule, and im 
peaching him with cowardice, merely because he happened 
to have an effeminate voice. Whenever Cher'ea came to 
demand the watch-word from the emperor, according to 
custom, he always gave him either Venus, Adonis, or some 
such, implying sofiness and effeminacy. 

14. Cher'ea secretly imparted his design to several sena- 
tors and knights, whom he knev/ to have received personal 
injuries from Calig'ula. While these were deliberating 
upon the most certain and speedy method of destroying the 
tyrant, an unexpected incident gave new strength to the 
conspiracy. 15. Pempe'dius, a senator of distinction, being 
accused before the emperor of having spoken of him with 
disrespect, the informer cited one Quintil'ia, an actress, to 
confirm the accusation. 16. Quintil'ia, however, was pos- 
sessed of a degree of fortitude not frequently found even 
in the other sex. She denied the fact with obstinacy ; and, 
being put to the torture, bore the severest tortures of the 
rack with unshaken constancy. 17. Indeed, so remarkable 
was her resolution, that though acquainted with all the par- 
ticulars of the conspiracy, and although Cher'ea was the 
person appointed to preside at her torture, she revealed 
nothing ; on the contrary, when she was led to the rack, 
she trod upon the toe of one of the conspirators, intimating 
at once her knowledge of their conspiracy, and her resolu- 
tion not to divulge it. 18. Thus she suffered, until all her 
limbs were dislocated ; and, in that deplorable state, was 
presented to the emperor, who ordered her a gratuity for 
what she had endured. 

19. Cher'ea could no longer contain his indignation, at 
being thus made the instrument of a tyrant's cruelty. After 
several deliberations of the conspirators, it was at last re- 
solved to attack him during the Palatine games, which 

* It is said that the tower which stands at the entry of the port of 
Bologne, called La tour d'ordre, is that built by Calig'ula on this oc- 
casion. 

2 A 2 



282 HISTORY OF ROME. 

lasted four days,* and to strike the blow when his guards 
should not have the opportunity to defend him. 20. The 
first three days of the games passed. Cher'ea began to ap- 
prehend that deferring the completion of the conspiracy 
might be the means of divulging it ; he even dreaded that 
the honour of killing the tyrant might fall to the lot of some 
other person bolder than himself. At last he resolved to 
defer the execution of his plot only to the day following, 
when Calig'ula should pass through a private gallery, to 
some baths near the palace. 

21. The last day of the games was more splendid than 
the rest ; and Calig'ula seemed more sprightly and conde- 
scending than usual. He enjoyed the amusement of seeing 
the people scramble for the fruits and other rarities by his 
order thrown among them, being no way apprehensive of 
the plot formed for his destruction. 22. In the mean time 
the conspiracy began to transpire : and, had he any friends 
remaining, it could not have failed of being discovered. A 
senator who was present, asking one of his acquaintance if 
he had heard any thing new, and the other replying in the 
negative, said " you must know, that this day will be repre-. 
sented the death of a tyrant." The other immediately un- 
derstood him, but desired him to be cautious. 23. The 
conspirators waited many hours with extreme anxiety ; and 
Calig'ula seemed resolved to spend the whole day without 
any refreshment. So unexpected a delay exasperated 
Cher'ea ; and, had he not been restrained, he would sud- 
denly have perpetrated his design in the midst of all the peo- 
ple. 24. At that instant, while he was hesitating, Aspore'- 
nus,t one of the conspirators, persuaded Calig'ula to go to 
the bath, and take some slight refreshment, that he might 
the better enjoy the rest of the entertainment. 25. The 
emperor, rising up, the conspirators used every precaution 
to keep off the throng, and to surround him themselves, 
under pretence of great assiduity. Upon his entering a little 
vaulted gallery that led to the bath, Cher'ea struck him to 
the ground with his dagger, crying out, " Tyrant, think upon 

* Palatine games were so called from their being celebrated on the 
Palatine Hill, which was the most considerable of the seven hills on 
which Rome was built. Tliis was the first hill occupied b}' Rom'ulus, 
and where he fixed his residence, and kept his court; as also did Tul'- 
lus, Hostil'ius, Augus^tus, and all the succeeding emperors ; and hence 
•t is that the residence of princes is called Palatium or Palace. 

f He is by some called Am'pronus. 



THE EMPIRE. 283 

this." The other conspirators closed in upon him ; and 
while the emperor was resisting, and crying out that he was 
not yet dead, they dispatched him with thirty wounds. 

26. Such was the merited death of Calig'ula, in the 29th 
year of his age, after a short reign of not four years. His 
character may be summed up in the words of Sen'eca ; 
namely, " Nature seemed to have brought him forth, to show 
what mischief could be effected by the greatest vices support- 
ed by the greatest authority." 



Qiiesiions for Examination. 

1. Of what enormities was Caligula guilty ] 

2. How did he heighten his cruelties ? 

3. On what did he chiefly value himself? 

4. What monstrous wish did he express 1 

5. What was the consequence of such atrocities ? 

6. What preparations did he make 1 

7. How did his disposition display itself on this occasion 1 

8. How did he sometimes travel 1 

9. What exploits did he perform ] 

10. Did he not make a show of some great enterprise 1 

11. How did it end ] 

12. Of what farther follies was he guilty ] 

13. By whom was he assassinated, and by what provocations was his 

fate hastened 1 

14. Were others made privy to the design 1 

15. Relate this incident. 

16. Did Quintilia confirm the accusation 1 

1 7. What rendered this resolution more remarkable T 

18. What was the result 1 

19. Was the crisis much longer deferred 1 

20. Was this resolution put in practice ] 

21. Was Caligula at all apprehensive of what was in agitation? 

22. Was the secret inviolably kept ] 

23. How was the design nearly frustrated 1 

24. What induced Caligula to alter his intention 1 

25. Relate the manner of his death. 

26. Repeat the summary of his character as given by Seneca. 



SECTION Yl. 
xj. c. 794. — A. D. 42. 



1. As soon as the death of Calig'ula was made public it 
produced the greatest confusion. The conspirators, who 
only aimed at destroying a tyrant, without attending to the 



284 HISTORY OF ROME. 

appointment of a successor, had all sought safety by retiring 
to private places. 2. Some soldiers happening to wander 
about the palace, discovered Clau'dius, Calig'ula's uncle, 
lurking in a secret place where he had hid himself. Of this 
person, who had hitherto been despised for his imbecility, they 
resolved to make an emperor : and accordingly they carried 
him upon their shoulders to the camp, where they proclaim- 
ed him at a time when he expected nothing but death. 

3. Clau'dius was now fifty years old. The complicated 
diseases of his infancy had, in some measure, affected all the 
faculties of his mind as well as body, and he seemed, both 
in public and domestic life, incapable of conducting himself 
with propriety.* 

4. The commencement of his reign, however, as had been 
the case with all the bad emperors, gave the most promising 
hopes. It began by an act of oblivion for all former words and 
actions, and by disannulling all the cruel edicts of Calig'ula. 
5. He showed himself more moderate than his predecessors 
with regard to titles and honours. He forbade all persons, 
under severe penalties, to sacrifice to him, as they had done 
to Calig'ula. He was assiduous in hearing and examining 
complaints ; and frequently administered justice in person 
with great mildness. To his solicitude for the internal ad- 
vantages of the state, he added that of a watchful guardian- 
ship over the provinces. He restored Jude'a to Her'od 
Agrip'pa,t which Calig'ula had taken from Her'od Antipas, 
his uncle, the man who had put John the Baptist to death, 
and who was banished by order of the present emperor.J 

6. He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign 

* His mother Anto'nia, used to call him a human monster; and his 
nephew, Calig'ula, when he had butchered many of his kindred, saved 
him merely for a laughing-stock. The kindest word Agustus gave him 
was that of Misel'lus, (poor wretch.) This example was followed by 
others. If he happened to come to table when the guests had taken their 
places, no one showed him the least civility ; and when he slept, as he 
sometimes did, after meals, they would divert themselves by throwing 
the stones of fruit at him, or by wakening him with a blow of a rod or 
whip. 

•j" Her'od Agrip'pa was the grandson of Herod the Great ; who, at the 
birth of our Saviour, caused all the infants of Bethlehem to be massacred, 
in hopes that he would fall in the number. Her'od Agrip'pa to please 
the Jews, also persecuted the Christians ; and put to death St. James the 
Great. 

t He put to death Cher'ea and some others of the murderers of his 
nephew. 



THE EMPIRE. 



285 




Triumph of Claudias. 

6i inquest. The Britons, who had for nearly a hundred years 
been left in qmet possession of their own island, began to 
seek the mediation of Rome, to quell their intestine commo- 
tions. 7. .T{ie principal man who desired to subject his 
native country to the Roman dominion, was one Ber'icus, 
who persuaded the emperor to make a descent upon the 
island, magnifying the advantages that would attend the con- 
quest of it. 8. In pursuance of his advice, therefore, Plau'- 
tius, the praetor, was ordered to go into Gaul, and make 
preparations for this great expedition. At first, indeed, his 
soldiers seem.ed backward to embark, declaring that they 
were unwilling to make war beyond the limits of the world ; 
for so they judged Britain to be. However, they were at 
last persuaded to go, and the Britons were several times 
overthrown. 

9. These successes soon after induced Claud'ius to go in- 
to Britain in person, under pretence that the natives C a. d. 
were still seditious, and had not delivered up some ^ 46. 
Roman fugitives, who had taken shelter among them. 
10. However, this exhibition seemed rather calculated for 
show than service : the time he continued in Britain, which 
was in all but sixteen days, was more taken up in receiving 
homage than extending liis conquests. 11. Great rejoicings 
were made upon his return to Rome : the senate decreed 
him a splendid triumph ; triumphal arches were erected to 
Lis honour, and annual games instituted to commemorate 
his victories. 12. In the mean time the war was vigorously 
prosecuted by Plau'tius. and his lieutenant Vespasian, who 



286 I HISTORY OF ROME. 

according to Sueto'niiis, fought thirty battles, and reduced a 
part of the island into the form of a Roman pro- C a. d 
vince. 13. However, this war broke out afresh I 51. 
under the government of Osto'rius, who succeeded Plau' 
tius. The Britons, either despising him for want of expe- 
rience, or hoping to gain advantages over a person newly- 
come to command, rose up in arms, and disclaimed the Ro- 
man power. 14. The Ice'ni, who inhabited Suffolk, Nor- 
folk, Cambridge, and Huntingdonshire; the Can'gi, in Wilt- 
shire and Somersetshire ; and the Brigan'tes, in Yorkshire, 
&c. made a powerful resistance, though they were at length 
overcome ; but the Silu'res, or inhabitants of South Wales, 
under their king Carac'tacus, were the most formidable op- 
ponents the Roman generals had ever yet encountered. 
15. This brave barbarian not only made a gallant defence, 
but often claimed a doubtful victory. He, with great con- 
duct, removed the seat of war into the most inaccessible 
parts of the country, and for nine years kept the Romans in 
continued alarm. 

16. Upon the approach of Osto'rius, however, Carac'ta- 
cus, finding himself obliged to come to a decisive engage- 
ment, addressed his countrymen with calm resolution, tell- 
ing them that this battle would either establish their liberty, 
or confirm their servitude ; that they ought to remember the 
bravery of their ancestors, by whose valour they were deli- 
vered frcm taxes and tribute ; and that this was the time to 
show themselves equal to their progenitors. 17. But no- 
thing that undisciplined valour could perform availed against 
the conduct of the Roman legions. After an obstinate fight, 
the Britons w^ere entirely routed : the wife and daughter of 
Carac'tacus were taken prisoners ; and he himself, seeking 
refuge from Cartisman'dua, queen of the Brigan'tes, was 
treacherously delivered up to the conquerors. 18. When 
he was brought to Rome, nothing could exceed the curiosity 
of the people to behold a man who had, for so many years, 
braved the power of the empire. Carac'tacus testified no 
marks of base dejection. When he was led through the 
streets, and observed the splendor of every object around 
him — ''Aias!" cried he, "how is it possible that people 
possessed of such magnificence at home, could think of en- 
vying Oarac'tacus a humble cottage in Britain !" 19. When 
he was brought before the emperor, while the other prison- 
ers sued for pity with the most abject lamentations, Carac'- 
tacus stood before the tribunal with an intrepid air, and 



THE EMPIRE. 287 

though he was willing to accept of pardon, was not mean 
enough to sue for it. "If," said he, " 1 had yielded imme- 
diately, and without opposing you, neither would my for- 
tune have been remarkable, nor your glory memorable ; you 
could not have been victorious, and I had been forgotten. 
If now, therefore, you spare my life, I shall continue a per- 
petual example of your clemency." Clau'dius generously 
pardoned him, and Osto'rius was decreed a triumph. 

20. In the beginning of his reign Clau'dius gave the 
highest hopes of a happy continuance ; but he soon began 
to lessen his care for the public, and to commit to his fa- 
vourites all the concerns of the empire. This prince, weak 
from his infancy, was little able, when called to govern, to 
act but under the direction of others. 21. One of his chief 
instructors was his wife Messa'lina : whose name is become 
a common appellation for women of abandoned character. 
By her was Clau'dius urged on to commit cruelties, which 
he considered only as wholesome severities ; while her 
crimes became every day more notorious, and exceeded 
what had ever been in Rome. For her crimes and enormi- 
ties, however, she, together with her accomplice Cai'us 
Sil'ius, suffered that death they both had so justly deserved. 

22. Clau'dius afterwards married Agrippi'na, the daugh- 
ter of his brother German'icus, a woman of a cruel and am- 
bitious spirit, whose only aim being to procure the succes- 
sion of Nero, her son by a former marriage, she treated 
Claudius with such haughtiness, that he was heard to de- 
clare, Avhen heated with wine, that it was his fate to smart 
under the disorders of his wives, and to be their execu- 
tioner. 23. This expression sunk deep in her mind, and 
engaged all her faculties to prevent the blow ; she therefore 
resolved not to defer a deed which she had meditated long 
before, which was to poison him. She for some time de- 
bated within herself in what quantity the poison should be 
administered, as she feared that too strong a dose would dis- 
cover the treachery, while one too weak would fail of its 
effect. 24. At length she determined upon a poison of sin- 
gular efficacy to destroy his intellects, and yet not suddenly 
to terminate his life ; it was given among mushrooms, a 
dish the emperor was particularly fond of. 25. Shortly af- 
ter he had eaten, he dropped down insensible ; but this 
caused no alarm, as it was usual with him to eat till he had 
stupified his faciflties, and been obliged to be carried from 
the table to his bed. 26. His constitution, however, seem 



28y 



HISTORY OF ROMK. 



ed to overcome the effects of the potion ; but Agrippi'na 
resolving to make sure of him, directed a wretch of a phy^ 
sician, her creature, to introduce a poisoned feather into his 
throat, under pretence of making him vomit, and thus to 
dispatch him, which had its intended effect. Thus died 
Clau'dius the First, the complicated diseases of whose in- 
fancy seemed to have affected and perverted all the faculties 
of his mind. He was succeeded by Nero, the son of Agrip- 
pi'na by her first husband. Nero had been adopted by 
Clau'dius. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What bappened on the death of Caligula 1 

2. Who was appointed his successor ] 

3. What was the character of Claudius 1 

4. How did he conduct himself? 

5. By what farther acts did he distinguish his accession *? 

6. Did he adopt any warlike measured 

7. By whom was he persuaded to interfere! 

8. Who was sent into that country, and what occurred in consequ/^nce? 

9. What resolution did Claudius form ] 

10. Did he perform any memorable exploits! 

11. Was his return celebrat»8d ! 

12. Was the war in Britain now at an end ] 

13. Did this finish the war] 

14. Who were the most formidable adversaries of the Romans'? 

15. How did he distinguish himself? 

16. By what means did he strengthen the courage of his troeps T 

17. Were his efforts successful ] 

18. What happened on his arrival in Rome 1 

19. What was his behaviour before the emperor 1 

20. Did Claudius continue to govern welH 

21. Who was the chief instigator of his cruelties'! 

22. Who was the second wife of Claudius, and what was her conduct 

towards him 1 

23. W^hat was the consequence of this unguarded expression 1 

24. On what did she at length resolve ] 

25. What effect did it produce ? 

26. Did he recover ] 



THE EMPIRE. 



289 




Rome set ob fire, by order of Nero. 



SECTION VII. 
u. c. 793— A. D. 55, 

1 . Nero, though but seventeen yeans old, began his reign 
with the general approbation of mankind. He appeared 
just, liberal, and humane. When a warrant for the execu- 
tion of a criminal was brought to be signed, he would cry 
out with compassion, *' Would to heaven that I had never 
.earned to write !" 

2. But as he increased in years, his native disposition be- 
gan to show itself. The execution of his mother Agrippi'na 
was the first alarming instance he gave of his cruelty. After 
attempting to get her drowned at sea, he ordered her to be 
put to death in her palace ; and coming to gaze upon the 
dead body, was heard to say, that he had never thought his 
mother so handsome a woman. 

3. The mounds of virtue being thus broken down, Nero 
gave a loose to appetites that were not only sordid, but in- 
human. There was a sort of odd contrast in his disposition : 
for while he practised cruelties sufficient to make the mind 
shudder with horror, he was fond of those amusing arts 
which soften and refine the heart. He was particularly ad- 
dicted, even from childhood, to music, and not totally igno- 
rant of poetry ; chariot-driving was his favourite pursuit ; 
and all these he frequently exhibited in public. 

4. Happy had it been for mankind, had he confined him- 
self to these ; and contented with being contemptible, sought 
not to become formidable also. His cruelties exceeded all 
his other extravasfances. 5. A great part of the citv o 

2 B 



290 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Rome was consumed by fire in his time, and to him most 
historians ascribe tlie conflagration. It is said that he stoo(J 
upon a high tower, during the continuance of the flames, 
enjoying the sight, and singing, in a theatrical manner to 
his harp, verses upon the burning of Troy. None were 
permitted to lend assistance towards extinguishing the 
flames ; and several persons were seen setting fire to the 
houses, alleging that they had orders for so doing. 6. How- 
ever this be, the emperor used every art to throw the odium 
of so detestable an action from himself, and fix it upon the 
Christians, who were at that time gaining ground in Rome. 
7. Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution 
raised against them upon this false accusation. Some were 
covered with the skins of wild beasts, and, in that disguise, 
devoured by the dogs ; some were crucified, and others 
burnt alive. ** When the day was not suflicient for their 
tortures, the flames, in which they perished," says Ta'citus, 
*' served to illuminate the night ;" while Nero, dressed in 
the habit of a charioteer, regaled himself with a view of their 
tortures from his gardens, and entertained the people at one 
time with their suflerings, at another with the games of the 
circus. 8. In this persecution St. Paul was beheaded, and 
St. Peter crucified, with his head downwards ; a mode of 
death he chose, as being more dishonourable than that of 
his divine Master. 

9. A conspiracy formed against Nero, by Piso, a man of 
great power and integrity, which was prematurely dis- 
covered, opened a train of suspicions that destroyed many 
of the principal families in Rome, 10. The two most re- 
markable personages who fell on this occasion, were Sen'- 
eca, the philosopher, and Lucan the poet, his nephew. 
Nero, either having real testimony, or else hating him for 
his virtues, sent a tribune to Sen'eca,* informing him that 
he was suspected as an accomplice. The tribune found the 
philosopher at table with Pauli'na, his wife ; and informing 
him of his business, Sen'eca replied without emotion, that his 
welfare depended upon no man ; that he had never been ac- 

* Sen'eca, a celebrated philosopher, and a son of Sen'eca the orator, 
was born at Corduba, in Spain, A. D. 8. This town was also the birth- 
place of his father. (Strabo and Lucan.) Corduba was founded by the 
Romans, B. C. 150: and in process of time it became the residence of 
the Moorish kings, and where they continued till their expulsion inta 
Africa. It was in the vicinity of this city that Csesar fought his last bat 
tie with the sons of Pompey 



THE EMPIRK. 291 

customed to indulge the errors of the emperor, and would 
not do it now. 11. When this answer was brought to 
Nero, he demanded whether Sen'eca seemed afraid to die ; 
the tribune replying that he did not appear in the least ter- 
rified ; '' Then go to him again," cried the emperor, " and 
give him my orders to die." Accordingly he sent a centu- 
rion to Sen'eca, signifying that it was the emperor's plea- 
sure that he should die. Sen'eca seemed no way discom- 
posed, but displayed the fortitude of conscious integrity. 
He endeavoured to console his wife, and exhorted her to a 
life of persevering virtue. 12. She seemed resolved, how- 
ever, not to survive him, and pressed her request to die 
with him so earnestly, that Sen'eca, who had long looked 
upon death as a benefit, at last gave his consent ; and the 
veins of both their arms were opened at the same time. 13. 
As Sen'eca was old, and much enfeebled by the austerities 
of his life, the blood flowed but slowly ; so that he caused 
the veins of his legs and thighs to be opened also. His 
pains were long and violent, but they were not capable of 
repressing his fortitude or his eloquence. He dictated a dis- 
course to two secretaries, which was read with great avidity 
after his death, but which has since perished in the lapse of 
time. 14. His agonies being now drawn out to a great 
length, he at last demanded poison from his physician ; but 
this also failed of its effect, his body being already exhausted, 
and incapable of exciting its operation. He was from this 
carried into a warm bath, which only served to prolong his 
sufferings ; at length, therefore, he was put in a stove, the 
vapour of which quickly dispatched him. 15. In the mean 
time his wife, Pauli'na, having fallen into a swoon with the 
loss of blood, had her arms bound up by her domestics, and 
by this means survived her husband for some years ; but by 
her conduct during the rest of her life, she seemed never to 
forget her affection and his example. 

16. Tine death of Lucan was not less remarkable. After 
he had lost a great quantity of blood from the veins of his 
arms, perceiving his hands and legs already dead, while the 
vital parts still continued warm and vigorous, he called to 
mind the description of his own poem of the Pharsa'lia, of 
a person dying in similar circumstances, and expired 
while he was repeating the passage. 

17. The death of C. Patro'nius, about this Cu. c. 817. 
time, is too remarkable to be passed over in I a. d. 66. 
silence. This person, whom some historians suppose to be 



292 HISTORY OF ROME. 

the author of the piece entitled T. Petro'nii Arbi'tri Saty' 
ricon, was an Epicu'rean, both in principle and practice. In 
a court like that of Nero, he was esteemed for his refine- 
ments in luxury, and became the emperor's tutor in this ex- 
quisite art. 18. Accused of being privy to Piso's conspi- 
racy, he Avas committed to prison. Petro'nius, who could 
not endure the anxiety of suspense, resolved upon putting 
himself to death, by causing his veins to be opened. 19. In 
the mean time, he conversed with his friends, not upon 
maxims of philosophy, or grave subjects, but upon such 
topics as had amused his gayest revels. He listened while 
they recited the lightest poems ; and by no action, no word, 
no circumstance, showed the perplexity of a dying person. 
20. Shortly after him, Numi'cius Thermus, Bare'a Sora'- 
nus, and Pectus Thra'sea, were put to death. The valiant 
Cor'bulo, who had gained Nero so many victories over 
the Parthians, followed next. Nor did the empress Pop- 
pae'a herself escape. 21. At length human nature grew 
weary of bearing her persecutor; and the whole world 
seemed to rouse, as if by comnron consent, to rid the earth 
of a monster. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What was Nero's conduct at the commencement of his reign? 

2. Did this disposition continue 1 

3. What was there peculiar in his disposition 1 

4. Were these his greatest faults 1 

5. Of what heinous crime is he accused 1 

6. On whom was the odium of this barbarous action cast \ 

7. W^hat was the consequence to these unhappy men 1 

8. W'hat eminent persons suffered on this occasion ? 

9. Did not these cruelties give birth to conspiracies 1 

10. What persons of note suffered in consequence "^ 

11. Did this defence save his hfel 

1 2. Were his exhortations effectual ? 

13. Relate the circumstances of Seneca's death? 

14. Were not other means resorted to ] 

15. Did not Paulina survive him 1 

1 6. Describe the death of Lucan. 

17. What other victim of Nero's cruelty deserves mention ' 

18. What brought him into danger 1 
19 How did he meet death ] 

20. Were not other illustrious persons sacrificed ] 
21 Were thepe cruelties committi-d with impunity 7 



THE EMPIRE. '^^A ^ 

SECTION VIII. 

I. Ser'vius Galea, at that time governor of Spain, was 
lemarkable for his wisdom in peace, and his courage in war; 
but as a display of talents under corrupt princes is danger- 
ous, he, for some years, had seemed to court obscurity and 
an inactive life. 2. Willing, however, to rid his country of 
the monster that now occupied the throne, he accepted the 
invitation of Vindex, to march with an army towards Rome. 
3. From the moment he declared against Nero, the tyrant 
considered himself as fallen. He received the account as 
he was at supper, and instantly struck with terror, over- 
turned the table with his foot, breaking two crystal vases of 
immense value. He fell into a swoon, and on his recovery 
tore his clothes and struck his head, crying out, '* that he 
was utterly undone." 4. He now called for the assistance 
of Locus 'ta, a woman famous in the art of poisoning, to 
furnish him with the means of death ; but being prevented 
in this, and the revolt becoming general, he went in person 
from house to house ; but the doors were shut against him. 
Being reduced to a state of desperation, he desired that one 
of his favourite gladiators might dispatch him ; but even in 
this request not one would obey. *' Alas," cried he, " have 
I neither friend nor enemy?" then running desperately 
forth, he seemed resolved to plunge headlong into the Ti'ber. 
5. But his courage failed him ; he made a sudden stop, as 
if willing to re-collect his reason, and asked for some sacred 
place where he might reassume his courage, and meet death 
with becoming fortitude. 6. In this distress, Pha'on, one 
of his freedraen, offered him his country-house, about four 
miles distant, where he might for some time remain con- 
cealed. Nero accepted the offer ; and, with his head ^co- 
vered, hiding his face with his handkerchief, he mounted on 
horseback, attended by four of his domestics, of whom the 
wretched Sporus was one. 7. His journey, though short, 
was crowded with adventures. An earthquake gave him the 
first alarm. The lightning from heaven next flashed in his 
face. Round him he heard nothing but confused noises 
from the camp, the cries of the soldiers imprecating a thou- 
sand evils upon his head. 8. A traveller, meeting him on 
the way, cried, '' Those men are in pursuit of Nero." An- 
other asked him if there was any news of Nero in the city. 
His horse taking fright at a dead body that lay near the 

2 b2 



294 HISTORY OF ROMF. 

road, he dropped his handkerchief, when a soldier address- 
ing him by name, he quitted his horse, and forsaking the 
highway, entered a thicket that led towards the back part 
'^f Pha'ron's house, making the best of his way among the 
i^eds and brambles with which the place was overgrown. 
9. During this interval, the senate, finding the Praeto'rian 
guards had taken part with Galba, declared him emperor, 
and condemned Nero to die, mo' re rnajo'rum; that is, ac- 
cording to the rigour of the ancient laws. 10. When he 
was told of the resolution of the senate, he asked what was 
meant by being punished according to the rigour of the an- 
cient laws ? To this it was answered, that the criminal was 
to be stripped naked, his head fixed in a pillory, and in that 
posture he was to be scourged to death. 11. Nero was so 
terrified at this, that he seized two poniards, which he had 
brought with him : after examining their points, he returned 
them, however, to their sheaths, pretending that the fatal 
moment was not yet arrived. 12. He then desired Sporus 
to begin the lamentations which were used at funerals ; he 
next entreated that one of his attendants would die, to give 
him courage by his example, and afterwards began to re- 
proach his own cowardice, crying out, " Does this become 
Nero ? Is this trifling w^ell-timed ? No ! — ^let me be cour- 
ageous !' In fact, he had no time to spare ; for the sol- 
diers who had been sent in pursuit of him, were just then 
approaching the house. 13. Upon hearing, therefore, the 
ssound of the horses' feet, he set a dagger to his throat, with 
which, by the assistance of Epaphrod'itus, his freedman 
and secretary, he gave himself a mortal wound. 14. How- 
ever, he w'as not yet dead when one of the centurions, en-- 
tering the room and pretending that he came to his relief, 
attempted to stop the blood with his cloak. But Nero, re- 
garding him with a stern countenance, said, *• It is now too 
late ! Is this your fidelity ?" Upon which, with his eyes 
fixed and frightfully staring, he expired ; exhibiting, even 
after death, a ghastly spectacle of innoxious tyranny. 15. 
He reigned thirteen years, seven months, and twenty-eight 
days, and died in the thirty-second year of his age. 

16. Galba was seventy-two years old when he was de- 
u. c. 820. 'I clared emperor, and was then in Spain with his 
A. D.69. 3 legions. He soon found that his being raised 
to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. 17. He 
seemed to have three objects in view ; to curb the insolence 
of the soldiers ; to punish those vices winch had risen to an 



THE EMPIRE. 295 

enormous height in the last reign ; and to replenish the ex- 
chequer, which had been drained by the prodigality of his 
predecessors. 18. However, permitting himself to be go- 
verned by favourites, he at one time showed himself severe 
and frugal ; at another remxiss and prodigal ; condemning 
some illustrious persons without any hearing, and pardon- 
ing others, though guilty. In consequence of this, seditions 
were kindled, and factions promoted. 

19. Galba was sensible that, besides his age, his want of 
an heir rendered him less respected : he resolved, therefore, 
to adopt a person whose virtues might deserve such ad- 
vancement, and protect his declining age from danger ; but 
his favourites wished to give him an heir of their own 
choosing ; so that there arose a great contention among 
them upon this occasion. 20. Otho made earnest applica- 
tion for himself, alleging the great services he had done the 
emperor, as being the first man of note who came to his as- 
sistance when he declared against Nero. 21. However, 
Galba, being fully resolved to consult the public good alone, 
rejected his suit; and, on a day appointed, ordered Piso 
Lucia'nus to attend him. The character given by histo- 
rians of Piso is, that he was every way worthy of the 
honour designed him. 22. Taking this youth by the hand, 
Galba adopted him to succeed in the empire, giving him the 
most wholesome lessons for guiding his future conduct. 
Piso showed that he was highly deserving this distinction , 
in all his deportment there appeared such modesty, firmness, 
and equality of mind as bespoke him rather capable of dis- 
charging than ambitious of obtaining his present dignity. 
23. But the army and the senate did not seem equally dis- 
interested upon this occasion ; they had been so long used 
to bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no em- 
peror who was not in a capacity of satisfying their avarice. 
The adoption, therefore, of Piso, was coldly received ; for 
his virtues were no recommendation in a time of universal 
depravity. 

24. Otho, who had long been a favourite of Galba, and 
hoped to be adopted a successor in the empire, finding him- 
self disappointed, and stimulated by the immense load of 
debt which he had contracted by his riotous way of living, 
resolved upon obtaining the empire by force, since he could 
not do it by peaceable succession. Having corrupted the 
fidelity of the army, he stole secretly fr^m the emperor 
while he was sacrificing, and, assembling the soldiers, he, 



'^96 HISTORY OF ROME. 

in a short speech, urged the cruehies and the avarice of 
Galba. 25. Findmg his invectives received with universal 
shouts by the army, he entirely threw off the mask, and 
avowed his intention of dethroning him. The soldiers being 
ripe for sedition, immediately seconded his views, and taking 
Otho upon their shoulders, declared him emperor ; and to 
strike the citizens with terror, carried him, with their swords 
drawn, into the camp. 

26. Soon after, finding Galba in some measure deserted 
by his adherents, the soldiers rushed in upon him, trampling 
under foot the crowds of people that then filled the forum. 

27. Galba seeing them approach, seemed to recollect all his 
former fortitude ; and bending his head forward, bid the 
assassins strike it off, if it were for the good of the people. 

28. The command was quickly obeyed. The soldier who 
struck it off stuck it upon the point of a lance, and con- 
temptuously carried it round the camp ; his body remaining 
unburied in the streets till it v*^as interred by one of his 
slaves. His short reign of seven months was as illustrious 
b}'' his own virtues as it was contaminated by the vices of 
his favourites, w^ho shared in his downfall. 

29. Otho, who was novv^ elected emperor, began his reign 
by a signal instance of clemency, in pardoning Marius Cel- 
sus, who had been highly favoured by Galba ; and not con- 
tent with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the highest 
honours, asserting that "fidelity deserved every reward." 

30. In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany 
having been purchased by the large gifts and specious pro- 
mises of Vitei'lius their general, were at length mduced to 
proclaim him emperor ; and, regardless of the senate, they 
declared that they had an equal right to appoint to that high 
station, with the cohorts at Rome. 

31. Otho departed from Rome with all haste to give 
Vitei'lius battle. The army of Vitei'lius, which consisted 
of seventy thousand men, was commanded by his generals 
Va'lens and Cecin'na, he himself remaining in Gaul, in 
order to bring up the rest of his forces. Both sides hasten- 
ened to meet each other with so much animosity and preci- 
pitation, that three considerable battles were fought in the 
space of three days, in all of which Otho and the Romans 
had the advantage. 32. These successes, however, were 
but of short continuance, for Va'lens and Cecin'na, who had 
iiitherto acted separately, joining their forces, and strength- 
ening their armies with fresh supplies, resolved to come to 



THE EMPIRE. 207 

a general engagement. Otho's forces were partially over- 
thrown at Bedria'cum, a village near Cremo'na, in Lorn- 
bardy, in Italy ; and though he had still numerous armies 
at his devotion, he killed himself shortly after, having 
reigned three months and five days, and was succeeded by 
Viteriius. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the character of Sergius Galbal 

2. Did he at length emerge from his obscurity ? 

3. Was he formidable to Nero ] 

4. What v/as the conduct of Nero on this emergency ? 

5. Did he actually do so ? 

6. Was his request complied with ? 

7. What befell him by the way 1 

8. What farther happened ] 

9. What occurred in the interval? 

1 0. How did Nero receive this intelligence 1 

1 1 Did he resolve to await this terrible punishment 1 

12. How did he contrive to put off the fatal moment ] 

13. What at length put an end to this irresolution % 

14. Was he dead when the soldiers arrived 1 

15. How long did he reign ] 

1 6. What was the age of Galba on his accession ] 

17. What were his principal views'? 

18. Was his conduct regular and consistent "? 

19. What important measure did he adopt 1 

20. Who was the chief candidate on the occasion 1 

21. Was he chosen 1 

22. Was Piso the chosen successor, and what was his character ? 

23. Was this adoption generally approved ] 

24. Did not Otho attempt to set him aside ] 

25. Was he favourably received 1 

26. Did Galba suppress this rebellion 1 

27. What was his behaviour on the occasion T 

28. Was this command obeyed, and what treatment did Galba exp« 

rience ] 

29. How did Otho commence his reign 1 

30. Did he reign without a rival ] 

31. What was the consequence of this rivalship 1 

32. Was Otho finally successfull 



298 HISTORY OF ROME. 

SECTION IX. 
A. D. 70. 

1. Vitel'lius was declared emperor by the senate, and 
received the marks of distinction which were now accus 
tomed to follow the appointments of the strongest side. 

2. Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not as 
i place he came to govern with justice, but as a town thai 
vvas become his own by the laws of conquest. 

3. Yiteriius soon gave himself up to all kinds of luxury 
and profuseness ; but gluttony was his favourite vice. His 
entertainments, seldom indeed at his own cost, were pro- 
digiously expensive. He frequently invited himself to the 
tables of his subjects ; in the same day breakfasting with 
one, dining with another, and supping wuth a third. 4. By 
such vires and by enormous cruelties, he became a burthen 
to hiui: elf, and odious to all mankind. Having become in- 
supportable to the inhabitants of Rome, the legions of the 
East unanimously resolved to make Vespa'sian emperor. 

5. During the preparations against him, Vitel'lius, though 
buried in sloth and luxury, resolved to make an effort to 
defend the empire ; and his chief commanders, Va'lens and 
Cecin'na, were ordered to make all possible preparations to 
resist the invaders. 6. The first army that entered Italy 
v/ith a hostile intention, was under the command of Anto'- 
nius Pri'mus, w^ho was met by Cecin'na, near Cremo'na. 
A battle was expected to ensue ; but a negociation taking 
place, Cecin'na was prevailed upon to change sides, and 
declared for Vespa'sian.* His army, however, quickly re- 
pented of what they had done, and, imprisoning their gene- 
rf.l, attacked Anto'nius, though without a leader. 7. The 
engagement continued the whole night ; and in the morning, 
after a short repast, both armies engaged a second time ; 
when the soldiers of Anto'nius saluting the rising sun, ac- 
cording to custom, the Vitel'lians supposed that they had 
received new reinforcements, and betook themselves to 
fliglit, with the loss of thirty thousand men. 

8. In the mean time, Vitel'lius made offers to Vespa'sian 
of resigning the empire in his favour, provided his life were 

* Vespasian was at that time conducting the war in Jude'a, in Asia, 



THE EMPIRE. 290 

spared, and a sufficient revenue allotted for his support. 
In order to enforce this proposal, he issued from his palace 
iii deep mourning, with all his domestics weeping round him. 
9. He then went to offer the sword of justice to Cecirius, 
the consul, which he refusing, the abject emperor prepared 
to lay down the ensigns of empire in the Temple of Concord ; 
but being interrupted by some who cried out, that he him- 
self was Concord, he resolved, upon so weak an encourage- 
ment, still to maintain his power, and immediately prepared 
for his defence. 

10. During this fluctuation of counsels, one Sabi'nus, who 
had advised Vitel'lius to resign, perceiving his desperate 
situation, resolved, by a bold step, to favour Yespa'sian ; 
and accordingly seized upon the capitol. But he was pre- 
mature in his attempt ; for the soldiers of Vitel'lius attacked 
him with great fury ; and prevailing by their numbers, soon 
laid that beautiful building in ashes. 11. During this dread- 
ful conflagration, Vitel'lius was feasting in the palace of Ti- 
be'rius, and beheld all the horrors of the assault with satis- 
faction. 12. Sabi'nus was taken prisoner, and shortly after 
ej^ecuted by the emperor's command. Young Domi'tian, 
his nephew, w^io was afterwards emperor, escaped by flight, 
in the habit of a priest ; and the rest, who survived the fire, 
were put to the sword. 

13. But Anto'nius, Vespa'sian's commander, being ar- 
rived before the walls of the city, the forces of Vitel'lius re- 
solved upon defending it to the utmost extremity. It was 
attacked with fury; while the army within, sallying out 
upon the besiegers, defended it with equal obstinacy. The 
battle lasted the w^hole day ; the besieged were driven back 
into the city, and a dreadful slaughter made of them in the 
streets which they vainly attempted to defend. 

14. Vitel'lius was soon found hidden in an obscure cor- 
ner, whence he was taken by a party of the conquering sol- 
diers. Still, however, desirous of adding a few hours to his 
miserable life, he begged to be kept in prison till the arrival 
of Vespa'siar at Rome, pretending that he had secrets of 
importance to discover. 15. But his entreaties were vain; 
the soldiers binding his hands behind him, and throwing a 
halter round his neck, led him along, half naked, into the 
public forum, loading him with all the bitter reproaches their 
malice could suggest, or his cruelty might deserve. At 
length, being come to the place of punishment, they put him 
to death with blows : and then dragging the dead body 



300 HISTORY OF ROME. 

through the streets with a hook, they threw it, with all posjji 
ble ignominy, into the river Tiber. 

16. Vespa'sian was now declared emperor by the imani- 
A. D. ? mous consent both of the senate and the army; and 
70. 5 dignified with all those titles which now followed 
rather the power than the merit of those who were appointed 
to govern. 17. Having continued some months at Alexan'- 
dria, in Egypt, where it is said he cured a blind man and a 
cripple by touching them, he set out for Rome. Giving his 
son, Ti'tus, the command of the army that was to lay siege 
to Jerusalem, he himself went forward, and was met many 
miles from Rome by all the senate, and the inhabitants, who 
gave the sincerest testimony of their joy, in having an em- 
peror of such great and experienced virtue. 18. Nor did he 
in the least disappoint their expectations ; as he showed him- 
self equally assiduous in rewarding merit and pardoning his 
adversaries ; in reforming the manners of the citizens, and 
setting them the best example in his own. 

19. In the mean time Titus carried on the war against 
the Jews with vigour. This obstinate and infatuated people 
had long resolved to resist the Roman power, vainly hoping 
to find protection from heaven, which their impieties had 
utterly oilended. 20. Their own historian represents them 
as arrived at the highest pitch of iniquity ; while fammes, 
earthquakes, and prodigies, all conspired to forebode their 
approaching ruin. 21. Nor was it sufficient that heaven and 
earth seemed combined against them ; they had the most 
bitter dissensions among themselves, and were divided into 
two parties, who robbed and destroyed each other with im- 
punity : constantly pillaging, yet boasting their zeal for the 
religion of their ancestors. 

22. At the head of one of these parties was an incendiary, 
whose name was John. This fanatic affected sovereign 
power, and filled the whole city of Jeru'salem, and all the 
towns around, with tumult and pillage. In a short time a 
new faction arose, headed by one Si'mon, who, gathering 
together multitudes of robbers and murderers who had fled 
to the mountains, attacked many cities and towns, and re- 
duced all Idume'a under his power. 23. Jeru'salem, at 
length, became the theatre in which these two demagogues 
exercised their mutual animosity : John was possessed of 
the temple, while Si'mon was admitted into the city ; both 
equally enraged against each other ; while slaughter and de- 
vastation were the consequence of their pretensions. Thus 



THE EMPIRE. 301 

did a city formerly celebrated for peace and unity, become 
the seat of tumult and confusion. 

24. In this miserable situation, Ti'tus began his opera- 
tions within six furlongs of Jeru'salem, during the feast of 
the passover, when the place was filled wdth an infinite mul- 
titude of people, who had come from all parts to celebrate 
that great solemnity. 25. The approach of the Romans 
produced a temporary reconciliation between the contending 
factions within the city ; so that they unanimously resolved 
to oppose the common enemy, and decide their domestic quar- 
rels at a more convenient season. 26. Their first sally, which 
Was made with much fury and resolution, put the besiegers 
into great disorder, and obliged them to abandon their camp, 
and fly to the mountains ; however, rallying immediately 
after, the Jews were forced back into the city, while Ti'tus, 
in person, showed surprising instances of valour and con- 
duct. 

27. The city was strongly fortified with three walls on 
every side, except where it was fenced by precipices. Ti'- 
tus began by battering down the outward wall, which, after 
much fatigue and danger, he effected ; in the mean time 
showing the greatest clemency to the Jews, and offering 
them repeated assurances of pardon. Five days after the 
commencement of the siege, Ti'tus broke through the se- 
cond wall ; and though driven back by the besieged, he re- 
covered his ground, and made preparations for battering the 
third wall, which was their last defence. 28. But first he 
sent Jose'phus, their countryman, into the city, to exhort 
them to yield ; who using all his eloquence to persuade them, 
was answered only with scoffs and reproaches. 29. The 
siege was now therefore carried on with greater vigour than 
before ; formidable engines for throwing darts and stones 
were constructed, and as quickly destroyed by the enemy. 
At length it was resolved in council to surround the whole 
city with a trench, and thus prevent all relief and all suc- 
cours from abroad. 30. This, which was quickly executed, 
seemed no way to intimidate the Jews. Though famine, 
and pestilence its necessary attendant, began now to make 
the most horrid ravages among them, yet this desperate peo- 
ple still resolved to hold out. 31. Ti'tus now cut down all 
the woods within a considerable distance of the city ; and 
causing more batteries to be raised, he at length beat down 
the wall, and in five days entered the citadel by force. 32. 
The Jews, however, continued to deceive themselves with 

2 C 



302 HISTORY OF ROME. 

absurd expectations, while many false prophets deluded the 
multitude, by declaring that they should soon have assist- 
ance from God. The heat of the battle was now gathered 
round the inner wall of the temple, while the defendants 
desperately combatted from the top. 33. Ti'tus was de- 
sirous of saving this beautiful structure ; but a soldier casting 
a brand into some adjacent buildings, the fire communi- 
cated to the temple , and notwithstanding the utmost en- 
deavours on both sides, the whole edifice was quickly con- 
sumed. 34. The sight of the temple in ruins efiectually 
served to damp the ardour of the Jews. They now began 
to suppose that heaven had forsaken them, while their cries 
and lamentations echoed from the adjacent mountains. Even 
those who were almost expiring, lifted up their dying eyes 
to bewail the loss of their temple, which they valued more 
than life itself. 35. The most resolute, however, still en- 
deavoured to defend the upper and stronger part of the city, 
named Sion ; but Ti'tus, with his battering engines, soon 
made himself entire master of the place. 36. John and 
Simon were taken from the vaults where they had concealed 
themselves ; the former was condemned to perpetual im- 
prisonment, and the latter reserved to grace the conqueror's 
triumph. The greatest part of the populace were put to the 
sword ; and the city was, after a six month's siege, entirely 
razed, and its site ploughed up ; so that according to our 
Saviour's prophecy, not one stone remained upon another. 
Those who perished in this siege amounted to about a mil- 
lion ; the captives to almost a hundred thousand.* 



Questions for ExaminatiGn. 

1. Who succeeded Otho 1 

2. In what way did he assume the sovereignty 1 

3. How did he conduct himself in his new station ] 

4. What were the consequences of this conduct? 

5. Did VitelUus tamely submit to his rival ? 

6. Who first commenced hostilities 1 

7. What followed ] 

8 . V/hat was the conduct of Vitellius on this occasion 1 

9. What farther measures did he adopt? 

10. Were the friends of Vespasian idle at this juncture 1 

1 1. How was Vitellius engaged at the time of this disaster ? 

12. What became of Sabinus 1 

* The destruction of Jenisalem happened in the year of out TiOrd 70 



THE LSIPIRK. 301 

13. What was the consequence of this success on the part of Vitellius 1 

14. What became of the fallen emperor ] 

15. Was his request granted I 

1 6. Did Vespasian quietly succeed ? 

1 7. VVhat were his first measures ? 

18. Were they disappointed in their expectations 1 

19. What was the state of the Jewish war] 

20. What was the state of the Jewish nation 1 

21. Were they united among themselves ] 

22. Who were at the head of these factions ] 

23. What was the chief theatre of their enormities ] 

24. At what remarkable season did Titus commence his attack "* 

25. What eifect did this attack produce 1 

26. Did the Jews bravely defend their city ? 

27. What progress did Titus make in the siege ] 

28. Did he make no attempt to persuade the Jews to surrender 1 

29. What measures were then adopted ] 

30. Did these formidable measures terrify the Jews 1 

31. By what means did Titus gain the city 1 

32. Was all opposition now at an end ] 

33. W^as the temple destroyed 1 

34. WTiat effect did this sad event produce ] 

35. Were there none who attempted farther resistance ! 

36. What became of the inhabitants and their chiefs 1 



SECTION X. 



1. Upon the taking of Jerusalem, the soldiers would have 
crowned Titus as conqueror ; but he modestly refused the 
honour, alleging, that he was only an instrument in the 
hand of heaven, that manifestly declared its wrath against 
the Jews. 2. At Rome, however, all men's mouths were 
filled with the praises of the conqueror, who had not only 
showed himself an excellent general, but a courageous com- 
batant. His return, therefore, in triumph, with Vespa'sian 
his father, v/as marked with all the magnificence and joy in 
the power of men to express. All things that were es- 
teemed valuable or beautiful were brought to adorn this 
great occasion. 3. Among the rich spoils were exposed 
vast quantities of gold, taken out of the temple ; but the 
Book of the Holy Law was not the least remarkable among 
the magnificent profusion. 4. This was the first time that 
ever Rome saw the father and the son triumphant together. 
A triumphal arch was erected upon this occasion, on which 
were described the victories of Titus over the Jews ; and it 
remains almost entire to this day. 



04 HISTORY OF ROME. 

5. Few emperors have received a better character from 
historians than Vespasian ; yet his numerous acts of gene- 
rosity and magnificence could not preserve his character 
from the imputation of rapacity and avarice ; for it is well 
known that he descended to some very unusual and dis- 
honourable imposts. 

6. Having reigned ten years, beloved by his subjects, and 
deserving their affection, he was seized with an indisposition 
at Campa'nia, which he perceived would be fatal. 7. Find- 
ing his end approaching, he exerted himself, and cried out, 
*' An emperor ought to die standing;" whereupon, raising 
himself upon his feet, he expired in the arms of those who 
sustained him. 

8. Titus was joyfully received as emperor, and began his 
A. D. 2 reign with the practice of every virtue that became 
79. 3 2L sovereign and a man. During the life of his 
father, there had been many imputations against him both 
for cruelty, lust, and prodigality ; but upon his exaltation to 
the throne, he seemed to have entirely taken leave of his 
former vices, and became an example of the greatest mode- 
ration and humanity. 9. His first step towards gaining the 
affections of his subjects, was the moderating of his pas- 
sions, and bridling his inclinations. 10. He discarded those 
who had been the ministers of his pleasures, though he 
had formerly taken great pains in the selection. 11. This 
moderation, added to his justice and generosity, procured 
him the love of all good men, and the appellation of the 
Delight of Mankind ; which all his actions seemed calcu- 
lated to insure. 

12. Ti'tus took particular care to punish all informers, 
false witnesses, and promoters of dissension. Wretches 
who had their rise in the licentiousness and impunity of 
former reigns, were now become so numerous, that their 
crimes called loud for punishment. 13. Of these he daily 
made public example, condemning them to be scourged in 
the public streets, dragged through the theatre, and then 
banished into the uninhabited parts of the empire, or sold 
as slaves. 14. His courtesy and readiness to do good have 
be^n celebrated even by Christian writers ; his principal 
rule being, not to send away a petitioner dissatisfied. One 
night, recollecting that he had done nothing beneficial to 
mankind during the day, he cried out, ** I have lost a day !" 
A sentence too remarkable not to be had in remembrance. 

15. In the first year of his reign, an eruption of Mount 



THE EMPIRE. 30i 

V'esu'vius overwhelmed many towns,- throwing its aslies 
into countries more than a hundred miles distant. Upon 
this memorable occasion, Pliny, the naturalist, lost his life ; 
being impelled hy too eager a curiosity to observe the erup- 
tion, he v/as suffocated in the flames. 16. This and other 
disasters were, in some measure, counterbalanced by the 
successes in Britain, under Agrico'la. This excellent gene- 
ral, having been sent into Britain towards the latter end of 
Vespasian's reign, showed himself equally expert in quell- 
ing the refractory, and civilizing those who had formerly 
submitted to the Roman powder. 17. The Ordovi'ces, or 
inhabitants of North Wales, w^ere the iirst that w^ere sub- 
dued. He then made a descent upon the isle of An'gle- 
sey, which surrendered at discretion. 18. Having thus ren- 
dered himself master of the whole country, he took every 
method to restore discipline to his W'hole army, and to in- 
troduce politeness among those whom lie had conquered. 
He exhorted them, both by advice and example, to build 
temples, theatres, and stately houses. He caused the sons 
of their nobility to be instructed in tlie liberal arts, and to 
be taught the Latin language ; and induced them to imitate 
the Roman modes of dress and living. 19. Thus, by de- 
grees, this barbarous people began to assume the luxurious 

* Hercula'neum, Pompe'ii, &c. This eruption happened August 
24, A. D. 79. These towns, after having been buried under the lava 
for more than 1600 years, were discovered in the beginning of the last 
century: Hercula'neum, in 1713, about 24 feet under ground, by la- 
bourers digging a well, and Pompe'ii 40 years after, about 12 feet below 
the surface ; and from the houses and streets which, in a great measure, 
remain perfect, have been drawn busts, statues, manuscripts, paintings, 
&c. which contribute much to enlarge our notions concerning the an- 
cients, and develope many classical obscurities. (Mala.) In the year 
following this dreadful eruption, a fire happened at Rome, Vv'hich con- 
sumed the capitol, the pantheon, the library of Augustus, the theatre 
of Pompey, and a great many other buildings. In the ruins of Hercu- 
la'neum there have lately been found loaves which were baked under 
the reign of Titus, and which stili bear the baker's mark, indicating the 
quality of the flour, v'hich was probably prescribed by the regulation of 
the police. There have also been found utensils of bronze, which, in- 
stead of being tinned, like ours, are all sintered ; the ancients doubtlesf 
preferred this method, as more wholesome and more durable. The ex- 
cavations at Pompe'ii continue to furnish the royal museum at Naples 
with all kinds of valuable objects : some buildings have lately been 
discovered at Pompe'ii, remarkable for the richness of their architecture. 
At Paggo'ia, another town buried by the lava from Vesuvius, some 
sepulchres have been found, which are stated to be magnificently 
adorned with sculpture of the finest kind. 

2 c 2 



306 HISie^Y OF ROME. 

manners of their conquerors, and even to outdo them in all 
the refinements of sensual pleasure. 20. Upon account of 
the successes in Britain, Titus was saluted Impera'tor* for 
the fifteenth time ; but he did not long survive this honour, 
being seized v/ith a violent fever at a little distance from 
"Rome. He expired shortly after, but not without suspicion 
of treachery from his brother Domi'tian, who had long 
wished to govern. He died in the forty-first year of his age, 
having reigned two years, two months, and twenty days. 

21. The beginning of Domi'tian's reign was universally 
A. D. ^ acceptable to the people, as he appeared equally 
81. ) remarkable for his clemency, liberality and jus- 
tice.t 22. But he soon began to show the natural deformity 
of his mind. Instead of cultivating literature, as his father and 
brother had done, he neglected all kinds of study, addicting 
himself wholly to meaner pursuits, particularly archery and 
gaming. 23, He was so very expert an archer, that he would 
frequently cause one of his slaves to stand at a great dis- 
tance, with his hand spread as a mark, and would shoot his 
arrows with such exactness, as to stick them all between 
his fino^ers. 24. He instituted three sorts of contests to be 
observed every five years, in music, horsemanship and 
wrestling ; but at the same time he banished all philo>so- 
phers and mathematicians from Rome. 25. No emperor 
before him entertained the people with such various and ex- 
pensive shows. During these diversions he distributed great 
rewards, sitting as president himself, adorned with a purple 
robe and crown, with the priests of Ju'piter, and the col- 
lege of Fla'vian priests about him. 26. The meanness of 
his occupations in solitude, was a just contrast to his exhi- 
bitions of public ostentation. He usually spent his hours 
of retirement in catching liies, and sticking them through 
with a bodkin ; so that one of his servants, being asked if 
the emperor were alone, answered, that he had not so much 
as a fly to bear him company. 27. His vices seemed every 
day to increase, and his ungrateful treatment of Agrico'la 
afforded a convincing proof of his natural malevolence. 28. 

* Impera'tor, a title of honour among the Romans, conferred on vic- 
torious generals by their armies, and afterwards by the senate. 

f it IS a remarkable fact, that the most odious tyrants that ever sat on 
the Roman throne, commenced their reigns with a display of all the 
virtues that adorn humanity : on the contrary, Augustus, who was truly 
the father of his people, began his reign with cruelties that afforded but 
a melancholy presage of his future administration. 



i 



THE EMPIRE. 307 

Domi'tian was always particularly fond of obtaining a mill 
tary reputation, and therefore felt jealous of it in others 
He had marched some time before into Gaul, upon a pre- 
tended expedition against the Catti, a people of Germany, 
and without even seeing the enemy, resolved to have the 
honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For that 
purpose he purchased a number of slaves, whom he dressed 
in German habits, and at the head of this miserable pro- 
cession he entered the city, amid the apparent acclamations 
and concealed contempt of all his subjects. 



Questions for Examination. 

1 . How did Titus conduct himself after this important conquest 7 

2. How was he received at Rome 1 

3. What were the most remarkable among the spoils 1 

4. What peculiarity attended this triumph 1 

5. What was the character of Vespasian 1 

6. How many years did Vespasian reign 1 

7. Did he not display great resolution at the hour of death 1 

8. How did Titus commence his reign ] 

9. By what means did he gain the love of his subjects % 

10. What sacrifices did he make for this purpose ] 

11. Did he succeed in his views'? 

12. What class of delinquents met his most decided disapprobation 1 

13. What punishment was inflicted on them 1 

14. What were his chief virtues ] 

15. What remarkable event occurred in this reign, and what eminent 

personage became its victim ] 

16. By what successes was this disaster counteroalanced ? 

17. What were his first enterprizes ? 

18. What methods did he take to civilize the conquered countries] 

19. Were his measures successful? 

20. Did Titus long enjoy the glory of this conquest] 

21. How did Domitian commence his reign 1 

22. Did he persevere in his meritorious conduct] 

23. In what exercise did he excel ] 

24. Did he encourage the arts and sciences 1 

25. Was he magnificent in his exhibitions 1 

26. How did he employ himself in private ] 

27. Did time render him less vicious ] 

28. By what means did he attempt to acquire military fame ] 



308 HISTORY OF ROMi:. 



SECTION XI. 



1. The success of Agric'ola in Britain affected Domit'ian, 
with an extreme degree of envy. This excellent general 
pursued the advantages which he had already obtained ; he 
subdued the Caledo'nians, and overcame Gal'gacus, the 
British chief, who commanded an army of thirty thousand 
men ; afterwards sending out a fleet to scour the coast, he 
discovered Great Britain to be an island. He likewise dis- 
covered and subdued the Orkneys ; and thus reduced the 
whole into a civilized province of the Roman empire. 2. 
"When the account of these successes was brought to Do- 
mitian, he received it with a seeming pleasure, but rea"! 
uneasiness. He thought Agric'ola's rising reputation a taci^ 
reproach upon his own inactivity ; and instead of attempting 
to emulate, he resolved to suppress the merits of his ser- 
vices. 3. He ordered him, therefore, external marks of 
approbation, and took care that triumphal ornaments, statues, 
and other honours should be decreed him ; but at the same 
time he removed him from his command, under a pretence 
of appointing him to the government of Syria. 4. By these 
means Agric'ola surrendered up his province to Salius'tius 
Lucul'lus, but soon found that Syria was otherwise disposed 
of. Upon his return to Rome, which was privately and by 
flight, he was coolly received by the emperor ; and dying 
some time after in retirement, it was generally supposed 
that his end was hastened by Domi'tian's direction. 

5. Domi'tian soon found the want of so experienced a 
commander, in the many irruptions of the barbarous nations 
that surrounded the empire. The Sarma'tians in Europe, 
joined with those of Asia, m.ade a formidable invasion, at 
once destroying a whole legion, and a general of the Romans. 
The Da'cians, under the conduct of Dece'balus, their king, 
made an irruption, and overthrew the Romans in several 
engagements. 6. At last, however, the barbarians were 
repelled, partly by force, and partly by the assistance of 
money, which only served to enable them to make future 
invasions with greater advantage. 7. But in whatever man- 
ner the enemy might have been repelled, Domi'tian v.as 
resolved not to lose the honours of a triumph. He returned 
in great splendour to Rome ; and, not contented with thus 
triumphing twice without a victory, he resolved to take the 



THE EMPIRE. 309 

surname of German'icus, for his conquests over a people 
with whom he never contended. 

8. In proportion as the ridicule increased against him, his 
pride seemed every day to demand greater homage. He 
would permit his statues to be made only of gold and silver ; 
he assumed to himself divine honours ; and ordered that all 
men should address him by the same appellations which 
they gave to the Divinity. 9. His cruelty was not inferior 
to his arrogance ; he caused numbers of the most illustrious 
senators and others to be put to death, upon the most trifling 
pretences. One ^'lius La'ma was condemned and executed 
only for jesting, though there was neither novelty nor 
poignancy in his humour. Occea'nus was murdered only for 
celebrating the nativity of O'tho. Pomposia'nus shared the 
same fate, because it was foretold by an astrologer that he 
should be emperor. Sallus'tius Lucul'lus his lieutenant in 
Britain, was destroyed only for having given his name to a 
new sort of lances of his own invention. Ju'nius Rus'ti- 
cus died for publishing a book, in which he commended 
Thra'sea and Pris'ous, two philosophers, who opposed 
Vespa'sian's coming to the throne. 

10. Lu'cius Anto'nius, governor of Upper Germany, 
knowing how much the emperor was detested at home, re- 
solved upon striking for the throne ; and accordingly as- 
sumed the ensigns of imperial dignity. 11. As he was at 
the head of a formidable army, his success remained a long 
time doubtful ; but a sudden overflow of the Rhine dividing 
his army, he was set upon at that juncture by Norman'dus, 
the emperor's general, and totally routed. The news of this 
victory, we are told, was brought to Rome by supernatural 
means, on the same day that the battle was fought. 12. 
Domi'tian's severity was greatly increased by this short- 
lived success. In order to discover the accomplices of the 
adverse party, he invented new tortures : sometimes cutting 
oflf the hands — at other times thrusting fire into the bodies 
of those whom he suspected of being his enemies. 13. In 
the midst of these severities, he aggravated his guilt by hy- 
pocrisy — never pronouncing sentence without a preamble 
full of gentleness and mercy. The night before he crucified 
the comptroller of his household, he treated him with the 
most flattering marks of friendship, and ordered him a dish 
of meat from his own table. He carried Areti'nus Cle'mens 
with him in his own litter the day he resolved upon his 
death. 14. He was particularly terrible to the senate ana 



310 HISTORY or ROME. 

nobility, the whole body of whom he frequently threat- 
ened to extirpate entirely. At one time he surrounded the 
senate-house with his troops, to the great consternation of 
the senators. At another, he resolved to amuse himself 
with their terrors in a different manner. 15, Having invited 
them to a public entertainment, he received them all very 
formally at the entrance of his palace, and conducted them 
into a spacious hall, hung round with black, and illuminated 
by a few melancholy lamps, that diffused no more light than 
was just sufficient to show the horrors of the place. All 
around were to be seen coffins, with the names of each of 
the senators w^ritten upon them, together with other objects 
of terror, and instmments of execution. 16. While the 
company beheld all these preparations with silent agony, 
several men having their bodies blackened, each with a 
drawn sword in one hand, and a flaming torch in the other, 
entered the hall, and danced round them. 17. After some 
time, when, from the knowledge of Domi'tian's capricious 
cruelty, the guests expected nothing less than instant death, 
the doors were set open, and one of the servants came to 
inform them, that the emperor gave all the company leave 
to withdraw. 

18. His cruelties were rendered still more odious by his 
avarice. 19. The last part of the tyrant's reign was more 
insupportable than any of the preceding. Ne'ro exercised 
his cruelties without being a spectator ; but a principal part 
of the Eoman miseries, during his reign, was to behold 
the stern air and fiery visage of the tyrant, which he had 
armed against sensibility by continued intemperance, direct- 
ing the tortures, and maliciously pleased with adding 
poignance to every agony. 

20. But a period was soon to be put to this monster's 
cruelties. Among the number of those whom he at once 
caressed and suspected, was his wife, Domi'tia, whom he 
had taken from ^E'lius La'ma, her former husband. 21. It 
was the tyrant's method to put down the names of all such 
as he intended to destroy, in his tablets, which he kept 
about him with great circumspection. Domi'tia fortunately 
happening to get a sight of them, was struck at finding her 
own name in the catalogue of those destined to destruction. 
22. She showed the fatal list to Norba'nus and Petro'nius, 
praefects of the praetorian bands, who found themselves 
among the numbe^ of devoted victims ; as likewise to 
Steph'anus, the comptroller of the household, who came 



THE EMPIRE* 311 

into the conspiracy with alacrity. They fixed upon the 
eighteenth day of September for the completion of their 
great attempt. 23. Upon the emperor's preparing to go to 
the bath on the morning of that day, Petro'nius his cham- 
berlain came to inform him that Steph'anus desired to speak 
upon an affair of the utmost importance. The emperor hav- 
ing given orders that his attendants should retire, Steph'anus 
entered with his hand in a scarf, which he had worn thus 
for some days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none were 
permitted to approach the emperor with arms. 24. He be- 
gan by giving information of a pretended conspiracy, and 
exhibited a paper, in which the particulars were specified. 
While Domi'tian was reading the contents with eager curi- 
osity, Steph'anus drew his dagger and struck him with much 
violence ; but the wound not being mortal, Domi'tian caught 
hold of the assassin and threw him upon the ground, calling 
out for assistance. But Parthe'mus, with his freedman, a 
gladiator, and two subaltern officers, now coming in, they 
ran furiously upon the emperor and dispatched him: Steph'- 
anus, however, was slain by the guards, but the other con- 
spirators escaped in the tumult. 

25. It is rather incredible, what some writers relate con- 
cerning Apollo'nius Tyane'us, who was then at Ephesus. 
This person, whom some call a magician, and some a phi- 
losopher, but who more probably was only an impostor, 
was, just at the minute in which Domi'tian was slain, lee 
turing in one of the public gardens of the city ; but stopping 
short, on a sudden he cried out, " Courage, Steph'anus, 
strike the tyrant 1" then, after a pause, " Rejoice, my friends, 
the tyrant dies this day ; — this day do I say ? — the very 
moment in which I kept silence he suffered for his crimes ! 
He dies !" 

26. Many prodigies are said to have portended his death ; 
and if the Roman historians are to be credited, more preter- 
natural appearances and predictions announced this event, 
than its importance deserved.* The truth seems to be, that 
a belief in omens and prodigies was again become prevalent, 
as the people were evidently relapsing into pristine bar- 
Darity, ignorance being ever the proper soil for a harvest of 
imposture. 

* In the reign of Domi'tian, a violent persecution raged against the 
yhristians. During this persecution St. John was confined to the Isle 
of Patmos, in the Archipelago, where he wrote the Apoc'alypse, or Re- 
velation . 



312 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Questions for Examination. 

1. What advantages did Agricola gain in Britain ? 

2. How did Domitian receive the account of Agricola's success ? 

3. In what way did the emperor treat him ? 

4. To whom did Agricola surrender up his province 1 

5. What nations afterwards made irruptions into the Roman provijc 



ces 



6. By what means were the barbarians at length repelled 1 

7. What surname did Domitian assume T 

8. To what extravagance did his pride lead him ] 

9. What trifling pretexts were made use of by Domitian to put to 

death some of the most illustrious Romans 

10. Who now assumed the ensigns of the imperial dignity 1 

11. By what general was Lucius Antonius defeated 1 

12. What new cruelties were resorted to by the emperor 1 

1 3. By what hypocritical conduct was he distinguished ? 

14. To whom was he particularly terrible ] 

15. 16, 17. What terrific ceremonies did he invent on one occasion 1 

18. Was the result fatal to them 1 

19. Did not his cruelties become still more insupportable at the latter 

part of his reign 1 

20. Who was among the number that he at the same time caressed ana 

suspected ] 

21. Whose name did Domitia discover among his list of victims] 

22. To whom did she show the fatal list, and what was resolved on 1 

23. What means were used by Stephanus to assassinate the emperor "^ 

24. Relate the particulars of the assassination. 

25. What exclamation is Apollonius Tyaneus said to have made at 

Ephesus, at the time of Domitian's death 1 
26r. Did not the Romans relapse into their pristine state of barbarity 
bout this period 1 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
SECTION I. 

THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS OF ROME. 

1. When it was publicly known that Domi'tian* was slain, 
the senate began to load his memory with every reproach 
His statues were commanded to be taken down, and a de- 
cree was made, that all his inscriptions should be erased, 
his name struck out of the registers of fame, and his funeral 

* Domi'tian was the last of those emperors commonly called the 
Twelve Csesars. 



THE EMPIRE. 2Vd 

obsequies omitted. 2. The people, who now took but lit- 
tle part in the affairs of government, looked on his death 
with indifference ; the soldiers alone, whom he had loaded 
with favours, and enriched by largesses, sincerely regretted 
their benefactor. 

3 The senate, therefore, resolved to provide a successor 
before the army could have an opportunity of taking the ap- 
pointment upon itself, and Cocce'ius Ner'va was chosen to 
the empire the same day on which the tyrant was slain. 4« 
He is said to have been of an illustrious family in Spain, 
and above sixty-five years old when he was called to the 
throne, an elevation which he owed solely to his virtue*, 
moderation, respect to the laws, and the blameless tenor of 
his life. 

5. The people, long accustomed to tyranny, regarded 
Nerva's gentle reign with rapture, and even gave to his im- 
becility (for his humanity was carried too far for justice) the 
name of benevolence. 6. Upon coming to the throne he 
solemnly swore, that no senator of Rome should be put to 
death by his command during his reign, though guilty of the 
most heinous cnmes. 7. This oath he so religiously ob- 
served, that w^hen two senators had conspired his death, he 
used no kind of severity against them ; but, sending for 
them to let them see he v/as not ignorant of their designs, 
he carried them with him to the public theatre ; there pre- 
senting each a dagger, he desired them to strike, assuring 
them that he should make no resistance. 8. He had so lit- 
tle regard for money, that when one of his subjects found a 
large treasure, and wrote to the emperor for instructions how 
to dispose of it, he received for answer, that he might use 
it ; the finder however replying, that it w^as a fortune too 
^arge for a private person to use, Nerva, admiring his hon- 
esty, wrote him word that then he might abuse it.* 

9. A sovereign of such generosity and mildness was not, 
however, without his enemies. Vigil'ius Ru'fus, who had 
opposed his accession, was not only pardoned, but made his 
colleague in the consulship. Calpur'nius Cras'sus also, 
with some others, formed a conspiracy to destroy him ; but 
Nerva was satisfied with banishing those who were culpa- 
ble, though the senate were for inflicting more rigorous 
punishments. 10. But the most dangerous insurrection was 

* Nerva, the most remarkable man in Rome for his virtues, recalled 
aU the Christians vvho had been banished or had emigrated under the 
persecution of Domi'tian. 

2D 



ai4 HISTORY OF ROME. 

that of the praetorian bands, who, headed by Caspa'rius 
Olia'nus, insisted upon revenging the late emperor's death, 
whose memory was still dear to them, from his frequent 
liberalities. 11. Nerva, whose kindness to good men ren- 
dered him more obnoxious to the vicious, did all in his 
power to stop the progress of this insurrection ; he presented 
himself to the mutinous soldiers, and laying bare his bosom, 
desired them to strike there rather than be guilty of so much 
injustice. 12. The soldiers, however, paid no regard to his 
remonstrances ; but seizing upon Petro'nius and Parthe'nius, 
slew them in the most ignominious manner. Not content 
with this, they even compelled the emperor to approve of 
their sedition, and to make a speech to the people, in which 
he thanked the cohorts for their fidelity. 

13. So disagreeable a constraint upon the emperor's in- 
clinations was in the end attended with the most happy 
effects, as it caused the adoption of Trajan"^ to succeed him ; 
for, perceiving that in the present turbulent disposition of 
the times, he stood in need of an assistant in the empire, 
setting aside all his own relations, he fixed upon Urpius 
Tra'jan, an utter stranger to his family, who w^as then go- 
vernor in Upper Germany, as his successor. 14. About 
three months after this, having put himself into a violent 
passion with one Reg'ulus, a senator, he was seized with a 
fever of which he died, after a reign of one year, four months, 
and nine days. 

15. He was the first foreigner that ever reigned in Rome, 
and justly reputed a prince of great generosity and modera- 
tion. He is also celebrated for his wisdom, though w4th 
less reason ; the greatest instance given of it during his 
reign, being the choice of his successor. 

16. On hearing of the death of Nerva, Trajan prepared 
u. c. 851.) to come to Rome from Germany, where he 

A. D. 98. 3 was governor. He received upon his arrival -, 
a letter from Plu'tarch, the philosopher, who had the honour ■ 
of being his master, to the following purport: — '' Since 
your merits and not your importunities, have advanced you 
to the empire, permit me to congratulate you on your vir- 
tues, and my own good fortune. If your future government 

* It was customary among the Romans, for a person destitute of a 
son to adopt one from another family ; and the son thus adopted became 
immediately invested with the same lights and privileges as if he had 
been born to that station ; but he had no longer any claim on the family 
to which he originally belonged. 



TEE E3IP1RE, 33 5 

proves answerable to your former worth, I shall be happy'; 
but if you become worse for power, yours w^ill be the dan- 
g-er, and mine the ignominy of your conduct. The errors 
of the pupil will be charged upon his instructor. Sen'eca 
is reproached for the enormities of Nero ; and Soc'rates and 
Quintil'ian have not escaped censure for the misconduct of 
their respective scholars. But you have it in your power to 
make me the most honoured of men, by continuing what 
you are. Retain the command of your passions ; and make 
virtue the rule of all your actions. If you follow these in- 
structions, then will I glory in having presumed to give 
them : if you neglect what I advise, then will this letter be 
my testimony that you have not erred through the counsel 
and authority of Plu'tarch." I insert this letter, because it 
is a striking picture of this great philosopher's manner of 
addressing the best of princes. 

17. This good monarch's application to business, his 
moderation towards his enemies, his modesty in exaltation, 
his liberality to the deserving, and his frugal management 
of the resources of the state, were the subjects of panegyric 
among his contemporaries, and continue to be the admira- 
tion of posterity. 

18. The first war he was engaged in after his coming to 
the throne was with the Da'cians, w4io, during the reign of 
Domi'tian, had committed numberless ravages upon the pro- 
vinces of the empire. To revenge these, he raised a power- 
ful army, and with great expedition marched into those bar- 
barous countries, where he was vigorously opposed by De- 
ceb'alus, the Da'cian king, who for some time withstood his 
boldest efforts. 19. At length, however, this m.onarch being 
constrained to come to a general battle, and no longer able 
to protract the war, was routed with great slaughter. The 
Roman soldiers upon this occasion wanting linen to bind up 
their wounds, the emperor tore his own robes to supply 
them. 20. This victory compelled the enemy to sue for 
peace, which they obtained upon very disadvantageous 
terms ; their king coming into the Roman camp, and ac- 
knowledging himself a vassal of the Roman empire. 

21. Upon Trajan's return, after the usual triumphs and 
rejoicings, he was surprised with an account that the Da'- 
eians had renev/ed hostilities. Deceb'alus, their king, was 
a second time adjudged an enemy to the Roman state, and 
Tra'jan again entered his dominions. 22. In order to be 
enabled to invade the enemy's territories at pleasure, he un- 



316 HISTORY OF KOME. 

dertook a most stupendous work, which was no less than 
building a bridge across the Dan'ube. 23. This amazing 
structure, which was built over a deep, broad, and rapid 
river, consisted of more than twenty-two arches ; the ruins, 
which remain to this day, show modem architects how far 
they were surpassed by the ancients, both in the greatness 
and boldness of their designs. 24. Upon finishing this 
work, Tra'jan continued the war v/ith great vigour, sharing 
with the meanest of his soldiers the fatigues of the cam- 
paign, and continually encouraging them to their duty by his 
own example. 25. By these means, notwithstanding the 
country was spacious and uncultivated, and the inhabitants 
brave and hardy, he subdued the whole, and added the 
kingdom of Da'cia as a province to the Roman empire. De- 
ceb'alus made some attempts to escape ; but being sur- 
rounded, he slew himself. 26. These successes seemed to 
advance the empire to a greater degree of splendor than it 
had hitherto acquired. Ambassadors came from the inte- 
rior parts of India, to congratulate Trajan on his successes, 
and solicit bis friendship. On his return, he entered Rome 
in triumph, and the rejoicings for his victories lasted a hun- 
dred and twenty days. 

27. Having given peace and prosperity to the empire, he 
was loved, honoured, and almost adored. He adorned the 
city with public buildings ; he freed it from such men as 
lived by their vices ; he entertained persons of merit with 
familiarity ; and so little did he fear his enemies, that he 
could scarcely be induced to suppose he had any. 



Question s fo r Examination . 

1. How was the account of Domitian's death received? 

2. Was he regretted by any description of his subjects 1 

3. What consequences ensued from this regret 1 

4. Who was Cocceius Nerva 1 

5. Was his government acceptable to the people ? 

6. What afforded a presage of his future mild administration 1 
V. Did he keep this oa^^h inviolate 1 

8. Was Nerva avaricious 1 

9. Was his reign free from disturbances ? 

10. Were all conspiracies repressed from this time "^ 

11. Did Nerva exert himself to quell it'? 
J 2. Were his endeavours successful 1 

13. What important consequences ensued from these commotions] 

14. What occasioned his death ] 



IHE EMPiRF- 317 

1 5. What was his character 1 

16. How did Trajan act on his accession, and what advice did he re- 

ceive 1 

1 7. What sentiments did his subjects entertain of their new emperoi % 

18. With whom did he commence hostihties T 

19. What was the event of the campaign 1 

20. What was the consequence of this victory j 
2 1 Bid peace continue long 1 

22. What great undertaking did he accomplish in this expedition 1 

23. Was it a difficult work ] 

24. What followed the building of the bridge ] 

25. What was the event of this second campaign? 

26. What advantages arose from this conquest 7 

27. Did Trajan suffer prosperity to make him neglectful of his duties? 



SECTION IL 



1. It had been happy for Trajan's memory, had he shown 
equal clemency to all his subjects ; but about the ninth year 
V, c. 860. > of his reign, he was persuaded to look upon 
A.D. 107. 5 the Christians with a suspicious eye, and great 
numbers of them were put to death by popular tumults and 
judicial proceedings. 2. However, the persecution ceased 
after some time ; for the emperor, finding that the Chris- 
tians were an innocent and inoffensive people, suspended 
their punishments. 

3. During this emperor's reign there was a dreadful in- 
surrection of the Jews in all parts of the empire. This 
wretched people, still infatuated, and ever expecting some 
signal deliverance, took the advantage of Tra'jan's expedi- 
tion to the east, to massacre all the Greeks and Romans 
whom they could get into their power. 4. This rebellion 
first began in Cyre'ne, a Roman province in Africa ; from 
thence the flame extended to Egypt, and next to the island 
of Cyprus. Dreadful were the devastations committed by 
these infatuated people, and shocking the barbarities exer- 
cised on the unoffending inhabitants. 5. Some were sawn 
asunder, others cast to wild beasts, or made to kill each 
other, while the most unheard-of torments were invented 
and exercised on the unhappy victims of their fury. Nay, 
to such a pitch was their animosity carried, that they actu- 
ally ate the flesh of their enemies, and even wore their skins. 
6. However, these cruelties were of no long duration : the 
governors of the respective provinces making head against 

2 d2 



318 HISTORY OF ROME. 

their tumultuous fury, caused them to experience the hoi 
rors of retaliation, and put them to death, not as human be 
isgs, but as outrageous pests of society. In Cy'prus it was 
mzde capital for any Jew to set foot on the island. 

7. During these bloody transactions, Trajan was prose 
cuting his successes in the east, where he carried the Ro 
man arms farther than they had ever before penetrated ; but 
resolving to visit Rome once more, he found himself too 
weak to proceed in his usual manner. He therefore deter- 
mined to return by sea ; but on reaching the city of Seleu'- 
A. D. > cia, he died of an apoplexy, in the sixty-third year 
117.5 of his age, after a reign of nineteen years, six 
months, and fifteen days. 

8. A'drian, the nephew of Trajan, w^as chosen to succeed 
him. He began his reign by pursuing a course opposite to 
that of his predecessor, taking every method of declining 
war, and promoting the arts of peace. His first care was 
to make peace with the Par'thians, and to restore Chos'roes, 
for he was satisfied with preserving the ancient limits of the 
empire, and seemed no way ambitious of extensive con- 
quest. 

9. A'drian was one of the most remarkable of the Roman 
emperors for the variety of his endowments. He was highly 
skilled in all the accomplishments both of body and mind. 
He composed with great beauty, both in prose and verse*; 
he pleaded at the bar, and was one of the best orators of his 
time. 10. Nor were his virtues fewer than his accomplish- 
ments. His moderation and clemency appeared by pardon- 
ing the injuries w^hich he h.id received when he was yet but 
a private man. One day meeting a person who had formerly 
been his most inveterate enemy — " My good friend," said 
he, '' you have escaped ; for I am made emperor." He was 
affable to his friends, and gentle to persons of meaner sta- 
tions; he relieved their w^ants, and visited them in sickness; 
it being his constant maxim, that he had been elected em- 
peror, not for his own good, but for the benefit of mankind 
at large. 

11. These virtues were, however, contrasted by vices of 
considerable magnitude ; or rather, he wanted strength of 
mind to preserve his rectitude of character without deviation. 

12. He was scarcely settled on the throne, when several 
of the northern barbarians began to devastate the frontier 
provinces of the empire. These hardy nations, who now 
found the way to conquer, hf issuing from their forests, and 



THE EMPIRE. 319 

then retiring on the approach of a superior force, began to 
be truly formidable to Rome. 13. A'drianhad thoughts of 
contracting the limits of the empire, by giving up some of 
the most remote and least defensible provinces ; in this, how- 
ever, he v/as overruled by friends, who wrongly irnao-ined 
that an extensive frontier would intimidate an invading ene- 
my. 14. But though he complied with their remonstrances, 
he broke down the bridge over the Dan'ube, which his pre- 
decessor had built, sensible that the same passage which was 
open to him, was equally convenient to the incursions of his 
barbarous neighbours. 

15. Having staid a long time at Rome, to see that all things 
were regulated and established for the safety of the public, 
he prepared to make a progress through his whole empire. 
16. It was one of his maxims, that an emperor ought to imi- 
tate the sun, which diffuses warmth and vigour over all parts 
of the earth. He, therefore, took with him a splendid court, 
and a considerable force, and entered the province of Gaul, 
where he caused the inhabitants to be numbered. 17. From 
Gaul he went into Germany, thence to Holland, and after- 
wards passed over into Britain ; where, reforming many 
abuses, and reconciling the natives to the Romans, he, for 
the better security of the southern parts of the kingdom, 
built a wall of wood and earth, extending from the river 
E'den, in Cumberland, to the Tyne, in Northumberland, to 
prevent the incursions of the Picts, and other barbarous 
nations of the north. 18. From Britain, returning through 
Gaul, he directed his journey to Spain, his native country, 
where he was received with great joy. 19. Returning to 
Rome, he continued there for some time, in order to prepare for 
his journey into the east, which was hastened by a new in- 
vasion of the Par'thians. His approach compelling the 
enemy to peace, he pursued his travels without molestation. 
He visited the famous city of Athens ; there making a con« 
siderable stay, he was initiated into the Eleusin'ian mysteries, 
which were accounted the most sacred in the Pagan my- 
thology, and took upon him the office of archon or chief 
magistrate. 20. In this place, also, he remitted the severity 
of the Christian persecution. He was even so far reconciled 
to their sect, as to think of introducing Christ among the num » 
ber of the gods. 21. From thence he crossed over into 
Africa, and spent much time in reforming abuses, regula- 
ting the government, deciding controversies, and erecting 
magnificent buildings. Among the rest, he ordered Car- 



320 HISTORY OF ROME. 

thage* to be rebuilt, calling it after his own name, Adri» 
an'ople.t 22. Again he returned to Rome ; travelled a second 
time into Greece ; passed over into Asia Minor ; from thence 
into Syr'ia ; gave laws and instructions to all the neighbouring 
kings; entered Pal'estine, Arabia, and Egypt, where he 
caused Pompey's tomb, that had been long neglected, and 
almost covered with sand, to be repaired and beautified. 23 
He gave orders for the rebuilding of Jerusalem ; which was 
performed with great expedition by the assistance of the Jews, 
who now began to conceive hopes of being restored to their 
long lost kingdom. 24. But these expectations only served to 
aggravate their calamities : for, being incensed at the privileges 
w^hich were granted the Pagan worshippers in their new 
city, they fell upon the Romans and Christians that were dis- 
persed throughout Jude'a, and unmercifully put them all to 
the sword. 25. A'drian, sending a powerful body of men 
against them, obtained many signal, though bloody victories, 
over the insurgents. The war was concluded in two years, 
by the demolition of above one thousand of their best towns, 
and the destruction of nearly six hundred thousand men in 
battle. 

26. Having thus effectually quelled this dangerous insur- 
rection, he banished all those who remained in Judea ; and 
by a public decree forbade them to come within view of 
their native soil. But he was soon after alarmed by a dan- 
gerous irruption of the barbarous nations to the northward 
of the empire ; w^ho, entering Me'dia w^th great fury and 
passing through Arme'nia, carried their devastations as far 
as Cappado'cia. Preferring peace, however, upon any 
terms, to an unprofitable war, A'drian bought them off by 
large sums of money ; so that they returned peaceably into 
their native wilds, to enjoy their plunder, and to meditate 
fresh invasions. 

* Car'thage, the celebrated capital of Africa Pro'pria, was built b}^ the 
Tyr'ians, under Dido. This city, the mistress of Spain, Si'cily, and Sar- 
din'ia, was long the rival of Rome, till it was totally destroyed by Scip'io 
the Second, sumamed Africa'nus, B. C. 147. In its height of prosperity, 
it contained upwards of 700,000 inhabitants. 

•(■ This must be distinguished from Adrian'ople, the second city of 
European Turkey, which was founded about A.M. 2782, and repaired 
oy the emperor Adrian, A. D. 122. Hence its name. 



THE £?,IPIRE. 521 

Questions for Examination. 

1. Was Trajan uniformly mercifun 

2. Was the persecution of long duration 

3. What remarkable event happened in this reign 7 

4. Where did the rebellion principally rage? 

5. What were these barbarities ] 

6. Were no steps taken to repress this insun'ection ? 

7. How was Trajan employed at this time, and what was his end \ 

8. Who succeeded him l 

9. Vv^hat was the character of Adrian ] 

10. Was he a virtuous character 1 

1 1 . Were not his virtues counterbalanced ? 

12. By whom was the empire now invaded 1 

13. What wise measure did Adrian contemplate! 

14. What remarkable edifice did he destroy ] 

15. Was he attentive to the concerns of the empire 1 

16. Why did he do this] 

1 7. What places did he next visit ] 

1 8. Whither did he next proceed ] 

19. Mention his further progress, and the incidents that occurred 

20. V/as he merciful to the Christians ? 

21. Whither did he next repair, and how did he empl y himself? 

22. Proceed in the description of his route. 

23. Did he not favour the Jews 1 

24. Did they profit by this favourable disposition in the emperor ? 

25. Was this cruelty punished 1 

26. What followed this dangerous insurrection '? 



SECTION III. 



1 . Having spent thirteen years in travelling and reforming 
the abuses of the empire, A'drian at last resolved to end his 
fatigues at Rome. 2. Nothing could be more grateful to 
the people than his resolution of coming to reside for the 
rest of his days among them ; they received him with the 
loudest demonstrations of joy ; and though he now began to 
grow old and unwieldy, he remitted not the least of his for- 
mer assiduity and attention to the public welfare. 3. His 
chief amusement was in conversing with the most celebrated 
men in every art and science, frequently asserting, that he 
thought no kind of knowledge inconsiderable, or to be ne- 
glected, either in his private or public capacity. 4. He 
ordered the knights and senators never to appear in public, 
but in the proper habits of their orders. He forbade masters 



322 HISTORY OF ROME. 

to kill their slaves, as had been before allowed ; but ordained 
that they should be tried by the laws. 5. He still further 
extended the lenity of the laws to those unhappy men, who 
had long been thought too mean for justice : if a master was 
found killed in his house, he would not allow all his slaves 
to be put to the torture as formerly, but only such as might 
have perceived and prevented the murder. 

6. In such employments he spent the greatest part of his 
time ; but at last finding the duties of his station daily in- 
creasing, and his own strength proportionally upon the de- 
cline, he resolved on adopting a successor, and accordingly 
chose Antoni'nus to that important station. 

7. While he was thus careful in providing for the future 
welfare of the state, his bodily infirmities became so insup- 
portable, that he vehemently desired some of his attendants 
to dispatch him. 8. Antoni'nus, however, would by no 
means permit any of the domestics to be guilty of so great 
an impiety, but used all the arts in his power to reconcile 
the emperor to sustain life. 9. His pain daily increasing, 
he WPS frequently heard to cry out, '' How miserable a thing 
it. is to seek death, and not to find it 1" After enduring some 
time these excruciating tortures, he at last resolved to observe 
no regimen, saying, that kings sometimes died merely by 
the multitude of their physicians. 10. This conduct served 
to hasten that death he seemed so ardently to desire ; and it 
was probably joy upon its approach which dictated the cele- 
brated stanzas that are so well known ;* and while repeating 
which lie expired, in the sixty-second year of his age, after 
a prosperous reign of twenty-one years and eleven months. 

* These stanzas are — 

Animula, vagula, blandula, 
Hospes, comesque corporis* 
Quse nunc abibis in loca, 
Pallidula, rigida, nadula 1 
Nee, at soles, dabis jocos. 

fnns imitated by Prior : 

Poor little pretty fluttering thing, 

Must we no longer live together 1 
And dost thou prune thy trembling wing 

To take thy flight thou know'st not whither ? 
Thy hum'rous vein, thy pleasing folly, 

Lie all neglected, all forgot ; 
And pensive, wav'ring, melancholy, 

Thou dread'st and hop'st thou know'st not what- 



THE EMPIRE. ^02 

11. Titus Antoni'nus, his successor, was bom at La- 
vin'ium, near Rome, bui his ancestors came orighially from 
Nismes, in Gaul. His father was a nobleman, who Cu. c. 
had enjoyed the highest honours of the empire. At (J 891 
the time of his succeeding to the throne he was above fifty 
years old, and had passed through many of the most im- 
portant offices of the state with great integrity and applica- 
tion. 12. His virtues in private life were no v/ay impaired 
by his exaltation, as he showed himself one of the most ex- 
cellent princes for justice, clemency, and moderation ; his 
morals were so pure, that he was usually compared to Numa, 
and was surnamed the Pious, both for his tenden^ess to his 
predecessor A'drian, when dying, and his particular attach- 
ment to the religion of his country. 

13. He was an eminent re warder of learned men, to 
whom he gave large pensions and great honours, collecting 
them around him from all parts of the world. 14. Among 
the rest, he sent for Apollo'nius, the famous stoic philoso- 
pher, to instruct his adopted son, Mar'cus Aure'lius. Apol- 
lo'nius being arrived, the emperor desired his attendance ; 
but the other arrogantly answered, that it was the scholar's 
duty to wait upon the master, not the master upon the scholar. 
15. To this reply, Antoni'nus only returned with a smile, 
*'That it was surprising hov/ Apollo'nius, who made no 
difficulty of coming from Greece to Rome, should think it 
hard to walk from one part of Rome to another ;" and im- 
mediately sent Mar'cus Aure'lius to him.-^ 16. While the 
good emperor was thus employed in making mankind happy, 
in directing their conduct by his own example, or reproving 
their follies by the keenness of rebuke, he was seized with 
a violent fever, and ordered his friends and principal officers 
to attend him. 17. In their presence he confirmed the 
adoption of Mar'cus Aure'lius ; then commanding the 
golden statue of Fortune, which was always in the chamber 
of the emperors, to be removed to that of his successor, he 
expired in%he seventy-fourth year of his age, after a pros 
perous reign of twenty-two years and almost eight months. t 

* Antoni'nus being made a model of wisdom and virtue, he was as 
much respected by foreigners as by his own people 1 

■[ This emperor was remarkably favourable to the Christians, and 
wrote thus to his governors in Asia: — " If any one shall, for the future, 
molest the Christians, and accuse them merely on account of their re- 
ligion, let the person who is arraigned be discharged, though he i-s found 
to be a Christian, and the accuser ])e punished according to the rigou> 
of the law." 



324 HISTORY OF ROME. 

18. Mar'cus Aure'lius, though left sole successor to the 
V, c. > throne, took Lu'cius Ve'rus as his associate and 
914.5 equal, in governing the state. 19. Aure'lius was 
the son of An'nius Ve'rus,. of an ancient and illustrious 
family, which claimed its origin from Nu'ma. Lu'cius Ve'- 
rus was the son of Com 'modus, who had been adopted by 
A'dnan, but died before he succeeded to the throne. 20. 
Aure'lius was as remarkable for his virtues and accomplish- 
ments, as his partner in the empire was for his ungovern- 
able passions and debauched morals. The one was an ex- 
ample of the greatest goodness and wisdom ; the other of 
ignorance, sloth, and extravagance. 

21. The two emperors were scarcely settled os the 
throne, when the empire was attacked on every side, from 
the barbarous nations by which it was surrounded. The 
Cat'ti invaded Germany and Rhoe'tia, ravaging all wdth fire 
and sword ; but were repelled by Victori'nus. The Britons 
likewise revolted, but were repressed by Capur'nius. 22. 
But the Parthians, under their king Volog'esus, made an ir- 
ruption still more dreadful than either of the former ; de- 
stroying the Roman legions in Arme'nia ; then entering 
Syria, they drove out the Roman governor, and filled the 
whole coimtry with terror and confusion. To repel this 
barbarous eruption, Ve'rus went in person, being accom- 
panied by Aure'lius part of the way. 

23. Ve'rus, however, proceeded no farther than An'tioch, 
and there gave an indulgence to every appetite, rioting in 
excesses unknown even to the voluptuous Greeks ; leaving 
all the glory of the field to his lieutenants, who were sent to 
repress the enemy. 24. These, however, fought with great 
success ; for in the four years that the war lasted, the Ro- 
mans entered far into the Parthian country, and entirely sub- 
dued it ; but upon their return their army was wasted to less 
than half its original number by pestilence and famine. 25. 
This, however, was no impediment to the vanity of Ve'rus, 
who resolved to enjoy the honours of a triumph, so hardly 
earned by others. Having appointed a king over the Arme'- 
nians, and finding the Parthians entirely subdued, he as- 
sumed the titles of ilrme'nius and Parthi'cus ; and on his 
return to Rome, he partook of a triumph with Aure'lius, 
which was solemnized with great pomp and. splendour. 

26. While Ve'rus vv^as engaged in this expedition, Aure'- 
lius was sedulously intent upon distributing justice and hap- 
piness to his subjects at home. He first applied himself tc 



THE EMPIRE, 325 

the regulation of public affairs, and to the correcting of such 
faults as he found in the laws and policy of the state. 27. 
In this endeavour he showed a singular respect for the sen- 
ate, often permitting them to determine without appeal ; so 
that the commonwealth seemed in a manner once more re- 
vived under his equitable administration. 28. Besides, such 
was his application to business, that he often employed ten 
days together on the same subject, maturely considering it 
on all sides, and seldom departing from the senate-house till 
the assembly was dismissed by the consul. 29. But he was 
daily mortified v/ith accounts of the enormities of his col- 
league ; being repeatedly assured of his vanity and extrava- 
gance. 30. However, feigning himself ignorant of these 
excesses, he judged marriage to be the best method of re- 
claiming him ; and, therefore, sent him his daughter Lu- 
cil'la, a woman of great beauty, whom Ve'rus married at 
Antioch. 31. But even this was found ineffectual, for Lu- 
cil'la proved of a disposition very unlike her father ; and, in- 
stead of correcting her husband's extravagances only con- 
tributed to inflame them. 32. Aure'lius still hoped that, 
upon the return of Ve'rus to Eome, his presence would 
keep him in awe, and that happiness w^ould at length be re- 
stored to the state. In this he was also disappointed. His 
return seemed fatal to the empire ; for his army carried 
back the plague from Par'thia, and disseminated the infec- 
tion into the provinces through which it passed. 

33. Nothing could exceed the miserable state of things 
upon the return of Ve'rus. In this horrid picture were re- 
presented an emperor, unawed by example or the calamities 
surrounding him, giving way to unheard-of crimes ; a raging 
pestilence spreading terror and desolation through all parts 
of the western world ; earthquakes, famines, inundations, 
almost unexampled in history; the products of the earth 
through all Italy devoured by locusts ; the barbarous nations 
around the empire taking advantage of its various calamities, 
and making their irruptions even into Italy itself. 34. The 
priests doing all they could to put a stop to the miseries of 
the state, by attempting to appease the gods, vowing and 
offering numberless sacrifices ; celebrating all the sacred 
rites that had ever been known in Rome. 35. To crown 
the Avhole, these enthusiasts, as if the impending calamities 
had not been sufficient, ascribed the distresses of the state 
to the impieties of the Christians. A violent persecution 

2 E 



326 HISTORY OF ROME. 

ensued in all parts of the empire ; and Justin Martyr, 
Polycarp'us, and a prodigious number of less note, suffered 
martyrdom. * 



Questions fo r Examination, 

1. Did Adrian enjoy repose from this time "? 

2. Was this resolution agreeable to the people 1 

3. How did he amuse himself] 

4. What new edicts did he issue 1 

5. Did he not ameliorate the condition of slaves ] 

6. Was he still equal to the fatigues of the empire 1 

7. Were not his sufferings great ] 

8. Were his wishes complied with 1 

9. Were these arts successful 1 

1 0. What was the consequence of this conduct ? 

11. Who was his successor ? 

12. Did he preserve his virtue on his exaltation 1 

13. Was he a favourer of learning] 

14. What anecdote is related of one of these ? 

15. What was the emperor's reply ] 

16. Did he experience a long and prosperous reign ? 

17. Whom did he appoint as his successor ] 

18. Was Marcus Aurelius sole emperor] 

19. Who were Aurelius and Lucius Verus] 

20. Were their characters similar ] 

21. Was their reign peaceable ] 

22. Was there not a more formidable invasion still ? 

23. Did Verus show himself worthy of the trust ] 

24. Were they successful ] 

25. Did Verus appear to feel this misfortune ] 

26. How was Aurelius employed in the mean time 1 

27. Did he do this solely by his own authority ] 

28. Was he hasty in his decisions ] 

29. Was he acquainted with the follies of his colleague ? 

30. How did he attempt his reformation 7 

31. Was this effectual] 

32. What farther hopes did Aurelius entertain ] 

33. What was the state of the empire at this period ] 

34. What were the means made use of to avert these calamities ] 

35. To whom were they imputed ] 



SECTION IV. 



I. In this scene of universal tumult, desolation and dis- 
tress, there was nothing left but the virtues and the wisdom 
of one man to restore tranquillity and happiness to the em- 



THE EMPIRE. 327 

pire. 2. Aure'lius began his endeavours by marching against 
the Marcoman'ni and Qua'di, taking Ve'rus with him, who 
reluctantly left the sensual delights of Rome for the fatigues 
of a camp. 3. They came up with the Marcoman'ni near 
the city of Aquile'ia, and after a furious engagement, routed 
their whole army ; then pursuing them across the Alps, 
overcame them in several contests ; and, at C u. c. 922. 
last, entirely defeating them, returned into Italy I a. d. 169. 
without any considerable loss. 4. As the winter was far ad- 
vanced, Ve'rus was determined on going to Rome, in which 
journey he was seized with an apoplexy that put an end to 
his life, at the age of thirty-nine, having reigned in con- 
junction with Aure'lius nine years. 

5. Aure'lius, who had hitherto sustained the fatigues of 
governing, not only an empire, but his colleague, began to 
act with greater diligence, and more vigour than ever. After 
thus subduing the Marcoman'ni, he returned to Rome, where 
he resumed his attempts to benefit mankind by a farther re- 
formation. 

6. But his good endeavours were soon interrupted by a 
renewal of the former wars. In one of the engagements 
that ensued, he is said to have been miraculously relieved 
when his army was perishing with thirst, by the prayers of 
a Christian legion* which had been levied in his service ; 
for we are told, that there fell such a shower of rain, as in- 
stantly refreshed the fainting army. The soldiers were 
seen holding their mouths and their helmets towards heaven, 
to catch the water which came so wonderfully to their relief. 
7. The same clouds which served for their rescue, discharged 
so terrible a storm of hail, accompanied with thunder, against 
the enemy, as astonished and confused them. By this un- 
looked-for aid, the Romans, recovering strength and courage, 
renewed the engagement with fresh vigour, and cut the 
enemy to pieces. 8. Such are the circumstances of an 
event, acknowledged by Pagan as well as Christian writers ; 
only with this difference, that the latter ascribe the miracle 
to their own, the former to the prayers of their emperor. 
However this be, Aure'lius seemed so sensible of miracu- 
lous assistance, that he immediately relaxed the persecution 
against the Christians, and wrote to the senate in their favour. 

9. Soon after this event, Avid'ius Cas'sius, one of the 

* Legion, a body of soldiers in the Roman army, consisting of 300 
horse and 4000 fool. Figuratively, an army, a military force, or any 
great number 



328 HisiORvr of rome. 

generals who had fought with such success against the 
Parthians, assumed the imperial purple, but was shortly 
after killed in an engagement. When his head was brought 
to Aure'lius, he expressed great sorrow, turned his eyes 
away, and caused it to be honourably interred, complaining 
that he had been robbed of an opportunity of showing mercy 
On being blamed for his too great lenity to the relatives and 
friends of Cas'sius, he sublimely replied, " We have no 
lived nor served the gods so ill, as to think that they would 
favour Cas'sius." 

10. He usually called philosophy his mother, in opposi 
tion to the court, which he considered as his step-m^other 
He also frequently said, " the people are happy whose 
kings are philosophers." He was, independent of his dig- 
nity, one of the most considerable men then existing ; and, 
though he had been born in the meanest station, his merits 
as a writer (for his works remain to this day) would have 
insured him immortality. 

11. Having thus restored prosperity to his subjects, and 
peace to mankind, news was brought him that the Scyth'ians, 
and oth^r barbarous nations of the north, were up in arms, 
and invading the empire. 12. He once more, therefore, 
resolved to expose his aged person in the defence of his 
country, and made speedy preparations to oppose them. — 
He went to the senate, and desired to have money out of 
the public treasury. He then spent three days in giving 
the people lectures on the regulation of their lives ; and, 
having finisned, departed upon his expedition, amidst the 
prayers and lamentations of his subjects. Upon going to 
open his third campaign, ne was seized at Vienna with 
the plague, which stopped his farther progress. Nothing, 
however, could abate his desire of being beneficial to man- 
kind. 14. His fears for the youth and unpromising dis- 
position of Com'modus, his son and successor, seemed 
to give him great uneasiness. He therefore addressed his 
friends and the principal officers that were gathered round 
his bed, expressing his hope, that as his son was now losing 
nis father, he would find many in them. 15. While thus 
speaking, he was seized with a weakness which stopped his 
utterance, and brought on death. He died in the fifty-ninth 
year of his age, having reigned nineteen years. It seemed 
as if the glory and prosperity of the empire died with tliis 
greatest of the Roman emperors. 



THE EMPIRE. 329 

Questions for Examijialion. 

To whom did the Romans look for a restoration of the tranquillity 
of the empire] 
2. Against whom did Aurelius march, and who accompanied himT 
8. Where did they come up with the Marcomanni, and what was the 

result of the engagement! 
4. What was the fate of Verus ] 
5 How^ did Aurelius act on his return to Rome 1 

6. What miraculous event was ascribed to the prayers of a Christian 

legion 1 

7. How did it operate on the enemy 1 

8. Did not Aurelius, in consequence, interest himself in favour of the 

Christians ? 

9. What reply did Aurelius make to those who blamed him for his 

lenity to the friends of Cassius 1 

10. What sayings are recorded of him, and what was his character 7 

11. What news was brought to Aurelius soon after peace had been 

restored I 

12. In what way did he occupy himself previous to his departure to 

oppose the enemy 1 

13. At what place was he seized with the plague] 

14. What seemed to give him great uneasiness] 

15. How old was Aurelius when he died, and how many years had ho 

reigned ] 



CHAPTER XXIV. 
SECTION I. 



FROM COMMODUS TO THE TRANSFERRING OF THE SEAT OF 
EMPIRE, UNDER CONSTANTINE, FROM ROME TO CONSTAN- 
TINOPLE. U. C. 933. A. D. 180. 

1. The merits of Aurelius procured Commodus an easy 
accession to the throne.* He was acknowledged emperor 
by the army, by the senate and people, and afterwards by 
ull the provinces. 

^2. But his whole reign was a tissue of wantonness and 
foliy, cruelty and injustice, rapacity and corruption. So 
strong a similitude was there between his conduct and that 
of Domi'tian, that a reader might imagine he was going over 
the history of the same reign. 3. He spent the day in 

* Com' modus was the first emperor that was born in his father's 
reign, and the second that succeeded his father in the empire. 

2 E 2 



330 HISTORY OF ROME. 

feasting, and the night in the most abominable wickedness. 
He would sometimes go about the markets in a frolic, with 
small wares, as a petty chapman ; sometimes he affected to 
be a horse-courser ; at other times he drove his own chariot, 
in a slave's habit. Those he promoted resembled liimself, 
being the companions of his pleasures, or the ministers of 
his cruelties. 

4. If any person desired to be revenged on an enemy, by 
bargaining with Com 'modus for a sum of money, he was 
permitted to destroy him in any manner he thought proper. 
He commanded a person to be cast to the wild beasts for 
reading the life of Calig'ula in Sueto'nius. He ordered 
another to be thrown into a burning furnace, for accidentally 
overheating his bath. He would sometimes, when he was 
in a pleasant humour, cut off men's noses, under pretence 
of shaving their beards ; and yet he was himself so jealous 
of all mankind, that he thought it necessary to be his own 
barber. 

5. At length, upon the feast of Janus, resolving to fence 
before the people, as a common gladiator, three of his friends 
remonstrated with him upon the indecency of such behaviour: 
these were L2s'tus, his general; Elec'tus, his chamberlain; 
and Mar'cia, of whom he ahvays appeared excessively fond. 
6. Their advice was attended with no other effect than that 
of exciting him to resolve upon their destruction. 7. It was 
his method, like that of Domi'tian, to set down the names 
of all such as he intended to put to death in a roll, which 
he carefully kept by him. How^ever, at this time, happen- 
ing to lay the roll on his bed, while he was bathing in 
another room, it was taken up by a little boy whom he pas- 
sionately loved. The child, after playing with it some time, 
brought it to Mar'cia, w^ho w^as instantly alarmed at the con- 
tents. 8. She immediately discovered her terror to Las'tus 
and Elec'tus, who, perceiving their dangerous situation, in- 
stantly resolved upon the tyrant's death. 9. After some 
deliberation, it w^as agreed to dispatch him by poison ; but 
this not succeeding, Mar'cia hastily introduced a young man, 
called Narcis'sus, whom she prevailed upon to assist in 
strangling the tyrant. Com'modus died in the thirty-first 
year of his age, after an impious reign of twelve years and 
nine months. 

10. Such were the secrecy and expedition with v/hich 
u. c. 945. > Com'modus was assassinated, that few w^ere 
A. D. 192, 5 acquainted with the real circumstances of his 



THE EMPIRE. 33- 

death. His body was wrapt up as a bale of useless furni- 
ture, and carried through the guards, most of whom were 
either drunk or asleep. 

11. Hei'vius Per'tinax, whose virtues and courage ren- 
dered him worthy of the most exalted station, and w^ho had 
passed through many changes of fortune, had been previ- 
ously fixed upon to succeed him. When, therefore, the 
conspirators repaired to his house, to salute him emperor, 
he considered it as a command from the emperor Com 'mo 
dus for his death. 12. Upon Lge'tus entering his apartment, 
Per'tinax, without any show of fear, cried out, that for many 
days he had expected to end his life in that manner, won- 
dering that the emperor had deferred it so long. He was 
not a little surprised w^hen informed of the real cause of their 
visit ; and being strongly urged to accept of the empire, he 
at last complied. 13. Being carried to the camp, Per'tinax 
was proclaimed emperor, and soon after was acknowledged 
by the senate and citizens. They then pronounced Com'- 
modus a parricide, an enemy to the gods, his country, and 
all mankind ; and commxanded that his corpse should rot 
upon a heap of dirt. 14. In the mean time they saluted Per'- 
tinax as emperor and Caesar, with numerous acclamations, 
and cheerfully took the oaths of obedience. The provinces 
soon after followed the example of Rome ; so that he began 
his reign with universal satisfa^ction to the w^hole empire, in 
the sixty-eighth year of his age. 

15. Nothing could exceed the justice and wisdom of this 
monarch's reign, during the short time it continued. But 
the praetorian soldiers, whose manners he attempted to re- 
form, having been long corrupted by the indulgence and pro- 
fusion of their former monarch, began to hate him for his 
parsimony, and the discipline he had introduced among them. 

16. They therefore resolved to dethrone him; and accord- 
ingly, in a tumultuous manner, marched through the streets 
of Rome, entered his palace without opposition, where a 
Tungrian soldier struck him dead Avith a blow of his lance. 

17. From the number of his adventures he w^as called the 
tennis-ball of fortune ; and certainly no man ever went 
through such a variety of situations with so blameless a 
character. He reigned bnt three m.onths. 

18. The soldiers having committed this outrage, made 
u. c. 954. ) proclamation, that they would sell the empire 
A. D. 201,3 to whoever would purchase it at the highest 
price. 19. In consequence of this proclamation, two bidders 



332 HISTORY OF ROME. 

were found, namely, Sulpicia'nus and Did'ius. The former 
a consular person, prefect of the city, and son-in-law to the 
late emperor Per'tinax. The latter a consular person like- 
v/ise, a great lawyer, and the wealthiest man in the city 

20. Sulpicia'nus had rather promises than treasure to be- 
stow. The offers of Did'ius, who produced immense sums 
of ready money, prevailed. He was received into the camp, 
and the soldiers instantly swore to obey him as emperor. 

21. Upon being conducted to the senate-house, he addressed 
the few that were present in a laconic speech, " Fathers, 
you want an emperor, and I am the fittest person you can 
choose." The choice of the soldiers was confirmed by the 
senate, and Did'ius was acknowledged emperor, in the fifty- 
seventh year of his age. 22. It should seem, by this weak 
monarch's conduct when seated on the throne, that he 
thought the government of an empire rather a pleasure than 
a toil. Instead of attempting to gain the hearts of his sub- 
jects, he gave himself up to ease and inactivity, utterly re- 
gardless of the duties of his station. He was mild and gen- 
tle indeed, neither injuring any, nor expecting to be injured. 
23. But that avarice by which he became opulent, still fol- 
lowed him in his exaltation ; so that the very soldiers who 
elected him soon began to detest him, for qualities so oppo- 
site to a military character. 24. The people also, against 
whose consent he was chosen, were not less his enemies^. 
Whenever he issued from his palace, they openly poured 
forth their imprecations against him, crying out, that he was 
a thief, and had stolen the empire. 25. Did'ius, however, 
patiently bore all their reproach, and testified his regard by 
every kind of submission. 26. Soon after Seve'rus, an Af- 
rican by birth, being proclaimed by his army, began his 
reign by promising to revenge the death of Per'tinax. 

27. Did'ius upon being informed of his approach towards 
Rome, obtained the consent of the senate to send him am- 
bassadors, offering to make him a partner in the empire. 28. 
But Seve'rus rejected this offer, conscious of his own 
strength, and of the weakness of the proposer. The sen- 
ate appeared to be of the same sentiment ; and perceiving 
the timidity and weakness of their present master, abandoned 
him. 29. Being called together, as was formerly practised 
:■. the times of the commonvvealth, by the consuls, they 
unanimously decreed, that Did'ius should be deprived of the 
•empire, and that Severus should be proclaimed in his stead. 
They then commanded Did'ius to be ?lain, and sent messen- 



THE EMTIRE. 



333 

gers for this purpose to the palace, who, having found him, 
with a few friends that stiil adhered to his interest, th ^.y 
struck off his head. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. Did Commod us succeed peaceably ] 

2. Did he imitate his father's virtues 1 

3. Mention some of his follies 1 

4. Mention some of his wanton cruelties ? 

5. Who remonstrated with him on this conduct 1 

6. What effect did this remonstrance produce 1 

7. How was this discovered 1 

8. What was the consequence '' 

9. How was it affected ] 

10. Were the circumstances of his death generally known 

11. Who succeeded himi 

12. Did Pertinax discover any signs of fear? 

13. What ensued on his compliance ] 

14. Was he acceptable to the Roman people ? 

15. How did he govern 1 

1 6. What was the consequence 1 

17. By what appellation w^as he distinguished, and why 1 

18. How was the imperial purple next disposed ofl 

19. Who were the candidates'? 

20. Who w^as the successful candidate ] 

21. Was he acknowledged by the senate 1 

22. What was his conduct as emperor 1 

23. What gained him the hatred of the soldiers 1 

24. Was he a favourite of the people ? 

25. How did Didius bear this? 

26. What new competitor for the throne appeared 1 

27. How did Didius act on this occasion ] 

28. Was his offer accepted 1 

29. What was the event 1 



SECTION n. 



1. Seve'rus having overcome Niger, a. d. 194, and Albi' 
nus, A. D. 198, who were his competitors for the empire^ 
assumed the reins of government, uniting great vigour with 
the most refined policy ; yet his African cunning was con- 
sidered as a singular defect in him. 2. He is celebrated for 
his wit, learning, and prudence ; but execrated for his per 



334 HISTORY OF ROME. 

fidy and cruelty. In short, he seemed equally capable of 
the greatest acts of vh*tue, and the most bloody severities. 

3. He loaded his soldiers with rewards and honours, giv- 
ing them such privileges as strengthened his own power, 
w^hile they destroyed that of the senate ; for the soldiers, 
who had hitherto showed the strongest inclination to an 
abuse of power, were now made arbiters of the fate of em- 
perors. 

4. Being thus secure of his army he resolved to give way 
to his natural desire of conquest, and to turn his arms against 
the Parthians, who were then invading the frontiers of the 
empire. 5. Having, therefore, previously given the govern- 
ment of domestic policy to one Plau'tian, a favourite, to 
whose daughter he married his son Caracal'la, he set out 
for the east, and prosecuted the war with his usual expedi- 
tion and success. 6. He compelled submission from the 
king of Arme'nia, destroyed several cities of Ara'bia Felix, 
landed on the Parthian coast, took and plundered the fa- 
mous city of Ctes'iphon, marched back through Pal'estine 
and Egypt, and at length returned to Rom^ in triumph. 

7. During this interval, Plau'tian, who was left to direct 
the affairs of Rome, began to think of aspiring to the empire 
himself. Upon the emperor's return, he employed a tribune 
of the praetorian cohorts, of which he was commander, to 
assassinate him, and his son Caracal'la. 

8. The tribune informed Seve'rus of his favourite's 
treachery. He at first received the intelligence as an im- 
probable story, and as the artifices of one who envied his 
favourite's fortune. However, he was at last persuaded to 
permit the tribune to conduct Plau'tian to the emperor's 
apartments to be a testimony against himself. 9. With this 
intent the tribune went and amused him with a pretended 
account of his killing the emperor and his son ; desiring 
him, if he thought fit to see them dead, to go with him to 
the palace. 10. As Plau'tian ardently desired their death, 
he readily gave credit to the relation, and, following the tri- 
bune, was conducted at midnight into the innermost apart- 
ments of the palace. But what must have been his surprise 
and disappointment, when, instead of finding the emperor 
lying dead, as he expected, he beheld the room lighted up 
w^ith torches, and Seve'rus surrounded by his friends, pre- 
pared in array to receive him. 11. Being asked by the em- 
peror, with a stern countenance, what had brought him 
there at that unseasonable time, he ingenuously confessed 



THE EMPIRE. 335 

the whole, entreathig forgiveness for what he had intended. 
12. The emperor seemed inclined to pardon ; but Caracal'la, 
his son, who from the earliest age showed a disposition to 
cruelty, ran him through the body with his sword. 

13. After this, Seve'rus spent a considerable time in 
visiting some cities in Italy, permitting none of his officers 
to sell places of trust or dignity, and distributing justice with 
the strictest impartiality. He then undertook an expedition 
into Britain, where the Romans were in danger of being 
destroyed, or compelled to fly the province. After appoint- 
ing his two sons, Caracal'la and Ge'ta, joint successors in 
the empire, and taking them with him, he landed in Britain, 
A. D. 208, to the great terror of such as had drawn down his 
resentment. 14. Upon his progress into the country, he 
left his son Ge'ta in the southern part of the province, 
which had continued in obedience, and marched, with his 
son Caracal'la, against the Caledo'nians. 15. In this expe- 
dition, his army suffered prodigious hardships in pursuing 
the enemy ; they were obliged to hew their way through 
intricate forests, to drain extensive marshes, and form 
bridges over rapid rivers ; so that he lost fifty thousand men 
by fatigue and sickness. 16. However, he surmounted 
these inconveniences with unremitting bravery, and prose- 
cuted his successes with such vigour, that he compelled the 
enemy to beg for peace ; which they did not obtain without 
the surrender of a considerable part of their country. 17. 
It was then that, for its better security, he built the famous 
wall, which still goes by his name, extending from Solway 
Frith on the west, to the German Ocean on the east. He 
did not long survive his successes here, but died at York, 
in the sixty-sixth year of his age, after an active, though 
cruel reign of about eighteen years. 

18. Caracal'la and Ge'ta, his sons, being acknowledged 
as emperors by the army, began to show a C u. c. 964. 
mutual hatred to each other, even before their <^ a. d. 211 
arrival at Rome. But this opposition was of no long con- 
tinuance ; for Caracal'la, being resolved to govern alone, 
furiously entered Ge'ta' s apartment, and, followed by ruf- 
fians, slew hini. in his mother's arms. 

19. Being thus sole emperor, he went on to mark his 
course with blood. Whatever was done by Domi'tian or 
Ne'ro, fell short of this monster's barbarities.* 

* Being offended by the Alexan'drians, he commanded them to bo 
put to the sword, without distinction of sex, age, or condition ; ever)* 



330 



HISTORY OF ROME. 




Massacre of the Alexandrians. 

20. His tyrannies at length excited the resentment of 
Macn'nus, the commander of the forces in Mesopota'mia, 
who employed one Mar'tial, a man of great strength, and a 
centurion of the guards, to dispatch him. 21. Accordingly, 
as the emperor was riding out one day, near a little city 
called Carrae, he happened to withdrav/ himself privately, 
upon a natural occasion, with only one page to hold his 
horse. This was the opportunity Mar'tial had so long and 
ardently desired : when, running to him hastily, as if he 
had been called, he stabbed the emperor in the back, and 
killed him instantly. 22. Having performed this hardy 
attempt, he, with apparent unconcern, returned to his troop; 
but, retiring by insensible degrees, he endeavoured to secure 
himself by flight. His companions, however, soon missing 
him, and the page giving information of what had been done, 
he was pursued by the German horse, and cut in pieces. 

23. During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which con- 
tinued SIX years, the empire was every day declining ; the 
soldiers were entirely masters of every election; and as 
there were various armies in different parts, so there were 
as many interests opposed to each other. 

24. The soldiers, after remaining without an emperor 
V. c. 970. > two days, fixed upon Macri'nus, who took all 
A. D. 217. 5 possible methods to conceal his being privy to 
Caracal'la's murder. The senate confirmed their choice 
shortly after ; and likewise that of Jiis son, Diadumenia'nus, 
whom he took as partner in the empire. 25. Macri'nus 
hou^e was filled with carcases, and the stieets were obstructed with dead 
DOdies; this was merely in revenge for some lampoons they had pub- 
Mshed agamst him. r ^ r 



i 



THE EMPIRE. 337 

was fifty-three years old when he entered upon the govern- 
ment. He was of obscure parentage ; some say by birth a 
Moor, who, by the mere gradation of office, being made 
first prefect of the praetorian bands, was now, by treason 
and accident, called to fill the throne. 

26. He was opposed by the intrigues of Mosa, and her 
grandson Heliogaba'lus ; and being conquered by some se- 
ditious legions of his own army, he fled to Chalcedon,* 
v/here those who were sent in pursuit overtook him, and 
put him to death, together with his son Diadumenia'rius, 
after a short reign of one year and two months. 

27. The senate and citizens of Rome being obliged to 
submit, as usual, to the appointment of the army, Helioga- 
ba'lus ascended the throne at the age of four- 7 u. c. 971. 
teen. His short life was a mixture of eifemi- 3 a. d.218. 
nacy, lust, and extravagance. 28. He married six wives in 
the short space of four years, and divorced them all. He 
was so fond of the sex, that he carried his mother with him 
to the senate-house, and demanded that she should always 
be present when matters of importance were debated. He 
even went so far as to build a senate-house for women, 
appointing them suitable orders, habits and distinctions, of 
which his mother was made president. 29. They me 
several times ; all their debates turned upon the fashions of 
the day, and the different formalities to be used at giving 
and receiving visits. To these follies he added cruelty and 
boundless prodigality ; he used to say, that such dishes as 
were cheaply obtained were scarcely w^orth eating. 

30. However, his soldiers mutinying, as was now usual 
with them, they followed him to his palace, pursuing him 
from apartment to apartment, till at last he was found con- 
cealed in a closet. Having dragged him from thence through 
the streets, with the most bitter iiivectives, and dispatched 
him, they attempted once more -to squeeze his pampered 
body into a closet ; but not easily effecting this, they threw 
it into the Tiber, with heavy weights^ that none might 
afterwards find it, or give it burial. This was the ignomi- 
nious death of Heliogaba'lus, in the eighteenth year of his 
age, after a detestable reign of four years. 

* A city of Bithyn^'ia, in Asia Minor, opposite to Constantinople 
2F 



338 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Questions for Examinatiorto 

1. Who succeeded Didius Jalianus? 

2. What was the character of Severus \ 

3. By what means did he strengthen his power 1 

4. What were his first acts ? 

5. To whom did he commit the government in his absence 1 

6. What were his exploits '/ 

7. How did Plautian conduct himself in this important post ' 

8. How wfts this treachery discovered 1 

9. How was this effected ? 

10. Did Plautian fall into the snare? 

11. How did he act on the occasion ? 

12. Was he pardoned ] 

13. How did Severus next employ himself? 

14. WTiat were his first measures' in Britain 1 

15. W^as it a difficult campaign ? 

1 6. Did he overcome these difficulties ? 

1 7. What famous work did he execute, and where did he die ? 

13. Who succeeded him, and how did the two emperors regard each 

other ? 
] 9. What was the conduct of Caracalia on thus becoming sole emperor ? 

20. Were these cruelties tamely suffered ? 

21. How was this effected .' 

22. Did the assassin escape 1 

23. What was the state of the empire during this reign ? 

24. Who succeeded CaracaHa ? 

25. Who was Macrinus ? 

26. By whom was he opposed, and what was his fate 1 

27. How did HeHogabalus govern ? 

28. Give a few instances of his folly ? 

29 Did they enter into his views, and of what farther follies and vices 

was he guiltv ? 
30. What was his end? 



si:cTiox m. 



1. Heliogaba'lus was succeeded by Alexander, his 
cousin-german,* who, being declared emperor without op- 
position, the senate, with their usual adulation, Cu. c. 975. 
were for conferring new titles upon him ; but \ a. d. 222. 
lie modestly declined them all. 2. To the most rigid jus- 
tice he added the greatest humanity. He loved the good, 
and was a severe reprover of the lewd and infamous. His 
accomplishmenls were equal to Iris virtues. He was an 

• A Term generally applied to the children of brothers or sisters. 



THE EMPIRE. 339 

excellent mathematician, geometrician, and musician ; he 
was equally skilful in painting and sculpture ; and in poetry- 
few of his time could equal him. In short, such were his 
talents, and such the solidity of his judgment, that though 
but sixteen years of age, he was considered equal in wis- 
dom to a sage old man. 

3. About the thirteenth year of his reign the Upper Ger- 
mans, and other northern nations, began to pour down in 
immense swarms upon the more southern parts of the em- 
pire. They passed the Rhine and the Danube with such 
fury, that all Italy was thrown into the most extreme con- 
sternation. 4. The emperor, ever ready to expose his per- 
son for the safety of his people, made what levies he could, 
and went in person to stem tlie torrent, which he speedily 
effected. It was in the course of his successes against the 
enemy that he was cut off by a mutiny among his own sol- 
diers. He died in the twenty-ninth year of his age, after a 
prosperous reign of thirteen years and nine days. 

5. The tumults occasioned by the death of Alexander be- 
ing appeased, Max'imin, who had been the C u. c. 988. 
chief promoter of the sedition, was chosen em- I a. d. 235. 
peror. 6. This extraordinary man, whose character de- 
serves a particular attention, was born of very obscure 
parentage, being the son of a poor herdsman of Thrace. He 
followed his father's humble profession, and had exercised 
his personal courage against the robbers who infested that 
part of the country in which he lived. Soon after, his am- 
bition increasing, he left his poor employment and enlisted 
in the Roman army, where he soon became remarkable for 
his great strength, discipline, and courage. 7. This gigan- 
tic man, we are told, was eight feet and a half high ; he had 
strength corresponding to his size, being not more remark- 
able for the magnitude than the symmetry of his person. 
His wife's bracelet usually served him for a thumb ring, 
and his strength was so great that he was able to draw a 
carriage which two oxen could not move. He could strike 
out the teeth of a horse with a blow of his fist, and break 
its thigh with a kick. 8. His diet was as extraordinary as 
his endowments ; he generally ate forty pounds weight of 
flesh every day, and drank six gallons of wine, without com- 
mitting any debauch in either. 9. With a frame so athletic, 
he was possessed of a mind undaunted in danger, neither 
fearing nor regarding any man. 10. The first time he was 
made known to the emperor Seve'rus, was while he wa3 



340 HIS-TORY OF R03IE. 

celebrating games on the birth-day of his son Ge'ta. He 
overcame sixteen in nimiing, one after the other ; ]ie then 
kept up with the emperor on horseback, and having fati2:ued 
him in the course, he was opposed to seven of the most ac 
tive soldiers, and overcame them with the greatest ease. 
11. These extraordinary exploits caused him to be particu- 
larly noticed ; he had been taken into the emperor's body 
guard, and by the usual gradation of preferment came to be 
chief commander. In this situation he had been equally re- 
markable for his simplicity-, discipline, and virtue ; but, 
upon coming to the empire, he was found to be one of the 
greatest monsters of cruelty that had ever disgraced power ; 
fearful of nothing himself, he seemed to sport with the ter- 
rors of all mankind. 

12. However, his cruelties did not retard his military 
operations, which were carried on with a spirit becoming a 
better monarch. He overthrew the Germans in several bat- 
tles, wasted all their country with fire and sword for four 
hundred miles together, and formed a resolution of subduing 
all the northern nations, as far as the ocean 13. In these 
expeditions, in order to attach the soldiers more firmly to 
him, he increased their pay ; and in every duty of the camp 
he himself took as much pains as the meanest sentinel in 
his army, showing incredible courage and assiduity. In 
every engagement, where the conflict was hottest, Max'imin 
was seen fighting in person, and destroying all before him ; 
for, being bred a barbarian, he considered it his duty to com- 
bat as a common soldier, while he comm.anded as a general. 

14. In the mean time his cruelties had so alienated the 
minds of his subjects, that secret conspiracies were secretly 
aimed against him. None of them, however, succeeded, 
tiU at last his own soldiers, long harassed by famine and 
fatigue, and hearing of revolts on every side, resolved to 
terminate their calamities by the t}Tant's death. 15. His 
great strens^th, and his being always armed, at first deterred 
them from assassinating him ; but at length the soldiers, 
havinfif made his guards accomplices in their designs, set 
upon him while he slept at noon in his tent, and without 
opposition slew both him and his son, whom he had mado 
his partner in the empire. 16. Thus died this most re 
markable man, after an usurpation of about three years, hi 
the sixty-fifth year of his age. His assiduity when in a 
humble station, and his cruelty when in power, serve to 
evince, tha* there are some men v»-hose virtues are fitted for 



TK2r EMPIRE. 341 

obscurity, as there are others who only show themselves 
great when placed in an exalted station. 

17. The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to dogs 
and birds of prey, Pupie'niis and Balbie'nus, Cu. c. 991. 
who had usurped the imperial purple, continu- ^ a. d. 238. 
ed for some time emperors, without opposition. 18. But, 
differing between themselves, the praetorian soldiers, who 
were the enemies of both, set upon them in their palace, at a 
time when their guards were amused with seeing the Capit'o- 
line games ; and dragging them from the palace towards the 
camp, slew them both, leaving their dead bodies in the 
street, as a dreadful instance of unsuccessful ambition. 

19. In the midst of this sedition, as the mutineers were 
u. c. 991. ~> proceeding along, they by accident met Gor'- 
A. D. 238. 5 dian, the grandson of him who was slain in 
Africa : him they declared emperor on the spot. 20. This 
prince was but sixteen years old when he began to reign, 
but his virtues seemed to compensate for his want of expe- 
rience. His principal aims were to unite the opposing 
members of government, and to reconcile the soldiers and 
citizens to each other. 21. The army, however, began as 
usual to murmur ; and their complaints were artfully fo- 
mented by Philip, an Arabian, who was praetorian prefect, 
and aspired to the sovereignty. Things thus proceeded 
from bad to worse. 22. Philip was at first made equal to 
G or 'dian in the command of the empire ; shortly after he 
was invested with the sole power ; and at length, finding 
himself capable of perpetrating his long meditated cruelty, 
Gor'dian was by his order slain, in the twenty-second year 
of his age, after a successful reign of nearly six years. 



Questions for Examination, 

1 . Who succeeded Heliogabalus 1 

2. What was his character 1 

3. Was his reign peaceable 1 

4. How did Alexander act on the occasion ] 

5. Who succeeded Alexander] 

6. Who was Maximin 1 

7. Describe his person. 

8. W^hat farther distinguished him ? 

9. Was his mind proportioned to his body 1 

10. How did he attract the notice of Severus 1 

11 . By what means did he attain rank in the army ? 

12. Was he equally a terror to his foreign enemies 1 

2f2 



'^^2 HISTORY OF ROME. 

»o. By what means did he gain the confidence of his soldiers ? 

14. What effect had his crueUies on the minds of his subjects'? 

15. How did they accompUsh their purpose? 

J ->, How long did he reign, and what inference may be drawn from his 

conduct ? 

i^. Who next mounted the imperial throne? 

18. What was their end ] 

J 9. Who succeeded Pupienus and Balbienus 1 

30. What were the character and views of this prince ? 

§1. Was his administration approved of by all 1 

22c Did Philip accomplish his ambitious design T 



SECTION IV. 

u. c. 996.— A. D. 243. 

1. Philip having thus murdered his benefactor, was so 
fortunate as to be immediately acknowledged emperor by the 
army. Upon his exaltation he associated his son, a boy of 
six years of age, as his partner in the empire ; and, in order 
to secure his power at home, made peace with the Persians, 
and marched his army towards Rome. 2. However, the 
army revolting in favour of De'cius, his general, and setting 
violently upon him, one of his sentinels at a blow cut off 
his head, or rather cleft it asunder, separating the under jaw 
from the upper. He died in the forty-fifth year of his age, 
after a short reign of about five years. 

3. De'cius was universally acknowledged as his succes- 
u. c. 1001.^ sor. His activity and wisdom seemed, in 

A. D. 248. 3 some measure, to stop the hastening decline 
of the Roman empire. The senate seemed to think so 
highly of his merits, that they voted him not inferior to 
Tra'jan; and indeed he appeared in every instance to con- 
sult their dignity, and the welfare of all the inferior ranks of 
people. 4. But no virtues could now prevent the approach- 
ing downfall of the state ; the obstinate disputes between 
the Pagans and the Christians within the empire, and the 
unceasing irruptions of barbarous nations from without, en- 
feebled it beyond the power of remedy. 5. He was killed 
in an ambuscade of the enemy, in the fiftieth year of his 
age, after a short reign of two years and six months. 

6. Gal'lus, who had betrayed the Roman army, had ad- 
u. c. 1004. > dress enough to get himself declared emperor 

A. D. 251. 3 by that part of it which survived the defeat ; 



THE EMPIRE. 243 

he was forty-five years old when he began to reign, and was 
descended from an honourable family in Eome. 7. He was 
the first who bought a dishonourable peace from the enemies 
of the state, agreeing to pay a considerable annual tribute to 
the Goths, whom it was his duty to repress. He was re- 
gardless of every national calamity, and was lost in debauch- 
ery and sensuality. The Pagans were allowed a power of 
persecuting the Christians through all parts of the state. 8. 
These calamities were succeeded by a pestilence from heaven, 
that seemed to have spread over every part of the earth, and 
continued raging for several years, in an unheard-of manner ; 
as well as by a civil war, which followed shortly after be- 
tween Gallas and his general iEmilia'nus, who, having gain- 
ed a victory over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by 
his conquering army. 9. Gallus hearing this, soon roused 
from the intoxications of pleasure, and prepared to oppose 
his dangerous rival : but both he and his son were slain by 
iErailia'nus, in a battle fought in MoRsia. His death was 
merited, and his vices were such as to deserve the detesta- 
tion of posterity. He died in the forty-seventh year of his 
age, after an unhappy reign of two years and four months, 
in which the empire suffered inexpressible calamities. 

10. The senate refused to acknowledge the claims of 
^Emilia'nus ; and an army that was stationed Cu. c. 1006. 
near the Alps chose Vale'rian, who was their ^ a, d. 253. 
commander, to succeed to the throne. 11. He set about re- 
forming the state with a spirit that seemed to mark a good 
and vigorous mind. Btt reformation was nov/ grown almost 
impracticable. 12. The Persians under their king Sapor, 
invading Syr'ia, took the unfortunate Vale'rian prisoner, as 
he was making preparations to oppose them ; and the indig- 
nities as well as the cruelties, which were practised upon 
this unhappy monarch, thus fallen into the hands of his ene- 
mies, are almost incredible. 13. Sapor, we are told, used 
him as a footstool for mounting his horse ; he added the bit- 
terness of ridicule to his insults, and usually observed, that 
an attitude like that to which Vale'rian was reduced, was the 
best statue that could be erected in honour of his victory. 
14. This horrid life of insult and sufi*erance continued for 
seven years ; and was at length terminated by the cruel Per- 
sian commanding his prisoner's eyes to be plucked out, and 
afterwards causing him to be flayed alive. 

15. When Yale'rian was taken prisoner, Galie'nus, his 
son, promising to revenge the insult, was chosen emperoi. 



344 HISTORY OF ROME. 

u. c. 1012. > being then about forty-one years old. How- 
A. D. 259. 5 ever, it was soon discovered that Me sought 
rather the splendours than the toils of empire ; for, after 
having overthrown Ingen'uus, who had assumed the title of 
emperor, he sat down, as if fatigued with conquest, and gave 
himself up to ease and luxury. 16. At this time, no less 
than thirty pretenders were seen contending with each other 
for the dominion of the state, and adding the calamities of 
civil war to the rest of the misfortunes of this devoted em- 
pire. These are usually mentioned in history by the name 
of the thirty tyrants. 17. In this general calamity, Galie'- 
nus, though at first seemingly insensible, w^as at length 
obliged for his own security to take the field, and led an army 
to besiege the city of Milan, which had been taken by one 
of the thirty usurping tyrants. In this expedition he was 
slain by his own soldiers : Mar'tian, one of his generals, 
having conspired against him. 

18. Fla'vius Clau'dius being nominated to succeed, was 
u. c. 1021.^ joyfully accepted by all orders of the state, 
A. D. 268. 3 and his title confirmed by the senate and the 
people. 19. He was a man of great valour and conduct, 
having performed the most excellent services against the 
Goths, w^ho had long continued to make irruptions into the 
empire ; but, after a great \dctory over that barbarous people, 
he was seized with a pestilential fever at Ser'mium in Pan- 
no 'nia, of which he died, to the great regret of his subjects, 
and the irreparable loss of the Roman empire. 

20. Upon the death of Clau'dius, Aure'lian was acknow- 
u. c. 1023. 7 lodged by all the states of the empire, and as- 
A. D. 270. 3 sumed the command with a greater share of 
power than his predecessors had enjoyed for a long time be- 
fore. 21. This active monarch was of mean and obscure 
parentage in Da'cia, and about fifty -five years old at the time 
of his coming to the throne. He had spent the early part 
of his life in the army, and had risen through all the grada- 
tions of military rank. He was of unshaken courage and 
amazing strength. He, in one engagement, killed forty of 
the enemy with his own hand ; and at different times above 
nine hundred. In short, his valour and expedition were 
such, that he w^as compared to Julius Caesar ; and, in fact, 
only wanted mildness and clemency to be every way hi& 
equal. 22. Among those who were compelled to submit to 
his power,^ was the famous Zeno'bia, queen of Palmy'ra. 
He subdued her country, destroyed her city, and took her 



THE EMPIRE. 345 

prisoner. Longi'niis, the celebrated critic, who was secre- 
tary to the queen, was by Aiire'lian's order put to death. 
Zcno'bia was reserved to grace his triumph ; and afterw^ards 
was allotted such lands, and such an income, as served to 
maintain her in almost her former splendour. 23. But the 
emperor's severities w^ere at last the cause of his own de- 
struction. Mnes'theus, his principal secretary, having been 
threatened by him for some fault which he had committed, 
formed a conspiracy against him, and as the emperor passed, 
with a small guard, from Ura'clea, in Thrace, towards By- 
zan'tium, the conspirators set upon him at once and slew 
him, in the sixtieth year of his age, after a very active reign 
of almost five years. 

24. After some time the senate made choice of Ta'citus, 
a man of great merit, and no way ambitious Cu. c. 1028. 
of the honours that were oifered him, being at ^ a. d. 275. 
that time seventy-five years old. 25. A reign begun with 
much moderation and justice, only w^anted continuance to 
have m.ade his subjects happy : but after enjoying the empire 
about six months, he died of a fever in his march to oppose 
the Persians and Scyth'ians, who had invaded the eastern 
parts of the empire. 28. During this short period the senate 
seemed to have possessed a large share of authority, and the 
histories of the times are liberal of their praises to such 
emperors as were thus wdlling to divide their powder. 

27. Upon the death of Ta'citus, his half-brother took upon 
himself the title of emperor, in Cile'sia : but being twace 
defeated by Pro'bus, he killed himself in despair, w^hen the 
whole army, as if by common consent, cried out that Pro'- 
bus should be emperor. 28. He was then forty-four years 
old ; was born of noble parentage, and bred a soldier. He 
began early to distinguish himself for his discipline and va- 
lour : being frequently the first man that scaled the walls, 
or that burst into the enemy's camp. He \vas equally re- 
markable for single combat, and for having saved the lives 
of many eminent citizens. Nor w^ere his activity and cour- 
age when elected to the empire less apparent than in his 
private station. 29. Every year now produced new calami- 
ties to the state ; and fresh irruptions on every side threat- 
ened universal desolation. Perhaps at this time no abilities, 
except those of Pro'bus,- were capable of opposing such 
united invasions. 30. However, in the end, his own mu- 
tinous soldiers, taking their opportunity, as he was marching 
into Greece, seized and slew him, after he had reigned six 



346 HISTORY OF ROME. 

years and four months with general approbation. He was 

succeeded by Ca'rus. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Did Philip succeed without opposition? 

2. Was his reign of long duration ] 

3. What was the character of Decius ] 

4. Did he restore the empire to its former grandeur ? 

5. What was his end 1 

6. Who succeeded him 1 

7. What was his character ? 

8. What farther calamities distinguished this reign 1 

9. What effect had this news on Gallus 1 

10. Who succeeded Gallus 1 

11. What were his first acts and their effects ? 

12. What disaster befel him 1 

13. How was he treated in captivity 1 

14. Did he long suvive this cruelty 1 

15. Who succeeded him? 

16. Was Galienus the only pretender to the throne'' 

17. V» Lat measures did Galienus adopt on thisi 

18. Who succr^^ded Galienus'? 

19. What were iiis character and end] 

20. Who succeeded Claudius 1 

21. Who was Aurelian] 

22. Over whom did he triumph? 

23. What occasioned his desti'uction 1 

24. Who succeeded Aurelian ? 

25. Did he govern well? 

26. What distingi^ished his reign % 

27. Who succeeded Tacitus ? 

28. What were the qualifications of Probus 1 

29. What was the state of the empire at this time** 

30. What was the end of Probus? 



SECTION V. 
u. c. 1035.— A. D. 282. 

1. Ca'rus, who was praetorian prefect to the deceased 
eraperor, was chosen by the army to succeed him ; and he, 
to strengthen his authority, united his two sons, Cari'nus 
and Nume'rian, with him in command ; the elder of whom 
was as much sullied by his vices, as the younger was re- 
markable for his virtues, his modesty, and courage. 

2 The next object of Ca'rus was to punish the mur- 



THE EMPIRE. 347 

derers of Pro 'bus, and procure public tranquillity Several 
nations of the west having revolted, he sent his son Cari'nus 
against them, and advanced himself against the Sarma'tians, 
whom he defeated, with the loss of sixteen thousand men 
killed, and twenty thousand prisoners. Soon after this he 
entered Persia, and removed to Mesopota'mia. Vera'nes 
the second, king of Persia, advancing against him, was de- 
feated, and lost Ctes'iphon, his capital. This conquest 
gained Ca'rus the surname of Per'sicus ; but he had not 
enjoyed it long, when he was struck dead, by lightning, in 
his tent, with many of his attendants, after a reign of about 
sixteen months. Upon the death of Ca'rus, the imperial 
power devolved on his sons Cari'nus and Nume'rian, who 
reigned jointly. In the first year of their accession, having 
made peace with the Persians, Cari'nus advanced againsi 
Ju'lian, who had caused himself to be proclaimed in Vene'- 
tia,* and whom he defeated ; when he returned again into 
Gaul. 

3. Cari'nus was at this time in Gaul, but Nume'rian, the 
younger son, who accompanied his father in his expedition 
was inconsolable for his death, and brought such a disorder 
upon his eyes, with weeping, that he was obliged to be car- 
ried along with the army, shut up in a close litter. 4. The 
peculiarity of his situation, after some time, excited the 
ambition of A'per, his father-in-law, who supposed that he 
could now, without any great danger, aim at the empire 
himself. He therefore hired a mercenary villain to murder 
the emperor in his litter ; and, the better to conceal the fact, 
gave out that he was still alive, but unable to endure the 
light. 5. The offensive smell, however, of the body, at 
length discovered the treachery, and excited an universal 
uproar throughout the whole army. 6, In the midst of this 
tumult, Diocle'sian, one of the most noted commanders of 
his time, was chosen emperor, and with his own hand slew 
A'per, having thus, as it is said, fulfilled a prophecy, that 
Diocle'sian should be emperor after he had slain a boar.t 

7. Diocle'sian was a person of mean birth ; he received 
his name from Dio'clea, the town in which Cu. c. 1057. 
he was born, and was about forty years old ^ a. d. 284. 
when he was elected to the empire. He owed his exalta- 
tion entirely to his merit ; having passed through all the 
gradations of office with sagacity, courage, and success. 

* Now called Venice. f A'per signifies a boar. 



348 HISTORY OF ROME. 

8. In his time, the northern hive, as it was was called, 
poured down its swarms of barbarians upon the Roman 
empire. Ever at war with the Romans, they issued forth 
whenever that army that was to repress their invasions was 
called away; and upon its leturn, they as suddenly with* 
drew into their cold, barren, and inaccessible retreats, which 
themselves alone could endure. 9. In this manner the 
Scyth'ians, Goths, Sarma'tians, Ala'ni, Car'sii, and Qua'di, 
came down in incredible numbers, while every defeat seemed 
but to increase their strength and perseverance. 10. After 
gaining many victories over these, and in the midst of his 
triumphs, Diocle'sian and Maxim'ian, his partners in the 
empire, surprised the world by resigning their dignities on 
the same day, and both retiring into private stations. 11. In 
this manner Diocle'sian lived some time, and at length died 
either by poison or madness, but by which of them is uncer- 
tain. His reign of twenty years was active and useful ; and 
his authority, which was tinctured with severity, was adapted 
to the depraved state of morals at that time. 

12. Upon the resignation of the two emperors, the two 
u. c. 1057. } Caesars, w^hom they had before chosen, were 
A. D. 304. 3 universally acknowledged as their successors, 
namely, Constan'tius Chlo'rus, so called from the paleness 
of his complexion, a man virtuous, valiant, and merciful; 
and Gele'rius, who was brave, but brutal, incontinent and 
cruel. 13. As there was such a disparity in their tempers, 
they readily agreed, upon coming into full power, to divide 
the empire. Constan'tius was appointed to govern the 
western parts, and died at York, in Britain, A. D. 396, ap- 
pointing Con'stantine, his son, as his successor. Gale'rius 
was seized with a very extraordinary disorder, which baffled 
the skill of his physicians, and carried him off. 

14. Con'stantine, afterwards surnamed the Great, had 
TJ. c. 1064. ~> some competitors at first for the throne. — 
A. D. 311. 5 Among the rest was Maxen'tius, who was at 
that time in possession of Rome, and a stedfast assertor of 
Paganism. 15. It was in Constantine's march against that 
usurper, we are told, that he was converted to Christianity, 
by a very extraordinary appearance. 16. One evening, the 
army being on its march towards Rome, Constantino was 
intent on various considerations upon the fate of sublunary 
things, and the dangers of his approaching expedition. 
Sen-sible of his own incapacity to succeed without divine 
•assistance, he employed his meditations upon the opinions 



THE EMPIRE. 349 

that weie then agitated among mankind, and sent up his 
ejaculations to heaven to inspire him with wisdom to choose 
the" path he should pursue. As the sun was declining, there 
suddenly appeared a pillar of light in the heavens, in the 
fashion of a cross, with this inscription, en tottq nika, In 
THIS OvERC03iE. 17. So extraordinary an appearance did 
not fail to create astonishment, both in the emperor and his 
whole army, who reflected on it as their various disposi- 
tions led them to believe. Those who were attached to 
Paganism, prompted by their aruspices, pronounced it to 
be a most inauspicious omen, portending the most unfor- 
tunate events ; but it made a different impression on the 
emperor's mind ; who, as the account goes, was farther en- 
couraged by visions the same night, 18. He, therefore, the 
day following, caused a royal standard to be made, like that 
which he had seen in the heavens, and commanded it to be 
carried before him in his wars, as an ensign of victory and 
celestial protection. After this he consulted with the prin- 
cipal teachers of Christianity, and made a public avowal of 
that holy religion. 

19. Con'stantine having thus attached his soldiers to his 
interest, who w^ere mostly of the Christian persuasion, lost 
no time in entering Italy, with ninety thousand foot and 
eight thousand horse, and soon advanced almost to the very 
gates of Rome. Maxen'tius advanced from the city with an 
army of a hundred and seventy thousand foot, and eighteen 
thousand horse. 20. The engagement was fierce and 
bloody, till the cavalry of the latter being routed, victory 
declared upon the side of his opponent, and he himself was 
drowned in his flight by the breaking down of a bridge, as 
he attempted to cross the Tiber. 

21. In consequence of this victory, Con'stantine entered 
the city, but disclaimed all the praises which the senate and 
people were ready to offer ; and ascribed his successes to a 
superior power. He even caused the cross, which he was 
said to have seen in the heavens, to be placed at the right 
hand of all his statues, with this inscription : " That under 
the influence of that Victorious Cross, Con'stantine had 
delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical power, and 
had restored the senate and people of Rome to their ancient 
authority." He afterwards ordained that no criminal should, 
for the future, suffer death upon the cross, which had for- 
merly been the most usual way of punishing slaves con 
victed of capital offences. 22. Edicts were soon after issued, 

2G 



350 HISTORY OF ROME. 

declaring that the Christians should be eased of all their 
grievances, and received into places of trust and authority. 

23. Things continued in this state for some time. Con'- 
*^tantine contributing every thing in his power to the interest 
of religion, and the revival of learning, which had long been 
upon the decline, and was almost wholly extinct in his do- 
minions. 24. But, in the midst of these assiduities, the 
peace of the empire was again disturbed by the preparations 
'of Maxim'ian, who governed in the east ; and who, desirous 
of a full participation of power, marched against Licin'ius 
with a very numerous army. 25. In consequence of this 
step, after many conflicts, a general engagement ensued, in 
which Maxim'ian suffered a total defeat ; many of his 
troops were cut to pieces, and those that survived submitted 
to the conqueror. Having, however, escaped the general 
carnage, he put himself at the head of another army, resolv- 
ing to try the fortune of the field ; but his death prevented 
the design. 26. As he died by a very extraordinary kind 
of madness, the Christians, of whom he was the declared 
enemy, did not fail to ascribe his end to a judgment from 
heaven. But this was the age in which false opinions and 
false miracles made up the bulk of every history. 



Questions fo r Examination, 

1. Who succeeded Probus] 

2. Mention the actions of Cams, and the manner of his death 1 

3. How were his sons affected by this catastrophe 1 

4. What was the consequence 1 

5. How was this atrocious act discovered ? 

6. Did Aper reap the reward of this treachery ? 

7. Who was Dioclesian] 

8. By whom was the empire now invaded 1 

9. Were they effectually repelled ] 

10. What remarkable event now occurred? 

11. What was the end of Dioclesian 1 

12. Who succeeded Dioclesian and Maximian? 

13. How did they conduct the administration 7 

14. Did Constantkie succeed without any opposition'? 

15. Did not a remarkable occurrence happen about this time 1 

1 6. Repeat the particulars ? 

17. What effect had this appearance on the emperor and his meni 

18. What orders did he issue in consequence] 

19. What was the respective strength of the hostile armies'? 

20. What was the result of the engagement ? 

21. What use did Constantine make of his victory? 



THE EMPIRE. 351 



22. What edicts did he publish on the occasion 1 

23. How was Constantine employed after this *? 

24. Did the peace long continue 1 

25. What was the consequence 1 

26. To what was his death ascribed ? 



SECTION VI. 



1. Con'stantine and Licin'ius thus remaining undis- 
puted possessors of, and partners in the empire, all things 
promised a peaceable continuance of friendship and power. 
2. However, it was soon found that the same ambition that 
aimed after a part, would be content with nothing less than 
the w^hole. Pagan writers ascribe the rupture between 
these two potentates to Con'stantine ; while the Christians, 
on the other hand, impute it wholly to Licin'ius. 3. Both 
sides exerted all their power to gain the ascendancy ; and at 
the head of very formidable armies came to an engagement 
near Cy'balis, in Panno'nia. 4. Con'stantine, previous to 
the battle, in the midst of his Christian bishops, begged the 
assistance of heaven ; while Licin'ius, with equal zeal, 
called upon the Pagan priests to intercede with the gods in 
their favour. 5. The success was on the side of truth. 
Con'stantine, after experiencing an obstinate resistance, be- 
came victorious, took the enemy's camp, and after some 
time compelled Licin'ius to sue for a truce, which was 
agreed upon. 6. But this was of no long continuance ; for, 
soon after, the war breaking out afresh, the rivals came 
once more to a general engagement, and it proved decisive. 
Licin'ius was entirely defeated, ani pursued by Con'stan- 
tine into Nicome'dia, where he surrendered himself up to 
the victor ; having first obtained an oath that his life should 
be spared, and that he should be permitted to pass the re- 
mainder of his days in retirement. 7. This, however, Con'- 
stantine shortly after broke ; for either fearing his designsji 
or finding him actually engaged in fresh conspiracies, he 
commanded him to be put to death, together with Mar'tian, 
his general, who some time before had been created Caesar. 

8. Con'stantine being thus become sole monarch, re- 
solved to establish Christianity on so sure a basis that no 
new revolution should shake it. He commanded that, in all 
the provinces of the empire, the orders of the bishops should 
be implicitly obeyed. He called also a general council, in 



362 HISTORY OF ROME. 

order to repress the heresies that had already crept into the 
church, particularly that of A'riiis. 9. To this council, at 
which he presided in person, repaired about three hundred 
and eighteen bishops, besides a multitude of presbyters 
and deacons ; who all, except about seventeen, concurred 
in condemning the tenets of A'rius, who, with his associ 
ates, was banished into a remote part of the empire. 

10. Thus he restored universal tranquillity to his domi- 
nions, but v/as not able to ward oiF calamities of a more do- 
mestic nature. As the wretched historians of this period are 
entirely at variance Avith each other, it is not easy to ex- 
plain the motives which induced him to put his wife Faus'ta, 
and his son Cris'pus, to death. 

11. But it is supposed, that all the good he did was not 
equal to the evil the empire sustained by his transferring the 
imperial seat from Rome to Byzan'tium, or Constantino'ple, 
as it was afterwards called. 12. Whatever might have been 
the reasons which induced him to this undertaking ; whether 
it Vv^as because he was offended at some affronts he hafi re- 
ceived at Rome, or that he supposed Constantino'ple more 
in the centre of the empire, or that he thought the eastern 
parts more required his presence, experience has shown that 
they were all weak and groundless. 13. The empire had 
long before been in a most declining state : but this, in a 
great measure, gave precipitation to its downfall. After this, 
it never resumed its former splendour, but, like a flower 
transplanted into a foreign clim.e, languished by degrees, and 
at length sunk into nothing. 

14. At iirst, his design was to build a city, which he 
might make the capital of the world : and for this purpose 
he made choice of a situation at Chal'cedon, in Asia Minor ; 
but we are told that, in laying out the ground plan, an eagle 
caught up the line, and flew wath it over to Byzan'tium, a 
city which la}^ on the opposite side of the Bosphorus. 15. 
Here, therefore, it was thought expedient to fix the seat of 
empire ; and, indeed, nature seemed to have formed it with 
all the conveniences, and all the beauties which might in- 
duce power to make it the seat of residence. 

16. It was situated on a plain, that rose gently from the 
water : it commanded that strait which unites the Mediter- 
ranean with the Euxine sea, and was furnished with all the 
advantages which the most indulgent climate could bestow. 

1'*'. The city, therefore, he beautified with the most mag- 
nificent edifices ; he divided it into fourteen regions ; built 



THE EMPIRE. 353 

a capitol, an amphitheatre, many churches, Cu. c. 1084. 
and other public works ; and having thus I a. d. 330. 
rendered it equal to the magnificence of his first idea, he 
dedicated it in a very solemn manner to the God of martyrs ; 
and in about two years after repaired thither with his whole 
court. 

18. This removal produced no immediate alteration in 
the government of the empire. The inhabitants of Home, 
though with reluctance, submitted to the change ; nor was 
there, for two or three years, any disturbance in the state, 
until at length the Goths, finding that the Romans had with- 
drawn all their garrisons along the Danube, renewed their 
inroads, and ravaged the country with unheard-of cruelty. 
19. Con'stantine, however, soon repressed their incursions, 
and so straitened them, that nearly a hundred thousand of 
their number perished by cold and hunger. 

20. Another great error ascribed to him is, the dividing 
the empire among his sons. Con'stantine, the emperor's 
eldest son, commanded in Gaul and the western provinces ; 
Constan'tius, the second, governed Africa and Illyr'icum ; 
and Con'stans, the youngest, ruled in Italy. 21. This di- 
vision of the empire still further contributed to its downfall ; 
for the united strength of the state being no longer brought 
to repress invasion, the barbarians fought with superior 
num.bers, and conquered at last, though often defeated. 
When Con'stantine was above sixty years old, and had 
reigned about thirty, he found his health decline. 

22. His disorder, which was an ague, increasing, he went 
to Nicome'dia, where, finding himself without hopes of a 
recovery, he caused himself to be baptised. He soon after 
received the sacrament, and expired. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the state of the empire at this period 1 

2. Was this peace lasting, and by whom was it broken 1 

3. Was the contest likely to be vigorous? 

4. In what w^ay did the two emperors prepare for the conflict ] 
6. What was the result 1 

6. Was this truce religiously observed 1 

7. Did Constantine fulfil his engagement 1 

8. What was Constantine's resolution on becoming sole monarch, and 

what steps did he take 1 

9. By whom was it attended, and what was the result ? 
10. Was he happy in his domestic relations ] 

2 G 2 



354 HISTORY OF ROME. 

11. Was the removal of the seat of the empire beneficial to the state? 

12. Were his reasons for doing so well grounded] 

13. What was the consequence ] 

14. What was his original intention, and what induced him to alter it t 

15. Was it a convenient spot 1 
18. Describe its situation. 

1 7. What alteration did he make, and to whom was it dedicated 7 

18. What was the immediate effect of this transfer 1 v 

19. Were they vigorously opposed 1 

20. Of what error is Constantine accused besides 1 

21. What was the consequence of this division 1 

22. Relate the particulars of his death. 



Dj\ Goldsmith having concliided his History too abruptly, it has been 
thought advisable to cancel his last Chapter, and substitute the foU 
lowing brief notice of the events ivhich occurred from the death of 
Constantine to the final extinction of the Empire of the West. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

SECTION I. 



FROM THE DEATH OF CONSTANTINE TO THE RE -UNION OF 
THE ROMAN EMPIRE UNDER THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. 

1. The character of the prince who removed the seat of 
empire and made a complete revolution in the civil and reli- 
gious institutions of his country, is naturally one on which 
the opinions of historians are divided, according to their sen- 
timents respecting the great changes that he effected. The 
heathen writers describe him as a monster of tyranny ; the 
Christian fathers are anxious to conceal his faults and exag- 
gerate his virtues, as if the nature of Christianity was in 
some degree affected by the character of its first and greatest 
patron. The truth is, that the character of Constantine, like 
that of other great conquerors, varied v/ith the circumstances 
of his life. While engaged in the contest for empire, while 
employed in making unparalleled political changes, he dis- 
played the fortitude of a hero, and wisdom of a legislator ; 
but when complete success reduced him to inactivity, when 
his vigorous mind was no longer stimulated by fear or hope, 
prosperity roused all his bad passions by affording an oppor- 
tunity for their indulgence ; and the virtues which had insured 



THE EMPIRE. 355 

Victory disappeared when there was no longer any stimulus 
to rouse thetn into action. The fourteen years of profound 
peace that preceded the emperor's death, form a period of 
great external splendour, but of real and rapid decay ; the 
court was distinguished at once by avarice and prodigality ; 
the money raised by heavy taxes, unknown in former ages, was 
lavished on unworthy favourites or wasted in idle exhibitions 
of magnificence. 2- A mind relaxed by prosperity is pecu- 
liarly open to suspicion ; the ears of the monarch v/ere 
greedily lent to every tale brought to him by malignant spies 
and informers ; such encouragement increased the number 
of those wretches ; every street and almost every house in 
the capital, contained some one ever on the watch to pick 
up any unguarded expression which might be distorted into 
treason or sedition. It was not likely that a monarch who 
had consented to the murder of his own son, on the most 
groundless charges, would be more merciful to those who 
had no natural claims upon his forbearance ; execution fol- 
lowed execution with fearful rapidity, until the bonds of so- 
ciety were broken, and every man dreaded his neighbour, 
lest by misinterpreting a word or look, he should expose him 
to the indiscriminate cruelty of the sovereign. 

3. The example of their father's tyranny produced an 
effect on the minds of his sons, which no education, however 
excellent or judicious, could remove. Pious Christian pas- 
tors, learned philosophers, and venerable sages of the law, 
were employed to instruct the. three princes, Constanti'ne, 
Constan'tius, and Con'stans ; but the effects of their labours 
never appeared in the lives of their pupils. 

4. For some reasons which it is now impossible to dis- 
cover, the great Constantine had raised two of his nephews 
to the rank of princes, and placed them on an equality with 
his own children. Before the emperor's body was consigned 
to the tomb, this impolitic arrangement brought destruction 
on the entire Flavian family. A forged scroll was produced 
by the bishop of Nicome'dia, purporting to be Constantine's 
last will, in which he accused his brothers of having given 
him poison, and besought his sons to avenge his death. 5 
Constan'tius eagerly embraced such an opportunity of 
destroying the objects of his jealousy ; his two uncles, seven 
of his cousins, the patrician Opta'lus, who married the late 
emperor's sister, and the prefect Abla'vius, whose chief 
crime was enormous wealth, were subjected to a mock trial, 
and delivered to the executioner. Of so numerous afamilv 



356 HISTORY OF ROME, 

Gal'lus and oTulian alone were spared ; they owed thei'^ 
safety to their concealment, until the rage of tRe assassins 
had abated. 6. After this massacre, the three brothers, 
similar in name, and more alike in crime, proceeded to di- 
vide their father's dominions : Constantine took for his share 
the new capital and the central provinces * Thrace and the 
East were assig-ned to Constan'tiiis ; Con'stans received 
Italy, Africa, and the western Illy'ricum. 

7. The weakness produced by this division encouraged 
the enemies of the Romans, whom the dread of Constan- 
tine' s power had hitherto kept quiet, to take up arms. Of 
these the most formidable was Sa'por king of Persia. 8. 
The abilities of Sapor showed that he merited a throne ; he 
had scarcely arrived at maturity when he led an army against 
Tha'ir king of Arabia, who had harassed Persia during his 
minority ; the expedition was completely successful. Tha'ir 
u'as slain, and the kingdom subdued. The young conqueror 
did not abuse his victory ; he treated the vanquished with 
such clemency, that the Arabs gave him the title of Don- 
lacnaf or protector of the nation. 

9. On the death of Constantine, Sa'por invaded the east- 
A. D. ^ ern provinces of the Eoman empire ; he was vigor- 
388. 5 ously opposed by Constan'tius, and the war was 
protracted during several years with varying fortune. At 
the battle of Sin'gara, the Romans surprised the Persian 
camp, but were in their turn driven from it with great 
slaughter by the troops which Sapor had rallied. The eldest 
son of the Persian king was, however, brought off as a pri- 
soner by the Romans, and the barbarous Constan'tius or- 
dered him to be scourged, tortured, and publicly executed. 
10. Though Sa'por had been victorious in the field, he failed 
in his chief design of seizing the Roman fortresses in Meso- 
pota'mia ; during twelve years he repeatedly besieged Ni'- 
sibis, which had been long the great eastern bulwark of the 
empire, but was invariably baiiled by the strength of the 
place, and the valour of the garrison. At length both parties 
became wearied of a struo'S'le which exhausted their re- 
sources, and new enemies appearing, they resolved to con- 
clude a peace Sa'por returned home to repel an invasion 
ot the Scythians ; Constan'tius, by the death of his tv/o bro- 
thers, found himself involved in a civil war which required 
his undivided attention. 

11. Constan'tine had scarcely been seated on his throne, 
when he attempted to wrest from Con'stans some of the pro 



Tin: EMPiRi:. 357 

vinces which had been assigned as his portion. He rashly 
led his army over the Julian Alps, and devastated the country 
round Aquile'ia where, falling into an ambuscade, he perished 
ing]oriously. Con'stans seized on the inheritance of the de- 
ceased prince, and retained it during ten years, obstinately 
refusing to give any share to his brother Constan'tius. 12 
But the tyranny of Con'stans at last became insupportable. 
Magnen'tius, an enterprising general, proclaimed himself 
emperor, and his cause was zealously embraced by the army. 
Con'slans was totally unprepared for this insurrection ; de- 
serted by all except a few favourites, whom dread of the 
popular hatred they had justly incurred prevented from de- 
sertion, he attempted to escape into Spain, but was over- 
taken at the foot of the Pyrenees, and murdered. 13. The 
prefectures ol Gaul and Italy cheerfully submitted to the 
usurpation of Magnen'tius ; but the legions of Illyr'icum 
elected their general, Vetra'nio, emperor, and his usurpation 
was sanctioned by the princess Constanti'na, who, regard- 
less of her brother's rights, placed the diadem upon his head 
with her own hands. 14. The news of these events 
hastened the return of Constan'tius to Europe ; on his ar- 
rival at the capital, he received embassies from the two 
usurpers, offering terms of accommodation ; he rejected the 
terms of Magnen'tius with disdain, but entered into a nego- 
ciation with Vetra'nio. The Illyrian leader, though a good 
general, was a bad politician ; he allowed himself to be 
duped by long discussions, until the greater part of his army 
had been gained over by Constan'tius ; he then consented 
to a personal interview, and had the mortification to see his 
soldiers, with one accord, range themselves under the ban- 
ners of their lawful sovereign. Vetra'nio immediately fell 
at the feet of Constan'tius, and tendered his homage, which 
was cheerfully accepted ; he was not only pardoned, but re- 
warded ; the city of Pru'sa, in Bythnia, was allotted to him 
as a residence, and a pension assigned for his support. 15. 
The war against Magnen'tius was maintained with great ob- 
stinacy, but at first with little success ; the emperor was con- 
fined in his fortified camp, while the troops of the usurper 
swept the surrounding country, and captured several import- 
ant posts. Constan'tius was so humbled, that he even pro- 
posed a treaty, but the terms on which Magnen'tius insisted 
were so insulting, that the emperor determined to encounter 
the hazard of a battle. Scarcely had he formed this resolu- 
tion, when his army was strengthened by the accession of 



358 HISTORY OF ROME. 

Sylva'nus, a general of some reputation, who, with a large 
body of cavalry, deserted from the enemy. 

16. The decisive battle between the competitors for the 
empire, was fought under the walls of Mur'sa, a city on the 
river Drave. Magnen'tius attempted to take the place by 
storm, but was repulsed ; and almost at the same moment, 
the imperial legions were seen advancing to raise the siege. 
The army of Magnen'tius consisted of the western legions 
that had already acquired fame in the wars of Gaul ; with 
battalions of Germans and other barbarous tribes, that had of 
late years been incorporated with the regular forces. In ad- 
dition to the imperial guards, Constan'tius had several troops 
of those oriental archers, whose skill with the bow was so 
justly celebrated ; but far the most formidable part of his 
army were his mail-clad cuirassiers, whose scaly armour, 
and ponderous lances, made their charge almost irresistible. 
The cavalry on the emperor's left wing commenced the en- 
gagement, and broke through the Gallic legions in the first 
charge ; the hardy veterans again rallied, were again charged, 
and again broken ; at length, before they could form their 
lines, the light cavalry of the second rank rode, sword in 
hand, through the gaps made by the cuirassiers, and com- 
pleted their destruction. Meantime, the Germans and bar- 
barians stood exposed, with almost naked bodies, to the de- 
structive shafts of the oriental archers ; whole troops, stung 
with anguish and despair, threw themselves into the rapid 
stream of the Drave, and perished. Ere the sun had set, 
the army of Magnen'tius was irretrievably ruined ; fifty-four 
thousand of the vanquished were slain, and the loss of the 
conquerors is said to have been even greater. 

17. From this battle the ruin of the Roman empire may 
be dated ; the loss of one hundred thousand of its best and 
bravest soldiers could not be repaired, and never again did 
any emperor possess a veteran army equal to that which fell 
on the fatal plains of Mur'sa. The defeat of Magnen'tius 
induced the Italian and African provinces to return to their 
allegiance ; the Gauls, wearied out by the exactions which 
distress forced the usurper to levy, refused to acknowledge 
his authority, and at length his own soldiers raised the cry 
of " God save Constan'tius." To avoid the disgrace of a 
public execution, Magnen'tius committed suicide, and several 
members of his family imitated his example. The victor 
punished with relentless severity all who had shared in the 
guilt of this rebellion ; and several who had been compelled 



THE EMPIRE. 359 

to join in it by force shared the fate of those by whom it 
had been planned. 

18. The Roman empire was now once more united under 
a single monarch ; but as that prince was wholly destitute 
of merit, his victory served only to establish the reign of 
worthless favourites. Of these the most distinguished was 
the chamberlain, Euse'bius, whose influence was so great 
that he was considered the master of the emperor ; and to 
whose instigation many of the crimes committed by Con- 
stan'tius must be attributed. 

19. Gal'lus and Julian, who had escaped in the general 
massacre of the Flavian family, were detained as prisoners 
of state in a strong castle, which had once been the residence 
of the kings of Cappado'cia. Their education had not been 
neglected, and they had been assigned a household propor- 
tionate to the dignity of their birth. At length the emer- 
gencies of the state compelled Constan'tius to nominate an 
associate in the government of the empire ; and Gallus now 
in the twenty-fifth year of his age, was summoned from his 
retirement, invested with the title of Caesar, and married to 
the princess Constan'tina. 20. The latter circumstance 
proved his ruin ; stimulated by the cruel ambition of his 
wife, he committed deeds of tyranny, which alienated the 
affections of his subjects, and acts bordering on treason, that 
roused the jealousy of Constan'tius. He was summoned to 
appear at the imperial court to explain his conduct, but was 
seized on his journey, made a close prisoner, and transmit- 
ted to Po'la a town in Ist'ria, where he was put to death. 

21. Julian, the last remnant of the Flavian family, was, 
through the powerful intercession of the the empress, spared, 
and permitted to pursue his studies in Athens. In that city, 
where the Pagan philosophy was still publicly taught, the 
future emperor imbibed the doctrines of the heathens, and 
thus acquired the epithet of Apostate, by which he is unen- 
viably known to posterity. Julian was soon recalled from 
his retirement, and elevated to the station which his unfor- 
tunate brother had enjoyed. His investiture with the royal 
purple took place at Milan, whither Constantius had pro- 
ceeded to quell a new insurrection in the western provinces. 

22. Before the emperor returned to the east, he determined to 
revisit the ancient capital ; and Rome, after an interval of 
more than thirty years, became for a brief space the resi- 
dence the sovereign. He signalized his visit by presenting 
to the city an obelisk, which at a vast expense he procuret^ 



360 HISTORY OF ROME. 

to be transported from Egypt. 23. The renewed efforts of 
the Persians and other enemies of the empire in the East, 
recalled Constan'tius to Constantinople, while Julian \vag 
employed in driving from Gaul the barbarous tribes by which 
it had been invaded. The conduct of the young Caesar, both 
as a soldier and a statesman, fully proved that literary habits 
do not disqualify a person from discharging the duties of ac- 
tive life ; he subdued the enemies that devastated the coun- 
try, and forced them to seek refuge in their native forests ; 
he administered the affairs of state with so much wisdom, 
temperance, and equity, that he acquired the enthusiastic 
love of his subjects, and richly earned the admiration of 
posterity. 24. The unexpected glory obtained by Julian, 
awakened the jealousy of Constan'tius ; he sent to demand 
from him a large body of forces, under the pretence that 
reinforcements were wanting in the East ; but the soldiers 
refused to march, and Julian, after some affected delays, 
sanctioned their disobediance. A long negociation, in w^hich 
there was little sincerity on either side, preceded any hostile 
step ; both at length began to put their armies in motion, 
but the horrors of civil war were averted by the timely death 
of Constan'tius, w^ho fell a victim to fever, aggravated by his 
impatience, at a small village near Tar'sus in Cili'cia. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What was the character of Constantine the Great 1 

2. Did any evil result from the employment of spies 1 

3. In what manner were the sons of Constantine educated 1 
4.'\What conspiracy was formed against part of the imperial family 1 

5. Did any of the Flavian family escape from the massacre 1 

6. How was the empire divided between the sons of Constantine '^ 

7. Who was the most formidable enemy of the empire 1 

8. How did the king of Persia bebive in the Arabian war 1 

9. What were the chief events in the war between Sapor and Cod* 

stantius 1 

10. How were Sapor and Constantius forced to make peace ? 

11. What was the fate of the younger Constantine ? 

12. By whom was Constans dethroned ? 

13. What parties embraced the cause of Vetranio 1 

14. How did Constantius treat the lllyrian general 1 

15. Was Magnentius deserted by any of his forces! 

26. What were the circumstances of the battle of Mursa? 

17. What important results were occasioned by this great battle? 

18. Who was the prime minister of Constantius ? 

19. Whom did the emperor select as an associate I 



THE EMPIRE. 361 

20. How was Gallas brought to an untimely end 1 

21. Where was Julian educated 1 

22. Did Constantius visit Rome 1 

23. How did Julian conduct himself in Gaul 1 

24. What led to the war between Julian and Constantius 1 



SECTION II. 



1. Julian was in his thirty-second year when by the 
death of his cousin he became undisputed sovereign of the 
Roman empire ; his worst error was his apostacy from 
Christianity ; he hated the religion he had deserted, and la- 
boured strenuously to substitute in its place an idle system 
which combined the most rational part of the old heathen 
system with the delusive philosophy of the schools. Vanity 
was his besetting sin ; he chose to be considered a philoso- 
pher rather than a sovereign, and to acquire that title he 
thought fit to reject the decencies of this life, and the best, 
guide to that which is to come. A treatise is extant from 
Julian's pen, in w^hich he expatiates with singular complc- 
cency on the filth of his beard, the length of his nails, and 
the inky blackness of his hands, as if cleanliness w^as in- 
consistent w^ith the philosophic character ! In every other 
respect, the conduct of Julian merits high praise ; he was 
just, merciful, and tolerant ; though frequently urged to be- 
come a persecutor, he allowed his subjects that freedom of 
opinion which he claimed for himself, unlike Constan'tius, 
who, having embraced the A.rian heresy, treated his Catho- 
lic subjects wdth the utmost severity. 2. But, though Ju- 
lian would not inflict punishment for a difierence of opinion, 
he enacted several disqualifying laws, by which he laboured 
to deprive the Christians of wealth, of knowledge, and of 
power ; he ordered their schools to be closed, and he jea- 
lously excluded them from all civil and military offices. 3. 
To destroy the efiects of that prophecy in the Gospel to 
which Christians may appeal as a standing miracle in proof 
of revelation, — the condition of the Jews, — Julian deter- 
mined to rebuild the temple of Jerusalem., and restore the 
children of Israel to the land of their fathers. Historians 
worthy of credit inform us, that his plan was defeated by a 
direct miraculous interposition, and there are few historical 
^pct55 suDDorted by more decisive testimony ; but even if the 



HISTORY OF ROME. 




Juiian the Apostate, ordering the Christian Bchools to be closed. 

iiig received decisive coiiiirmation, from the acknowledged 
fact, that the emperor entertained such a design, and was un- 
able to effect its accomplishment. 4. The mutual hatred 
of the Pagans and Christians would probably have rekindled 
the flames of civil war, had not Juiian fallen in an expedi- 
tion against the Persians. 5. The emperor triumphantly 
advanced through the dominions of Sa'por as far as the Ti'- 
gris ; but the ilsiatics, though defeated in the field, adopt^^d 
means of defence more terrible to an invader than arms 
They laid waste the country, destroyed the villages, and 
burned the crops in the Homan line of march ; a burning 
sun weakened the powers of the western veterans, and 
when famine was added to the severity of the climate, their 
sufferings became intolerable. 6. With a heavy heart Ju- 
lian at last gave orders to commence a retreat, and led his 
exhausted soldiers back over the desert plains which they 
had already passed with so much difficulty. The retro- 
grade march was terribly harassed by the light cavalry of 
the Persians, a species of troops peculiarly fitted for desul- 
tory warfare. The difficulties of the Romans increased at 
every step, and the harassing attacks of their pursuers be- 
came more frequent and more formidable ; at length, in a 
skirmish which almost deserved the name of a battle, Julian 
was mortally w^ounded, and with his loss the Romans dearly 
purchased a doubtful victory. 

7. In the doubt and dismay which follow^ed the death of 
Ju'lian, a few voices saluted Jo'vian, the first of the imperial 
domestics, with the title of emperor, and the army ratified 
the choice. The new sovereign successfully repelled some 
fresh -^.ttacks of the Persians, but despairing of final success, 



THE EMPIRE. 



363 




Joyian issuing the edict in fayour of Christianitf. 

he entered into a treaty with Sa'por, and purchased a peace, 
or rather a long truce of thirty years, by the cession of se- 
veral frontier provinces. 8. The first care of Jo'vian was 
to fulfil the stipulated articles ; the Eoman garrisons and 
colonies so long settled in the frontier towns that they es- 
teemed them as their native soil, were withdrawn ; and the 
Romans beheld with regret the omen of their final destruc- 
tion in the first dismemberment of the empire. The first 
edict in the new reign contained a repeal of Julian's disquali- 
fying law^s, and a grant of universal toleration. This judi- 
cious measure at once showed how ineffectual had been the 
efforts of the late emperor to revive the fallen spirit of pa- 
ganism ; the temples w^ere immediately deserted, the 
sacrifices neglected, the priests left alone at their altars ; 
those who, to gratify the former sovereign assumed the dress 
and title of philosophers, were assailed by such storms of 
ridicule, that they laid aside the designation, shaved their 
beards, and w^ere soon undistinguished in the general mass 
of society. 9. Jo'vian did not long survive this peaceful 
triumph of Christianity ; after a reign of eight months, he 
was found dead in his bed, having been suffocated by the 
mephitic vapours which a charcoal fire extracted from the 
fresh plaster on the walls of his apartment. 

10. During ten days the Roman empire remained ^ a. d. 
without a sovereign, but finally the soldiers elevated I 364. 
to the imperial purple, Valentinian, the son of count Gra- 
tian, an officer of distinguished merit. He chose as his 
associate in the government his brother Valens, whose only 
claim seems to have rested on fraternal affection ; to him he 
entrusted the rich prefecture of the East, while he himsell 



864 HISTORY OF ROME. 

assumed the administration of the western provinces, and 
fixed the seat of his government at Milan. 11. Though in 
other respects cruel, Valentinian was remarkable for main- 
taining a system of religious toleration ; but Valens was far 
from pursuing such a laudable course. He had imbibed the 
errors of Arius, and bitterly persecuted all who remained 
faithful to the Catholic doctrines. By this unwise conduct 
he provoked a formidable rebellion, w^hich was headed by 
Proco'pius, an able general, whom unjust persecution had 
stimulated to revolt. 12. The success of the usurper was 
at first so great, that Va'lens was ready to yield up his 
throne ; but being dissuaded from this inglorious resolution, 
he entrusted the conduct of the war to the aged prefect Sal- 
lust, w^ho had tw^ice refused the imperial diadem. The fol- 
lowers of Proco'pius soon deserted to those leaders whose 
names were endeared to their recollections by the remem- 
brance of former glories ; and the unfortunate leader, forsaken 
by all, was made prisoner and delivered to the executioner. 

13. In the mean time, Valenti'nian was engaged in a des- 
perate warfare with the German and other barbarous nations, 
who had recovered from the losses which they had suffered 
under Ju'lian. On every frontier of the western empire 
hordes of enemies appeared, eager for plunder, regardless 
of their own lives, and merciless to those of others. 14. 
The Picts and Scots rushed from the mountains of Caledo'- 
nia upon the colonies of North Britain, and devastated the 
country wdth fire and sword, almost to the walls of London. 
The task of quelling these incursions was entrusted to the 
gallant Theodo'sius, and the event proved that Valentinian 
could not have made a better choice. In the course of two 
campaigns, the invaders were driven back to their forests, 
and a Roman fleet sw^eeping the coasts of Britain, made 
them tremble for the safety of their own retreats. 

15. The success of the emperor against the Saxons, the 
Franks, the Alleman'ni, the Qua'di, and other tribes on the 
Rhine and Danube, w^as not less conspicuous than that of 
Theodo'sius in Britain. 16. The Qua'di, humbled by a 
severe defeat, sent ambassadors to deprecate his displeasure ; 
but while Valenti'nian was angrily upbraiding the deputies 
for their unprovoked hostility, he ruptured a blood-vessel 
and died almost instantaneously. He w^as succeeded by his 
sons Gra'tian and Valenti'nian II. 

17. A much more important change took place in the 
cistern world ; the first admission of the barbarian tribes into 



THE EMPIRE.. 365 




The body of Valens, found upon the field of battle. 

the empire, which they finally destroyed. The na- C a. d. 
lion of the Goths had been from remote ages settled ^ 376. 
on the banks of the Danube, and were by that river divided 
into two nations, the Ostrogoths on the east, and the Visi- 
goths on the west. They had for many years enjoyed the 
blessings of profound peace under the government of their 
king Herman'ric, when they were suddenly alarmed by the 
appearance of vast hordes of unknown enemies on their 
northern and eastern frontiers. These were the Huns, a 
branch of the great Mongolian race, which, from the earliest 
time, had possessed the vast and v/ild plains of Tartary. Ter- 
rified by the numbers, the strength, the strange features and 
implacable cruelty of such foes, the Goths deserted their 
country, almost without attempting opposition, and sup= 
plicated the emperor Ya'lens to grant them a settlement 
in the waste lands of Thrace. This request was cheer- 
fully granted, and the eastern empire was supposed to be 
strengthened by the accession of a million of valiant subjects, 
bound both by interest and gratitude to protect its frontiers. 
18. But the avarice of Ya'lens and his ministers defeated 
these expectations; instead of relieving their new subjects, 
the Roman governors took advantage of their distress to 
plunder the remains of their shattered fortunes, and to re- 
duce their children to slavery. Maddened by such oppres- 
sion, the Goths rose in arms, and spread desolation over 
the fertile plains of Thrace. Va'lens summoned his 
nephew, Gratian, to his assistance ; but before the emperor 
of the west arrived, he imprudently engaged the Goths near 
Adrianople, and v/ith the greater pr>rt of his army fell on 

2 If 2 



366 ^ HISTORY OF ROME. 

the field. 19. This was the most disastrous defeat which 
the Romans had sustained for several centuries ; and there 
was reason to dread that it would encourage a revolt of the 
Gothic slaves in the eastern provinces, which must termi- 
nate in the ruin of the empire. To prevent such a catas- 
trophe, the senate of Constantinople ordered a general mas- 
sacre of these helpless mortals, and their atrocious edict was 
put into immediate execution. 20. The Goths attempted to 
besiege both Adrianople and Constantinople, but, ignorant 
of the art of attacking fortified places, they w^ere easily re- 
pelled ; but they however succeeded in forcing their v\^ay 
through the Thracian mountains, and spread themselves 
over the provinces to the west, as far as the Adriatic sea and 
the confines of Italy. The march of the emperor Gratian 
had been delayed by the hostility of the Alleman'ni, whom 
he subdued in two bloody engagements ; but as he advanced 
towards Adrianople, famiC brought the news of his uncle's 
defeat and death, which he found himself unable to revenge. 
21. Feeling that the afiairs of the East required the direc- 
tion of a mind more energetic than his own, he determined 
to invest with the imperial purple, Theodo'sius, the son of 
that general vrho had rescued Britain from the barbarians. 
How great must have been his confidence in the fidelity of 
his new associate, who had a father's death to revenge ; for 
the elder Theodo'sius, notwithstanding his splendid services, 
had fallen a victim to the jealous suspicions of the emperor ! 

22. The reign of Theodo'sius in the East lasted nearly 
sixteen years, and was marked by a display of unusual 
vigour and ability. He broke the power of the Goths by 
many severe defeats, and disunited their leading tribes by 
crafty negociations. But the continued drain on the popu- 
lation, caused by the late destructive wars, compelled him 
to recruit his forces among the tribes of the barbarians, and 
a change was thus made in the character and discipline of 
the Roman army, which in a later age produced the m.ost 
calamitous consequences. The exuberant zeal, w^hich led 
him to persecute the Arians and the pagans, occasioned 
some terrible convulsions, which distracted the empire, and 
were not quelled without bloodshed. He, however, pre- 
served the integrity of the empire, and not a province was 
lost durmg his administration. 

23. The valour which Gratian had displayed in the early 
part of his life, rendered the indolence and luxury to which 
he abandoned himself, after the appointment of Theodo'sius, 



THE EiMPIRE. 367 

more glaring. The general discontent of the army induced 
Max'imus, the governor of Britain, to raise the standard of 
revolt, and, passing over to the continent, he was joined by 
the greater part of the Gallic legions. When this rebellion 
broke out Gratian was enjoying the sports of the ^eld in 
the neighbourhood of Paris, and did not discover nis dan- 
ger until it was too late to escape. He attempted to save 
his life by flight, but was overtaken by the emissaries of the 
usurper, near Lyons, and assassinated. 24. Theodo'sius 
was induced to make peace with Max'imus, on condition 
that the latter should content himself with the prefecture of 
Gaul, and should not invade the territories of the younger 
Valentin 'ian. 25. Ambition hurried the faithless usurper 
to his ruin ; having by perfidy obtained possession of the 
passes of the Alps, he led an overwhelming army into Italy, 
and Valenti'nian, wdth his mother Justi'na, were scarcely 
able, by a hasty flight, to escape to the friendly court of 
Theodo'sius. ' 

26. The emperor of the East readily embraced the cause 
of the fugitives ; the numerous troops of barbarian cavalry 
which he had taken into pay, enabled him to proceed with 
a celerity which baffled all calculation. 27. Before Maxi- 
mus could make any preparations for his reception, Theo- 
dosius had completely routed his army, and was already at 
the gates of Aquilei'a, where the usurper had taken refuge. 
The garrison, secretly disinclined to the cause of Maximus, 
made but a faint resistance, the town was taken, and the 
unfortunate ruler led as a captive into the presence of his 
conqueror, by w^hom he was delivered to the executioner. 

Theodo'sius, having re-established the authority of the 
youthful Valentin'ian, returned home. But the emperor of 
the West did not long enjoy his restored throne ; he was 
murdered by Arbogas'tes, his prime minister, who dreaded 
that the abilities displayed by the young prince would en- 
able him, when arrived to maturity, to shake off the authority 
of an unprincipled servant. 28. The assassin was afraid 
himself to assume the purple, but he procured the election 
of Euge'nius, a man not wholly unworthy of empire. Theo- 
do'sius was called by these events a second time to Italy; 
he passed the Alps, but found his further progress impeded 
by the judicious disposition which Arbogas'tes had made of 
his forces. Defeated in his first attack, Theodo'sius renewed 
the engagement on the following day, and being aided by 
the seasonable revolt of some Italian legions, obtained a 



368 HISTORY OF ROME. 

complete victory. Euge'nius was taken prisoner, and put 
to death by the soldiers. Arbogas'tes, after wandering some 
time in the mountains, lost all hope of escape, and termi- 
nated his life by suicide. 

29. The empire was thus once more reunited under the 
government of a single sovereign ; but he was already 
stricken by the hand of death. The fatigues of the late 
campaign proved too much for a constitution already broken 
by the alternate pleasures of the palace and the toils of the 
i^arap ; four months after the defeat of Euge'nius, he died at 
Milan, universally lamented. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the character of Julian 1 

2. To v/hat disqualifications did he subject the Christians ] 

3. How was Julian frustrated in his attempt to weaken the prophetic 

evidence of Christianity] 

4. How was a civil contest between the Pagans and Christians averted] 
6. What success had Julian in the Persian invasion 1 

6. How did Julian die 1 

7. Who succeeded Julian? 

8. What were the most important occurrences in the reign of Jovian 1 

9. What caused Jovian's death] 

10. Who were the successors of Jovian 1 

11. How did Valens provoke a revolt] 

12. B}'- what means was the rebellion of Procopius suppressed ] 

13. What barbarous na.tions attacked the Roman empire ] 

14. In what state v/as Britain at this period ] 

1 5. Over w^hat enemies did the emperor triumph ] 
18. What occasioned the death of Valentinian ] 

17. V/hat caused the introduction of the Goths into the Roman empire 1 

18. How did the imprudence of Valens cause his destruction ] 

19. What atrocious edict was issued by the senate of Constantinople ] 

20. How was Gratian prevented from avenging his uncle's death ] 

21. To whom did Gratian entrust the eastern provinces ] 

22. How did Theodosius administer the government of the East ] 

23. By whom was Gratian deposed and slain ] 

24. On what conditions did Theodosius make peace with Maximus '^ 

25. Were these conditions observed ] 

26. How did the war between Theodosius and Maximus terminate 1 

27. Did Valentinian long survive his restoration ] 

28. How did Theodosius act on the news of Valentinian's murder ? 

29. What caused the death of Theodosius ] 



THE EMPIRE. 369 

CHAPTER XXVL 
SECTION I. 

FROM THr DEATH OF THEODOSIUS TO THE SUBVERSION OF 
THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 

1. The memory of their father's virtues protected the 
feeble youth of Arca'dius and Hono'rius, the sons of Theo- 
do'sius ; by the unanimous consent of mankind, they were 
saluted emperors of the East and West, and between them 
was made the final and permanent division of the Roman 
empire. Though both parts were never re-united under a 
single ruler, they continued for several centuries to be con- 
sidered as one empire, and this opinion produced important 
consequences even in a late period of the middle ages. The 
dominions of Arca'dius extended from the lower Danube to 
the confines of ^Ethiopia and Persia ; including Thrace, 
Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt. Honf)'rius, a youth 
in his eleventh year, received the nominal sovereignty of 
Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain, with the provinces of 
No'ricum, Panno'nia, and Dalma'tia. The great and martial 
prefecture of Illyr'icum was divided equally between the two 
princes, the boundary line of whose domir.ions consequently 
nearly coincided with that which separates die Austrian states 
from the Turkish provinces. . 2. The Western empire, to 
the history of which we must now confine ourselves, though 
equal to the Eastern in extent, wealth, and population, was 
incomparably weaker, and already appeared rapidly tending 
to decay. The Caledonians in Britain, and the German 
tribes on the northern frontiers, harassed the imperial troops 
by frequent incursions ; on the east, the G jths were hourly 
becoming more formidable, and the African provinces were 
threatened by the Moors. 3. The internal state of the em- 
pire furnished little ground for hope that these various ene- 
mies could be subdued ; the principle of union no longer 
existed ; the proud title of Roman citizen was an empty 
name, Rome itself had ceased to be the metropolis, and was 
now only protected by the memory of her former greatness. 

4. Stil'icho, a general of superior abilities, and a statesman 
of profound wisdom, acted as the guardian of Hono'rius. 
He was descended from the perfidious race of the Vandals, 
and unfortunately possessed, in an eminent degree, the cun- 



370 HISTORY OF ROME. 

ning, treachery, and cruelty that characterised his nation 
The administration of the Eastern empire was entrusted by 
Arca'dius, to Rufi'nus, who possessed all tlie bad qualities 
of Stil'icho without his redeeming virtues. The ministers 
of the two empires hated each other most cordially, and 
each secretly sought to remove his powerful rival ; but the 
superior craft of Stil'icho, and his great influence over the 
soldiers, made him conqueror. 5. He was ordered to lead 
into the East a fair proportion of the army which Theodo'- 
sius had assembled, and in obedience to the requisition, he 
marched towards Constantinople, at the head of the Gothic 
legions. The approach of his great rival with a powerful 
army alarmed the timid Rufi'nus ; he obtained a peremptory 
edict from Arca'dius, commanding Stil'icho to return to Italy, 
and the promptitude with which the order was obeyed lulled 
the Eastern minister into fatal negligence. The troops ar- 
rived near Constantinople, under the guidance of Gai'nas a 
Gothic leader, and the emperor, accompanied by his minister, 
came out to welcome and review the soldiers. As Rufi'nus 
rode along the ranks, endeavouring to conciliate favour by 
studied couricsy, the vvings gradually advanced, and enclosed 
the devoted viciim within the fatal circle of their arms. Be- 
fore he was aware of his danger, Gai'nas gave the signal of 
death ; a soldier rushing forward plunged his sword into his 
breast, and the bleeding corpse fell at the very feet of the 
alarmed emperor. 6. His mangled body was treated with 
shocking indignity, and his wife and daughter would have 
shared his fate, had they not placed themselves under the 
protection of religion, and sought refuge in the sanctuary. 

7. Sliricho derived no advantage from this crime which he 
had planned, but not executed ; Arca'dius chose for his new 
minister, Eutro'pius, one of his servants, and Gai'nas de- 
clared himself the determined enemy of his former general. 

8. The national hatred between the Greeks and the Romans 
was excited by the rival ministers, and thus at a moment 
when uninn slone would delay ruin, the subjects of Arca'- 
dius and Houo'rius were induced to regard each other not 
only as foreigners, but as enemies. 9. The revolt of Gil' 
do, in Africa, under the pretence of transferring his al- 
legiance from the Western to the Eastern empire, was sanc- 
tioned by the court of Constantinople. Such an event was 
peculiarly alarming, as Italy at the time imported most of 
the corn necessary to the subsistence of the people, from 
the African provinces. The vigour of Stiricho werded oiT 



THE EMPIRE. 371 

ihe danger ; he sent a small but veteran army into Africa, 
before which Gildo's hosts of unarmed and undisciplined 
barbarians fled almost without a blow. The usurper was 
taken and executed ; his partizans were persecuted with 
merciless impolicy. 

10. The Goths, who had remained quiet during the reign 
of the great Theodo'sius, disdained submission to his un- 
warlike successors ; under the pretence that the subsidy 
prudently paid them by the late emperor was withheld, they 
raised the standard of revolt, and chose for their leader 
Al'aric, the most formidable enemy that the Romans had 
hitherto encountered. Instead of confining his depredations 
to the northern provinces, already wasted by frequent incur- 
sions, Alaric resolved to invade Greece, where the din of 
arms had not been heard for centuries. 11. The barbarian 
encountered little or no resistance, the memorable pass of 
Thermop'ylae was abandoned by its garrison ; Athens pur- 
chased inglorious safety by the sacrifice of the greater part 
of its wealth; the Corinthian isthmus was undefended, and 
the Goths ravaged without opposition the entire Peloponne'- 
sus. Unable to protect themselves, the Greeks sought the aid 
of Stilicho, and that great leader soon sailed to their assist- 
ance ; he inflicted a severe defeat on the Goths, but neglected 
to improve his advantages ; and before he could retrieve 
his error, news arrived that the faithless court of Constanti- 
nople had concluded a treaty of peace with AParic. Stili- 
cho, of course, returned to Italy ; while the eastern empe- 
ror, with incomprehensible folly, nominated the Gothic 
leader, m.aster-general of eastern Illyr'icum. 

12. Italy soon excited the ambition and cupidity of Alaric ; 
he determined to invade that country, and, after surmount- 
ing all impediments, appeared with his forces before the im- 
perial city of Milan. The feeble Hono'rius would have fled 
with his effeminate court into some remote corner of Gaul, 
had not the indignant remonstrances of Stil'icho induced 
him to remain, until he could assemble forces sufficient to 
protect the empire. For this purpose the brave general 
hurried into Gaul, assembled the garrisons from the frontier 
towns, recalled a legion from Britain, and strengthened his 
forces by taking several German tribes into pay. 13. But 
before Stil'icho could return, the empire had been brought 
to the very brink of ruin ; Hono'rius, affrighted by the ap- 
proach of the Goths, fled from Milan to As'ta, and was 
there closely besieged. When the town was on the poinl 



31'2 HISTORY OF ROME. 

of capitulating, the emperor was saved by the opportune 
arrival of Stil'icho, before whom Alaric retired. He was 
closely pursued, and the armies of the Romans and barba- 
rians came to an engagement nearly on the same ground 
where Marius had so many years before defeated the Cimbri 
14. The Goths were completely beaten, and a second vic- 
tory obtained over them near Vero'na seemed to insure the 
deliverance of Italy ; but Al'aric v/as still formidable, and 
the favourable terms granted him by Stil'icho, proved, that 
in the opinion of that general, the Gothic king, though de- 
feated, was unconquered. 

15. The late invasion so alarmed the timid Hono'rius, 
that he resolved to fix his residence in some remote and 
strong fortress ; and for this purpose he selected Raven'na, 
an ancient city, but which had not previously obtained no- 
toriety. 1 6. Before Italy had recovered from the terrors of 
the Gothic invasion, a new host of barbarians rushed from 
the shores of the Baltic, bore down before them all opposi- 
tion in Germany and Gaul ; and had passed the Alps, the 
Po, and the Apennines, ere an army could be assembled to 
resist them. 17. Radagai'sus, the leader of these hordes, 
was a more formidable enemy even than Alaric ; the Goths 
had embraced Christianity, and their fierce passions were in 
some degree moderated by the mild precepts of the gospel ; 
but Radagai'sus was a stranger to any religion but the cruel 
creed of his fathers, which taught that the favour of the 
gods could only be propitiated by human sacrifices. 18. The 
wealthy city of Florence was besieged by the barbarians, 
but its bishop, St. Ambrose, by his zealous exhortations, 
and by holding out the hope of divine assistance, prevented 
the garrison from yielding to despair. Stil'icho a second 
time earned the title of the deliverer of Italy ; Radagai'sus 
was defeated and slain ; but the remains of his forces es- 
caped into Gaul, and spread desolation over that entire pro- 
vince, from which the garrisons had been withdrawn for the 
defence of Italy. 19. An usurper, named Constantine, 
about this time appeared in Britain, and soon established his 
authority both in Gaul and Spain, which had been virtually 
deserted by the emperor. Al'aric offered his services to 
repress the rebellion, and to purchase either his assistance 
or his forbearance, a large subsidy was voted to him by the 
senate, through the influence of Stil'icho. 20. But the 
reign of this great man was drawing fast to a close ; Olym '- 
p)us, a miserable favourite, who owed his first elevation to 



THE EMPIRE. 373 

Stiricho, filled the emperor's mind with suspicion, and a 
secret resolution to destroy the minister was adopted. 21. 
By exciting the jealousy of the legions against the auxiliary 
forces that Stil'icho employed, Olym'pius was enabled to 
gain the army to his side, and the lasi ^-^^^ ^^^,^orter of the 
Roman name fell by the swords of those soldiers whom he 
had so often led to victory. His friends, including the best 
and bravest generals of the army, shared his fate ; many of 
them were racked, to extort from them a confession of a 
conspiracy which never existed ; and their silence under the 
tortures at once proved their ov/n innocence and that of their 
leader. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What division was made of the Roman empire between the sons of 

Theodosius 1 

3. By what enemies was the Western empire assailed 1 

3. What was the internal condition of the state ] 

4. To what ministers did the emperors trust the administration ] 

5. How did Stilicho prevail over Rufinus'? 

6. What instances of savage cruelty were exhibited by the murderers 

of Rufinus] 

7. Did Stilicho derive any advantage from the death of his rival 1 

8. What rivalry broke out between the subjects of the eastern and 

western empire 1 

9. How did the revolt of Gildo in Africa end 1 

10. Why did the Goths attack the eastern empire? 

11. How did the Gothic invasion of Greece end? 

12. Did the western emperor display any courage when Italy was in- 

vaded 1 

13. How was Honorius saved from ruin] 

J 4. Was this defeat destructive of the Gothic power 1 

15. Where did Honorius fix the seat of his government 1 

16. What new hordes invaded Italy? 

17. Why were the northern barbarians more formidable than the Goths ? 

18. How was Florence saved? 

19. On what occasion was a subsidy voted to Alaric? 

20. Who conspired against Stilicho? 
"1, In what manner was Stilicho slain ? 



SECTION II. 



1. Al'aric, posted on the confines of Italy, watched the 
distractions of the peninsula with secret joy; he had been 
unwisely irritated by the delay of the subsidy which hao 

2 I 



a74 HISTORY OF ROME. 

formerly been promised him, and when payment was finally 
refused, he once more led his followers into Italy. 2. The 
A. D. ^ feeble successors of Stil'icho had made no prepara- 
408. 5 tions for resistance ; they retired with their mastei 
into the fortress of Raven'na, while the Goths, spreading 
ruin in their march, advanced to the very walls of Eome. 
Six hundred years had now elapsed since an enemy had 
appeared to threaten the eternal city ; a worse foe than 
Hannibal was now at their gates, and the citizens were 
more disabled by luxury from attempting a defence, than 
their ancestors had been by the carnage of Can'nae.* 3. The 
strength of the walls deterred the Goth from attempting a 
regular siege, but he subjected the city to a strict blockade. 
Famine, and its usual attendant, pestilence, soon began to 
waste the miserable Romans ; but even the extreme of mi- 
sery could not induce them to sally forth, and try their for- 
tune in the field. They purchased the retreat of Al'aric by 
the sacrifice of their wealth ; and the victorious Goth formed 
his winter quarters in Tuscany, where his army was rein- 
forced by more than forty thousand of his countrymen who 
had been enslaved by the Romans. 

4. The presence of a victorious leader, with one hundred 
thousand men, in the very centre of Italy, ought to have 
taught the imperial court at Raven'na prudence and mode- 
ration ; but such was their incredible folly that they not only 
violated their engagements with Al'aric, but added personal 
insult to injury. Rome was once more besieged, and as 
Al'aric had seized the provisions at Os'tia, on w^hich the 
citizens depended for subsistence, the Romans were forced 
to surrender at discretion. 5. At the instigation of the 
Gothic king, At'talus, the prefect of the city, was invested 
with the imperial purple, and measures were taken to com- 
pel Hono'rius to resign in his favour. But At'talus proved 
utterly unv/orthy of a throne, and after a brief reign was 
publicly degraded ; the rest of his life was passed in ob- 
scurity under the protection of the Goths. 6. A favourable 
opportunity of efiecting a peace was now offered, but it was 
again insolently rejected by the wretched Hono'rius, and a 
herald publicly proclaimed that in consequence of the guilt 
of Al'aric, he w^as for ever excluded from the friendship and 
alliance of the emperor. 

7. For the third time Al'aric proceeded to revenge the 

* See Chapter xv. Sect, ii. 



THE EMPIRE. 375 

insults of the emperor on the unfortunate city of Rome. 
The trembling senate made some preparations for defence 
but they were rendered ineffectual by the treachery of a 
slave, who betrayed one of the gates to the Gothic legions 
That city which had been for ages the mistress of the world, 
became the prey of ruthless barbarians, who spared, indeed, 
the churches and sanctuaries, but placed no other bound to 
their savage passions. For six successive days the Goths 
revelled in the sack of the city ; at the end of that period 
they followed Al'aric to new conquests and new devasta- 
tions. 8. The entire south of Italy rapidly followed the 
fate of the capital, and AFaric determined to add Sicily to 
the list of his triumphs. Before, however, his army could 
pass the Strait, he was seized with an incurable disease, and 
his premature death protracted for a season the existence of 
the Western empire.* 9. Al'aric was succeeded by his 
brother Adol'phus, who immediately commenced negocia- 
tions for a treaty ; the peace was cemented by a marriage 
between the Gothic king and Piacid'ia, the sister of the em- 
peror. The army of the invaders evacuated Italy, and 
Adol'phus, leading his soldiers into Spain, founded the 
kingdom of the Visigoths. 10. Adolphus did not long sur- 
vive his triumphs ; Piacid'ia returned to her brother's court, 
and was persuaded to bestow her hand on Constan'tius, the 
general who had suppressed the rebellion of Constan'tine. 
Britain, Spain, and part of Gaul had been now irrecoverably 
lost ; Constan'tius, whose abilities might have checked the 
progress of ruin, died, after the birth of his second child; 
Piacid'ia retired to the court of Constantinople, and at length 
Hono'rius, after a disgraceful reign of twenty-eight years, 
terminated his wretched life. 

11. The next heir to the throne was Valenti'nian, the 
son of Piacid'ia ; but John, the late emperor's secretary, 
took advantage of Placid'ia's absence in the east, to seize 

* The ferocious character of the barbarians was displayed in the fune- 
ral of their chief. The unhappy captives were compelled to divert the 
streajn of the river Busenti'nus, which washed the walls of Consen'tia, 
(now Cosenza, in farther Cala'bria, Italy,) in the bed of which the royal 
sepulchre was formed: with the body were deposited much of the 
wealth, and many of the trophies obtained at Rome. The river was 
then permitted to return to its accustomed channel, and the prisoners 
employed in the work were inhumanly massacred, to conceal the spot 
in which the deceased hero was entombed. A beautiful poem on this 
subject, entitled, The Dirge of Alaric the Visigoth, has appeared, which 
is attributed to the honourable Edward Everett. 



376 HISTORY OF ROME. 

on the government. The court of Constantinople promptly 
sent a body of troops against the usurper, and John was 
surprised and taken prisoner at Raven'na. 12. Valenti'nian 
III., then in the sixth year of his age, was proclaimed em- 
peror, and the regency entrusted to his motlier, Placid'ia. 
The two best generals of the age, iE'tius and Bon'ifacC; 
were at the head of the army, but, unfortunately, their mu- 
tual jealousies led them to involve the empire in civil war. 
13. Bon'iface was recalled from the government of Africa 
through the intrigues of his rival, and when he hesitated to 
comply, was proclaimed a traitor. Unfortunately the Afri- 
can prefect, unable to depend on his own forces, invited the 
Vandals to his assistance. Gen'seric, the king of that na- 
tion, passed over from Spain, which his barbarous forces 
had already wasted, and the African provinces were now 
subjected to the same calamities that afflicted the rest of the 
empire. 14. Bon'iface became too late sensible of his error ; 
he attempted to check the progress of the Vandals, but was 
defeated, and Africa finally wrested from the empire. He 
returned to Italy, and was pardoned by Placid'ia ; but the 
jealous ^'tius led an army to drive his rival from the court; 
a battle ensued, in which iE'tius was defeated ; but Bon'i- 
face died in the arms of victory. Placid'ia was at first de- 
termined to punish iE'tius as a rebel; but his power was 
too formidable, and his abilities too necessary in the new 
dangers that threatened the empire ; he was not only par- 
doned, but invested with more than his former authority. 

15. The hordes of Huns that had seized on the ancient 
territory of the Goths, had now become united under the 
ferocious At'tila, whose devastations procured him the for- 
midable name of *' The Scourge of God." The Eastern 
empire, unable to protect itself from his ravages, purchased 
peace by the payment of a yearly tribute, and he directed 
his forces against the western provinces, which promised 
richer plunder. He was instigated also by secret letters 
from the princess Hono'ria, the sister of the emperor, who 
solicited a matrimonial alliance with the barbarous chieftain. 
iE'tius being supported by the king of the Goths, and some 
other auxiliary forces, attacked the Huns in the Catalaunian 
plains, near the modern city of Chalons in France. 16. 
After a fierce engagement the Huns were routed, and it was 
not without great difficulty that At'tila effected his retreat. 
The following year he invaded Italy with more success ; 
peace, however, was purchased by bestowing on him the 



THE EMPIRE. 377 

[lajid of the princess Hono'ria, with an immense dowry. 
Before the marriage could be consummated, At'tila was found 
dead in his bed, having burst a blood-vessel during the night. 

17. The brave ^'tius was badly rewarded by the wretched 
emperor for his eminent services ; Valentinian, yielding to 
his cowardly suspicions, assassinated the general with his 
own hand. 18. This crime was followed by an injury to 
Max'imus, an eminent senator, who, eager for revenge, 
joined in a conspiracy with the friends of ^'tius ; they 
attacked the emperor publicly, in the midst of his guards, 
and slew him. 

19. The twenty years which intervened between the 
assassination of Valentinian, and the final destruction of the 
Western empire, were nearly one continued series of intes- 
tine revolutions. 20. Even in the age of Cicero, when the 
empire of Rome seemed likely to last for ever, it was stated 
by the augurs that the twelve vultures seen by Romulus,* 
represented the tivelve centuries assigned for the fatal period 
of the city. This strange prediction, forgotten in ages of 
peace and prosperity, was recalled to the minds of men 
when events, at the close of the twelfth century, showed 
that the prophecy was about to be accomplished. It is not, 
of course, our meaning, that the ominous flight of birds, the 
prophetic interpretation, and its almost literal fulfilment, 
were any thing more than an accidental coincidence ; but, it 
must be confessed, that it was one of the most remarkable 
on record. 

21. Maximus succeeded to the imperial throne, and found 
that the first day of his reign was the last of his happiness. 
On the death of his wife, whose wrongs he had so severely 
revenged, he endeavoured to compel Eudox'ia, the widow 
of the murdered emperor, to become his spouse. In her 
indignation at this insulting proposal, Eudox'ia did not 
hesitate to apply for aid to Gen'seric, king of those Vandals 
that had seized Africa ; and the barbarian king, glad of such 
a fair pretence, soon appeared with a powerful fleet in the 
Tiber. 22. Max'imus was murdered in an insurrection, 
occasioned by these tidings ; and Gen'seric, advancing to 
Rome, became master of the city, which was for fourteen 
days pillaged by the Moors and Vandals. Eudox'ia had 
reason to lament her imprudent conduct ; she was carried 
off a captive by the ferocious Vandal, along with her two 

* Sec Chapter i. 
2 I 2 



378 HISTORY OF ROME. 

daughters, the last of the family of the great Theo'dosius 
and many thousand Romans were at the same time dragged 
into slavery. 

23. The army in Gaul saluted their general, Avi'tus, em- 
peror, and the Roman senate and people at first acquiesced 
in the choice. But Avi'tus was soon found unfit to hold the 
reins of power at a time of so much danger and difiiculty ; 
the senate, influenced by Ri'cimer, the commander of the 
barbarian auxiliaries, voted his deposition. He died shortly 
after, w^hether by disease or violence is uncertain. 

24. The powerful Ri'cimer now placed upon the throne 
Ju'lian Majo'rian, who united in an eminent degree the 
qualities of a brave soldier and a wise statesman. The 
coasts of Italy had long been wasted by Gen'seric, king of 
the Vandals, and in order to put an end to their incursions, 
the emperor determined to attack the pirates in Africa, the 
geat of thpir power. The judicious preparations which he 
made vrere disconcerted by treason ; Ri'cimer, who had 
hoped to rule the empire while Majo'rian enjoyed the empty 
title of monarch, was disappointed by the abilities which 
the new emperor displayed. Some of his creatures be- 
trayed the Roman fleet to the torches of the Vandals ; and 
Ri'cimer took advantage of the popular discontent occa- 
sioned by this disaster, to procure the dethronement of his 
former friend. Majo'rian died five years after his deposi- 
tion, and the humble tomb which covered his remains was 
consecrated by the respect and gratitude of succeeding gen- 
erations. 

25. Ri'cimer's next choice was more prudent ; at his in- 
stigation the obsequious senate raised to the throne Lib'ius 
Sev'erus, of whom history records little more than his ele- 
vation, and his death, w^hich occurred in the fifth year after 
his election. During the nominal reign of Sev'erus and the 
interregnum that followed, the entire power of the state was 
possessed by Ri'cimer, whom barbarian descent alone pre- 
vented from being acknowledged emperor. He was unable, 
however, to protect Italy from the devastations of the Van- 
dals ; and to obtain the aid of Le'o, the Eastern emperor, 
he was forced to acknowledge Anthe'mius, who was nomi- 
nated to the throne of the West by the court of Constanti- 
nople. 

26. The perfidious Ricimer soon became dissatisfied with 
Anthe'mius, and raised the standard of revolt. Marching to 
Rome he easily became master of the city, and Anthe'mius 



THE EMPIRE. 379 




Fall of Constantinople. 

was slain in the tumult. The unhappy Romans were again 
subjected to all the miseries that military licentiousness 
could inflict ; for forty days Ricimer exulted in the havoc 
and ruin of the imperial city ; but a disease, occasioned by 
excessive intemperance, siezed on his vitals, and death freed 
Rome from the tyrant. 

27. Olyb'ius, the successor of Anthe'mius, dying after a 
short reign of three months, Glyce'rius, an obscure soldier, 
assumed the purple at Raven'na, but was soon dethroned by 
Ju'lius Ne'pos, whom the court of Constantinople supported. 
A treaty by which the most faithful provinces of Gaul were 
yielded to the Visigoths, produced so much popular discon- 
tent, that Ores'tes, a general of barbarian auxiliaries, was 
encouraged to revolt, and Ne'pos, unable to defend the 
throne, abdicated, and spent the remainder of his unhon- 
oured life in obscurity. 

28. Ores'tes placed the crown on the head of his son 
Rom'ulus Momyl'lus, better known in history by the name 
of Angus 'tulus. He was the last of the emperors ; before 
he had enjoyed his elevation many months, he was de- 
throned by Odoa'cer, a leader of the barbarian troops, and 
banished to a villa that once belonged to the wealthy Lu- 
cul'lus, where he was supported by a pension allowed him 
by the conqueror.* 29. Odoa'cer assumed the title C a. d. 
of king of Italy, but after a reign of fourteen years, f 476. 

* See Chapter xxvii. 



380 HISTORY OF ROME. 

he was forced to yield to the superior genius of Theod'oric, 
king of the Ostrogoths, under whose prudent government 
Italy enjoyed the blessings of peace and prosperity, to 
which the country had been long a stranger. 

30. Thus finally fell the Roman empire of the west, 
while that of the east survived a thousand years, notwith- 
standing its fierce internal dissensions, which alone would 
have sufficed to destroy any other ; and the hosts of bar- 
barians by which it was assailed. The almost impregnable 
situation of its capital, whose fate usually decides that of 
such empires, joined to its despotism, which gave unity to 
the little strength it retained, can alone explain a phenome- 
non unparalleled in the annals of history. At length, on 
tlie 29th of May, 1453, Constantinople was taken by Mo- 
hammed the Second, and the government and religion es- 
tablished by the great Constantine, trampled in the dust by 
the Moslem conquerors. 



Questions for Examination. 

1 . Wliat induced Alaric to invade Italy a second tim6 1 

2. Did the emperor and his ministers make adequate prepiradons foi 

resistance ] 

3. How was Alaric induced to raise the siege of Rome ] 

4. Why did Alaric besiege Rome a second time '? 
6. Whom did the Goths make emperor ] 

6. What favourable opportunity of making peace did Ho*wi»Li * >se 7 

7. By what means did the Goths become masters of Rome ? 

8. Where did Alaric die ] 

9. What events marked the reign of Adolphus? 

10. What remarkable persons died nearly at the same timet 

11. What was the fate of the usurper John ] 

12. To whom was the government entrusted during Valentiriar < mi* 

nority 1 

13. By whom were the Vandals invited to Africa 1 

14. What was the fate of Boniface 1 

15. How were the Huns instigated to invade Italy 1 
jlG. Under what circumstances did Attila die ] 

17. Of what great crimes was Valentinian III. guilty t 

18. How was Valentinian slain? 

19. 20. What strange prophecy was now about to be fulfilled] 

21. What terminated the brief reign of Maximus % 

22. Had Eudoxia reason to lament her invitation to the Vandala i 

23. Why was the emperor Avitus dethroned ? 

24. How did Ricimer procure the deposition of Majorian 1 

25. What changes followed on the death of Majorian 7 



lui^ ^^e^ 



THE EMPIRE. 



26. How did Ricimer terminate his destructive career 1 

27. What changes took place after the death of Arthemius 1 

28. Who was the last Roman emperor \ 

29. What kingdoms vi ere founded on the ruins of the western ei 
80. How was the ej istence of the eastern empire prolonged 1 




CHAPTER XXVII. 

HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE DIFFERENT BARBAROUS TRIBES 
THAT AIDED IIV DESTROYING THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

1. We have already mentioned that the barbarous nations 
which joined in the destruction of the Roman empire, were 
invited to come within its precincts through the weakness or 
folly of successive sovereigns who recruited their armies from 
those hardy tribes, in preference to their own subjects, ener- 
vated by luxury and indolence. The grants of land, and the 
rich donations by which the emperors endeavoured to secure 
the fidelity of these dangerous auxiliaries, encouraged them 
to regard the Roman territories as their prey ; and being 
alternately the objects of lavish extravagance and wanton 
insult, their power was increased at the same time that their 
resentment was provoked. 2. Towards the close of the 
year 406, the Vandals, the Suevi, and the Alans, first 
sounded the tocsin of invasion, and their example was fol- 
lowed by the Goths, the Burgundians, the Alleman'ni, the 
Franks, the Huns, the Angli, the Saxons, the Heruli, and 
the Longobar'di, or Lombards. The chief of these nations, 
with the exception of the Huns, Ai^ere of German origin. It 
is not easy in every instance to discover the original seat of 
these several tribes, and trace their successive migrations, 
because, being ignorant of letters, they only retained some 
vague traditions of their wanderings. 

THE VANDALS AND ALANS 

3. This tribe was, like the Burgundians and Lombards, a 
branch of the ancient Sue'vi, and inhabited that part of Ger- 
many which lies between the Elbe and the Vis 'tula. Being 
joined by some warriors from Scandinavia, they advanced 
towards the south, and established themselves in that part 
of Da'cia which included the modern province of Transyl 



d^^P'^mv 



#182 HISTORY OF ROME. 

va'n'a, and part of Hungary. Being oppressed in their ne\% 
settlement by the Goths, they sought the protection of Con 
stantine the Great, and obtained from him a grant of lands 
in Pannonia, on condition of their rendering military service 
to the Romans. 4. About the commencement of the fifth 
century, they were joined by the Alans, a people originally 
from mount Cau'casus, and the ancient Scythia : a branch 
of which having settled in Sarma'tia, near the source of the 
Borysthenes (Dnieper), had advanced as far as the Danube, 
and there made a formidable stand against the Romans. In 
their passage through Germany, the Vandals and x\lans were 
joined by a portion of the Suevi, and the confederate 
tribes entering Gaul, spread desolation over the entire coun- 
try. 5. From thence the barbarians passed into Spain and 
settled in the province, from them named Vandalu'sia, since 
corrupted to Andalusia. On the invitation of Count Boni- 
face, the Vandals proceeded from Spain to Africa, where 
they founded a formidable empire. After remaining masters 
of the western Mediterranean for nearly a century, the east- 
ern emperor Justinian sent a formidable force against them 
under the command of the celebrated Belisa'rius. This 
great leader not cnly destroyed the power of these pirates, 
but erased the very name of Vandals from the list of nations. 

THE GOTHS. 

6. The Goths, the most powerful of these destructive na- 
tions, are said to have come originally from Scandina'via ; 
but when they first began to attract the notice of historians, 
we find them settled on the banks of the Danube. Those 
who inhabited the districts towards the east, and the Euxine 
sea, between the Ty'ras (Dniester) the Borys'thenes (Dnie* 
per) and the Tan'ais (Don) were called Ostrogoths ; the 
Visigoths extended westwards over ancient Dacia, and the 
regions between the Ty'ras, the Danube, and the Vistula. 
7. Attacked in these vast countries by the Huns, as has 
been mentioned in a preceding chapter, some were subju- 
gated, and others compelled to abandon their habitations. 
They obtained settlements from the emperors, but being 
unwisely provoked to revolt, they became the most formi- 
dable enemies of the Romans. After having twice ravaged 
Italy and plundered Rome, they ended their conquests by 
establishing themselves in Gaul and Spain. 

8. The Spanish monarchy of the Visigoths, which in its 
flourishing state comprised, besides the entire peninsula, 



THE EMPIRE. 383 

the province of Septima'nia (Languedoc) in Gaul, and 
Maurita'nia, Tingeta'na, (north-western Africa) on the op- 
posite coasts of the Mediterranean, lasted from the middle 
of the fifth to the commencement of the eighth century, when 
it was overthrown by the Moors. 9. The Thuringians, 
whom w^e find established in the heart of Germany, in the 
middle of the fifth century, appear to have been a branch of 
the Visigoths. 

THE FRANKS. 

10. A number of petty German tribes having entered into ' 
a confederacy to maintain their mutual independence, took • 
the name of Franks, or Freemen. The tribes which thus 
associated, principally inhabited the districts lying between 
the Rhine and the Weser, including the greater part of Hol- 
land and Westphalia. 11. In the middle of the third cen- 
tury, they invaded Gaul, but were defeated by Aurelian, 
who afterwards became emperor. In the fourth, and to- 
wards the beginning of the fifth century, they permanently 
established themselves as a nation, and gave the name of 
Francia^ or France^ to the provinces lying between the 
Rhine, the Weser, the Maine, and the Elbe ; but about the 
sixth century that name w^as transferred to ancient Gaul, 
when it was conquered by the Franks. 

THE ALLEMANNI. 

12. The Alleman'ni were another confederation of Ger- 
man tribes, which took its name from including a great va- 
riety of nations. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the 
name is compounded of the words all and man which still 
continue unchanged in our language. Their territories ex- 
tended between the Danube, the Rhine, and the Maine, and 
they rendered themselves formidable to the Romans by their 
frequent inroads into Gaul and Italy during the third and 
fourth centuries. 

THE SAXONS AND ANGLES. 

13. The Saxons began to be conspicuous about the close 
of the second century. They were then settled beyond the 
Elbe, in modern Holstein ; having for their neighbours the 
Angli, or Angles, inhabiting Sleswick. These nations 
were early distinguished as pirates, and their plundering 
expeditions kept the shores of western Europe in constant 
alarm. Being invited by the Britons to assist in repelling 



k 



384 HISTORY OF ROMF.' 

the invasions of the Picts, they subdued the southern part 
of the island, which has ever since retained the name of 
England, from its conquerors the An'gli. When the 
Franks penetrated into Gaul, the Saxons passed the Elbe, 
and seizing on the vacated territory, gave the name of Sax- 
ony to ancient France. 

THE HUNS. 

14. The Huns v/ere the most ferocious and sanguinary 
of the barbarians. They seem to have been originally Kal- 
muck or Mongolian Tartars, and, during the period of their 
supremacy, seem never to have laid aside the savage cus- 
toms which they brought from their native deserts. 15. Af- 
ter having expelled the Goths from the banks of the Danube, 
they fell upon the eastern empire, and compelled the court 
of Constantinople to pay them tribute. They then, under 
the guidance of Attila, invaded Italy, and after devastating 
the peninsula, captured and plundered Rome. After the 
death of Attila, the Huns were broken up into a number of 
petty states, which maintained their independence until the 
close of the eighth century, when they were subdued by 
Charlemagne. 

THE BURGUNDIANS. 

16. The Burgundians were originally inhabitants of the 
countries situated between the Oder and the Vistula. They 
folio w^ed nearly the track of the Visigoths, and at the be- 
ginning of the fifth century had established themselves on 
the Upper Rhine and in Switzerland. On the dissolution 
of the empire, they seized on that part of Gaul, which from 
them retains the name of Burgundy.. 

THE LOMBARDS, THE GEPID^, AND THE AVARS. 

17. The Lombards, more properly called Longo-bardi, 
from the length of their beards, are supposed by some to 
have been a branch of the Sue Vi, and by others to have mi- 
grated from Scandina'via. They joined with the Avars, a 
fierce Asiatic people, in attacking the Gep'idae, then in pos- 
session of that part of Dacia lying on the left bank of the 
Danube, but who are supposed to have come thither from 
some more northern country. The Avars and Lombards 
triumphed, but the former soon turned their arms against 
their allies, and compelled them to seek new liabitations. 
18. About the middle of the sixi.li centivrv thev invaded 



a |g 

THE EMPIRE. 



v)385 



Italy, which the Eastern emperors had just before wrested 
from the Turks, and made themselves masters of the north- 
ern part, which has since borne the name of Lombardy. 

THE SLA'VI. 

19. These were the last of the barbarian hordes, and are 
not mentioned by any author before the sixth century. They 
first appeared in the east of Europe, and spreading them- 
selves over the central provinces, occupied the greater part 
of the countries that now constitute the dominions of Aus- 
tria. The Sla'vi warred chiefly against the Eastern empire, 
and their contest with the Grecian forces on the Danube, in 
the sixth and seventh centuries, shook the throne of Con- 
stantinople. The Vkne'di and the An'tes were tribes of 
the Slavi. 

THE NORMANS. 

20. The piratical inhabitants of Norway and Denmark 
were called by the Franks, Normans, or. Men of the North ; 
in Ireland they were named Ostmen, or. Men of the East. 
Their depredations began to attract notice early in the 
seventh century, but did not become formidable before the 
ninth : when they obtained possession of that part of France 
now called Normandy. In the two following centuries 
they wrested England from the Saxons, and established 
kingdoms in Sicily and southern Italy. 

THE BULGARIANS. 

21. The Bulgarians were of Scythian or Tartar origin, 
and became formidable to the Eastern empire in the latter 
part of the seventh century. In the beginning of the ninth, 
Cruni'nus, their king, advanced to the gates cf Constanti- 
nople ; but the city proving too strong, he seized Adrianople, 
and returned home loaded with booty. The successors of 
Cruni'nus did not inherit his abilities, and the Bulgarians 
soon sunk into comparative insignificance. 

THE SARACENS MOORS AND TURKS. 

22. In concluding this chapter, it may be proper to give 
some account of the subverters of the Eastern empire, and 
of their irruption into Europe. The Arabs, called in the 
middle ages Saracens, are supposed to be descended from 
Ishmael, the son of Abraham and Hagar. During all the 
changes of dynasties and empires in the eastern and western 

2 K 



HIsrORY OF ROME. 

World, tlie} retained their independence, though ahnost con 
stantly at war with the surrounding states. *' Their hand was 
against every man, and every man's hand was against them." 
In the beginning of the seventh century, Mohammed, a native 
of Mecca, descended from a noble family, laid claim to the 
title of a prophet, and being aided by a renegade Christian, 
formed a religious system, which, after encountering great 
opposition, was finally adopted by the principal tribes of 
Arabia. The successors of Mohammed, called Caliphs, re- 
solved to propagate the new religion by the sword, and con- 
quered an empire, more extensive than that of the Romans 
had been. The entire of central and southern Asia, includ- 
ing Persia, India, and the provinces of the Eastern empire 
owned their sway ; northern Africa was soon after subdued, 
and in the beginning of the eighth century, the Saracenic 
Moors established their dominion in Spain. 23. It is pro- 
bable, even, that all Europe would have submitted to their 
yoke, if the French hero, Charles Martel,-^ had not arrested 
their victorious career, and defeated their numerous armies 
on the plains of Poitiers^ a. d. 732. t 

24. The empire of the Caliphs soon declined from its 
original splendour, and its ruin finally proceeded from the 
same cause that produced the downfall of Rome, the em- 
ployment of barbarian mercenaries. The soldiers levied 
by the Caliphs, were selected from the Tartar tribes that had 
embraced the religion of Mohammed ; they were called 
Turcomans or Turks, from Turkistan, the proper name of 
nvestCx'n Tartary. These brave, but ferocious warriors, soon 
crested the sceptre from the feeble caliphs, and completed 
t,he conquest of western Asia. The crusades for a time de- 
layed the fate of the Greek empire, but finally the Turks 
crossed the Hellespont, and having taken Constantinople, 
(a. d. 1453,) established their cruel despotism over the fair- 
est portion of Europe. 

'h 

Questions for Examination, 

1. How were the barbarians first brought into the Rocaan empire ? 

2. When did the first great movement of the Northern tribes tiake 

place 1 

3. Where did the Vandals first settle ? 

* See Taylor's History of France. 

■j- Here also the heroic Black Prince took John, king of France, 
J»risoner See Taylor's France. 



THE EMPIRE. 3ST 

4. From whence did the Alans come 1 

5. In what countries did the Vandals estabHsh their power ] 

6. Where did we first find the Goths settled ] 

7. To what countries did the Goths remove 1 

8. How long did the kingdom of the Visigoths continue ? 

9. What branch of the Goths settled in Germany 1 

10. From what did the Franks derive their name 1 

11. Which was the ancient, and which the modem France ] 

12. What is the history of the Allemannil 

13. In what countries did the Saxons and Angles settle"? 

14. Whence did the Huns come] 

1 5. How far did their ravages extend ] 

16. What territory did the Burgundians seize ? 

17. How did the alliance between the Lombards and Avars injure <lie 

former people 1 

18. Where was the kingdom of the Lombards established ] 

19. What is told respecting the Slavi] 

20. Who were the Normans'? 

21. What is the history of the Bulgarians 1 

22. What great conquests were achieved by the Arabs under Moliftm- 

med and his successors 1 

23. By whom was the Saracenic career of victory checked 1 

24. How was the empire of the Turks established 1 



CHAPTER XXVm. 

THE PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. 

1. JuDEA became a Roman province some years before 
the birth of Jesus Christ, and the Jews, who had hitherto 
been conspicuous for their attachment to their native land^ 
were induced, by the spirit of trade, to spread themselves 
over the empire. 2. The exclusive nature of their religion 
kept them in a marked state of separation from their fellow 
subjects ; the worshipper of Osi'ris scrupled not to offer 
sacrifices to Jupiter ; the Persian, the Indian, and the Ger- 
man, bowed before the Roman altars ; but the sons of Abra- 
ham refused to give the glory of their God to graven images, 
and were regarded by their idolatrous neighbours at first 
with surprise, and afterwards with contempt. 3. The ap- 
pearance of the Messiah in Palestine, and the miraculous 
circumstances of his life, death, and resurrection, did not fill 
the world with their fame, because his preaching was prin- 
cipally addressed to his countrymen, the first object of his 
mission beiny " the lost sheep of the house of Israel." 



^88 HISTORY OF ROME. 

4. 'Ilie disciples, after their Divine Master was tnkfn 
Irom them, proceeded to fulfil his last commandments, by 
preaching the gospel " to every nation," and an opportunity 
of spreading its blessings v^^as afforded by Jewish syna- 
gogues having been previously established in most of the 
great cities through the empire. Independent of the sus- 
taining providence of its Almighty Author, there were many 
circumstances that facilitated the progress and prepared the 
way for the final triumph of Christianity. 5. In the first 
place, Paganism had lost its influence ; men secretly laughed 
at the fabulous legends about Jupiter and Rom'ulus, the sa- 
crifices had become idle forms, and the processions a useless 
mockery. Philosophers had not scrupled to cover with 
ridicule the whole system of Heathenism, and there were 
not a few who professed themselves Atheists. 6. Without 
some system of religion society cannot exist; for a sanction 
stronger than human laws is necessary to restrain the vio- 
lence of passion and ardent desires. The innate feeling 
that our existence is not dependent on our mortal frame, 
disposes men to search for some information respecting a 
future state ; the heathen system was at once obscure and 
absurd ; the philosophers avowedly spoke from conjecture ; 
but by the Gospel, " life and immortality were brought to 
light." 7. The influence of a purer faith was discernible 
in the lives and actions of the first Christians ; they lived 
in an age of unparalleled iniquity and debauchery, yet they 
kept themselves '* unspotted from the world;" those w^ ho 
were once conspicuous for violence, licentiousness, and 
crime, became, when they joined the nev/ sect, humble, 
temperate, chaste, and virtuous ; the persons who witnessed 
such instances of reformation were naturally anxious to 
learn something of the means by which so great a change 
had been effected. 8. A fourth cause was, that Christianity 
offered the blessings of salvation to men of every class ; it 
was its most marked feature, that '* to the poor the gospel 
was preached," and the wretch who dared not come into 
the pagan temple^ because he had no rich offering to lay 
upon the altar, was ready to obey the call of him who of- 
fered pardon and love " without money and without price." 

9. In the course of the first century of the Christian era, 
churches were established in the principal cities of the em- 
pire, but more especially in Asia Minor ; and the progress 
o^ Christianity, which had been at first disregarded, began 
to attract the notice of the ruling powers. Too indolent 



THE luMPlRE. 389 

to investigate the claims of Christianity, and by no meana 
pleased with a system which condemned their vices, the 
Rjmau rulers viewed the rapid progress of the new religion 
with undisguised alarm. The union of the sacerdotal and 
magisterial character in the Roman policy, added personal 
hiterest to the motives that urged them to crush this rising 
sect; and the relentless Ne'ro at length kindled the torch of 
persecution. 10. But *' the blood of the martyrs proved the 
seed of the Church ;" the constancy with which they sup 
ported the most inhuman tortures, their devotion and firm 
reliance on their God in the moments of mortal agony, in- 
creased the number of converts to a religion which could 
work such a moral miracle. Persecution also united the 
Christians more closely together, and when the reign of ter- 
ror ended with the death of Nero, it was found that Chris ' 
tianity had derived additional strength from the means taken 
to insure its destruction. 

11. The successive persecutions inflicted by the policy 
or the bigotry of the following emperors had precisely the 
same results ; and at length the Christians had acquired 
such strength, that their aid, as a body, became a matter of 
importance in contests for the empire. 

12. The mild administration of Constantino, while he 
was only prefect of Gaul, the protection which he afforded 
to the Christians, and the favour that he showed to their 
religion, induced them to aid him with all their might in his 
struggle for the throne. Brought thus into contact with the 
professors of the new doctrine, Constantino was induced to 
examine the foundations of its high claims — perfect convic- 
tion was the result, and on his accession to the imperial 

Eurple, the Christian church was legally established. 13. 
Hiring the reign of the apostate Julian, Christianity was 
discouraged, but not persecuted ; his premature death, how 
ever; removed the last impediment to its final triumph, 
which was consummated in the reign of the great Theodo'- 
sius. 14. Under that emperor the last vestiges of the pagan 
worship were destroyed, its idols overthrown, its altars de- 
molished, and its temples closed. The world had become 
ripe for such a revolution, as the temples had been long 
before almost universally abandoned. 

15. Since that period Christianity has prevailed in Eu* 
rope, and formed the great bond of the social happiness and 
the great source of the intellectual eminence enjoyed in that 
quarter of the globe. Let us hope that the exertions ndUf 

2 K 2 



390 HISTORY OF ROxME. 

made to diffuse its blessings over tKe benighted portions of 
the earth will prove successful, and that " peace and happi- 
ness, truth and justice, religion and piety" will prevail from 
pole to pole 



Questions for Examination, 

1. What was the state of the Jews at the coming of Christ 1 

2. How were the Jews preserved separate from other nation-s 1 

3. What probable cause may be assigned for the neglect of the Chris- 

tian miracles 1 

4. How did the dispersion of the Jews afford an opportunity for the 

propagation of Christianity ] 

5. What was the state of paganism when Christianity was first 

preached ] 

6. What great mystery is brought to light by the gospel \ 

7. How did the lives of the first Christians contribute to the rapid 

progress of Christianity ] 

8. To what class of people was the gospel more particularly addressed T 

9. What induced the rulers of the Roman empire to persecute Chris- 

tianity 1 

10. Was Christianity crushed by persecution? 

11. What proves the great strength early acquired by Christians] 

12. By whom was Christianity legally established 1 

13. Under whose government did it receive a slight check"? 
Id. When were the last vestiges of paganism aboUshed 1 

\16. What have been the political effects of the establishment of Chris- 
M - tianity? 



C^n kv-^ v«' 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



B. 0. PAGE 

1230 (Supposed) Pelasgic migratian to Italy 14 

1 184 (Supposed) Arrival of ^neas in Latium 19. 63 

753 (Supposed) foundation of the city of Rome » 23. 65 

750 Union of the Romans and Sabines 69 

716 Death of Romulus 70 

714 Virtuous Administration of Numa 71 

671 Accession of Tullus Hostilius 73 

665 Duel between the Horatii and Curiatii — Destruction of 

Alba ib. 

639 Accession of Ancus Martins 75 

6 1 fi 5 Tarquinius Priscus 77 



[ The Augurs acquire importance in the state 78 

CDeath of Tarquinius Priscus 79 

578 < Accession of Servius TuUius 80 

C The establishment of the Centuries 32. 80 

C Murder of Servius Tullius 82 

534 < Accession of Tarquinius Superbus 83 

C.Gabii taken by stratagem B4 

-^Q C Expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus 87 

(_ Establishment of Consuls 88 

fins S CJonspiracy for the restoration of the Tarquinii ib. 

^"^ t Death of Brutus 89 

507 War with Porsenna 90 

498 Lartius the first Dictator created 92 

jfQoS "^^^ Roman populace retire to Mons Sacer 94 

(_ Tribunes of the people appointed 35 95 

CExile of Coriolanus 97 

4^7 s Rome besieged by Coriolanus * 98 

C.His retreat and death 100 

484 Condemnation and death of Cassius ib. 

459 First Dictatorship of Cincinnatus 101 

457 Second ditto 102 

454 The Romans send to Athens for Solon^s laws 35 106 

451 The laws of the Twelve Tables— The Decemviri 107 

449 The expulsion of the Decemviri 1 14 

443 Military Tribunes chosen instead of Consuls 116 

442 The Censorship instituted , , . , ib. 

439 Maelius murdered by Ahala 118 

406 The siege of Veii begun 119 

396 Veii taken by Camillus 120 

391 The Gauls invade Italy 122 

qqn ^ '^^^ battle of AlUa. Rome sacked by the Gauls 124 

"^^^ i The Gauls defeated by Camillus 127 

383 Manlius put to death on a charge of treason 129 

391 



392 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

B. C. PAGE 

381 Curtius devotes himself in the Forum 129 

342 Beginning of the Saranite war- . . 131 

QQQ S ^^^^^^s P^^^ ^is s^^ *^ death for disobedience , . 133 

^ Decius devotes himself for his countiy 134 

320 A Roman army forced to surrender to the Samnites in 

the Caudine Forks 136 

280 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, invades Italy 137 

272 finally defeated by Curius Dentatus 142 

270 Tarentum surrendered to the Romans 143 

264 Commencement of the first Punic war 144 

260 The Carthaginian fleet defeated by Duilius 145 

256 Regulus defeated by Xantippus 147 

252 Regulus sent to negociate peace. His death 148 

241 End of the first Punic war 150 

C The temple of Janus shut, and Rome at peace, for the 

234 < first time since the death of Numa ib. 

(^Literature cultivated at Rome 151 

229 War with the Illyrians ib. 

TThe Gauls invade Italy a second time ib. 

225 < are defeated by Marcellus, who gains the 

C. spolia opima 152 

rThe second Punic war begins. ib. 

^ , Q 1 Hannibal invades Italy 153 

^^ Battle of the Ticenus 154 

\^ of the Trebia ib 

217 of the lake Thrasymene 155 

216 of CannjE 157 

214 The Romans begin an auxiUary war against Philip of 

Macedon , 163 

2 1 2 Syracuse taken by Marcellus 160 

207 Asdrubal defeated and slain ib. 

202 Battle of Zama and end of the second Punic war. .... 161 

97 Philip conquered by the Romans. 1 64 

192 The Romans wage war against Antiochus ib. 

189 Death of Hannibal 165 

171 Commencement of the second Macedonian war ib. 

1 68 Macedon became a Roman province 166 

149 The third Punic war begins ib. 

147 Carthage destroyed by Scipio, and Corinth by Mu- 

nimius 167 

132 Sedition of Tiberius Gracchus 168 

126 Revolt of the slaves in Sicily 170 

1 22 Seditions of Caius Gracchus ib. 

121 Murder of Caius Gracchus. Persecution of the popular 

party 173 

'. 11 The Jugurthine war begins, and lasts five years 176 

91 The social war begins, and lasts three years 179 

89 The Mithridatic war begins, and lasts twenty-six years ib. 

88 The civil war between Marius and Sylla ib. 

gg C Cruelties of Marius 182 

C Death Oi Marius ■ s 3 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 393 

B. C. PAGE 

82 Sylla created dictator 184 

78 Death of Sylla 1 85 

73 The insurrection of the slaves under Spartacus . . . notCj ib. 

66 Mithridates conquered by Pompey 187 

63 Catiline's conspiracy detected 188 

60 The first Triumvirate. Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. 191 

55 Caesar invades Britain. 192 

53 Crassus slain in Parthia 194 

50 Civil w^ar between Caesar and Pompey 195 

^g C The battle of Pharsalia 206 

X Death of Pompey 214 

47 Alexandria taken by Caesar 219 

I g C The war in Africa 222 

I Death of Cato 223 

^c C The war in Spain 224 

^The battle of Munda ib, 

44 Caesar murdered in the senate-house 228 

r Formation of the second Triumvirate — Antony, Octa- 

43 < vius (Augustus) and Lepidus 231 

C.The Proscription. The murder of Cicero 232 

42 The battle of Philippi 237 

32 Octavius (Augustus,) and Antony prepare for war . . . 247 
31 The battle of Actium 249 

TThe death of Antony 255 

30 < Alexandria surrendered 256 

(.Death of Cleopatra • 259 

27 The title of Augustus given to Octavius 263 

A.D. 

4 Birth of Jesus Christ (four years before the vulgar 

era) 269 

14 Death of Augustus 268 

19 Death of Germanicus by poison 272 

26 The retreat of Tiberius to Caprese 274 

31 Disgrace and downfall of Sejanus 275 

33 The Crucifixion 277 

37 The Accession of Caligula ib. 

41 Caligula murdered by Cherea 282 

43 Claudius invades Britain 285 

51 Caractacus carried captive to Rome 286 

54 Nero succeeds Claudius 288 

69 Nero murders his mother 289 

64 First general persecution of the Christians 290 

65 Seneca, Lucan, and others, executed for conspiracy 291 

68 Suicide of Nero. Accession jf Galba 294 

C Death of Galba 296 

69 < Defeat and death of Otho 297 

C Defeat and death of Vitellius. Accession of Vespasian 300 

70 Siege and capture of Jerusalem 301 

^Q C Death of Vespasian. Accession of Titus. 304 

^Eruption of Vesuvius : destruction of HercuJaneum. . 305 

8 1 Death of Titus. ^ ccession of Domitian t . 306 



394 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. D. PAGB 

88 The Dacian war 308 

Q^ C x\ssassination of Domitian. 311 

^ Accession of Narva 313 

98 Death of Nena. Accession of Trajan 314 

107 Third general persecution of the Christians 317 

117 Death of Trajan. Accession of Adrian 318 

121 A wall to restrain the incursions of the Picts and Scots 

erected in Britain by Adrian ;... 319 

131 Great rebellion of the Jews 320 

138 Death of Adrian. Accession of Antoninus Pius. . . .322, 323 

161 Accession of Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Varus .... 324 

162 The Parthian war ib. 

169 The war with the Marcomanni 327 

, g.^ C Death of Marcus Aurelius 328 

^ Accession of Commodus 329 

1 no C Commodus murdered by Marcia and Laetus 330 

^ Assassination of Pertinax 331 

200 S ^^^ Roman empire offered for sale ib. 

^ Severus subdues the Parthians 334 

21 1 Death of Severus at York. Accession of Caracalla and 

Geta 335 

2 1 7 Assassination of Caracalla 336 

2 i 3 Accession of Heiiogabalus 337 

222 ^ "^^^ miserable death ib. 

^ Accession of Alexander Severus 338 

235 Death of Alexander. Maximin elected emperor 339 

236 Assassination of Maximin 340 

238 Accession of Gordian 

2U His murder by PhiUp 5 "^^^ 

248 Philip killed by his soldiers : succeeded by Decius. . . . 342 

251 Decius slain m an ambuscade : succeeded by Gullus. . ib. 

254 Death of Gallus : a disputed succession 343 

270 Accession of Aurelian 344 

275 Brief reign of Tacitus 345 

282 Assassination of the emperor Probus ib. 

284 Accession of Dioclesian 347 

304 The reign of Constantius and Galerius 348 

312 Victory of Constantine over Maxentius 349 

319 Favour showed to the Christians 350 

^24 Defeat of Licinius 351 

325 Legal establishment of Christianity 351 389 

328 The seat of government removed from Rome to Byzan- 
tium, which city from thenceforward takes the name 

of Constantinople, from the emperor Constantine. . . 352 

r Death of Constantine, and division of the empire 

•^37 < among his sons 353 

^ Destruction of the Flavian Family 355 

338 War between Constantius and Sapor 356 

340 Constantine the younger defeated and slain by his 

brother Constans 357 

350 Constans killed by Magnentius ib, 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 395 

A. D. ^ PAGE 

351 Magnentius totally defeated at the fatal hattle of 

Mursa 358 

354: Gallas put to death by Constantius 359 

360 The civil war between Constantius and Julian prevent- 
ed by the death of the former 360 

362 Julian's attempt to rebuild the temple of Jerusalem de- 

feated 361 

363 Death of Julian in the Persian war. Brief reign of 

Jovian 362 

364 The empire divided between Valentinian and Valens. . 363 
orvg 5 The Goths permitted to settle in Thrace 365, 382 

(_ First appearance of the Huns in Europe 365 

378 The emperor Valens defeated by the Goths at Adriano- 

ple ib. 

379 Theodosius becomes emperor of the East 366 

388 The usurper Maximus defeated and slain. 367 

392 Reunion of the EsLstem and Western empires, under 

Theodosius 368 

395 Death of Theodosius, and final separation of the East- 
ern and Western empires ib. 

398 Revolt of Gildo in Africa 370 

405 Stilicho obtains two victories over the Goths 371 

406 The Vandals and Alans settle in Gaul 372, 382 

408 Alaric, king of the Goths, besieges Rome 374 

410 Rome taken and plundered by the Goths 375 

412 Beginning of the Vandal kingdom in Spain 382 

415 Commencement of the kingdom of the Visigoths. . .375, 382 

423 Death of Honorius. Accession of Valentinian 375 

430 The Vandals invited to Africa by count Boniface. . .376, 381 
447 The Huns under the guidance of Attila, ravage Eu- 
rope 376 

449 The Britons, deserted by the Romans, invite the Sax- 
ons and Angles to their assistance 383 

455 Rome taken and plundered by Genseric, the king of the 

African Vandals 377 

476 Augustulus, the last emperor of the West deposed. Odo- 

acer takes the title of king of Italy 379 

1453 Subversion of the Eastern empire 380, 386 



THE END 



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GEOGkAPHICAL ACCURACY.— That no time be lost by unlearning errors 
or evil arise from retaining them. 

ARRANGEMENT.— Adapted to the average capacities of youth in the vari- 
ous stages of advancement ; and also to efiect an easy transition from one volume 
to another. 

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE TEXT AND THE ATLAS.- 
By which the mind is relieved from the embarrassment of searching after facts in 
one not contained in the other, or of reconciling disagreements between them. 

MECHANICAL EXCELLENCE AND BEAUTY— That a distinct im- 
pression be made upon the mind of each fact presented, and the taste cultivated 
at the same time that knowledge is communicated. 

QUALITY OF MATERIALS AND BINDING.— Upon which depend du- 
rability, and consequent cheapness. 

PERIODICAL REVISION OF EVERY FIVE YEARS.— After the work 
•hall have been adapted to the census of 1840, the revision will be rigidly executed, 
noting all new facts and changes, in such manner as that the old and new editions 
can be used in the same classes without embarrassment, tliereby preventing all the 
«vils incident to a change of books, and saving large sums of money, now lost, in 
consequence of the old editions being rendered worthless by their discrepancy with 
the new, and by which we shall be enabled lo keep pace with the progress of the 
science throushout the world, 

A pa-t of the before-named series is now before the public, viz : the PRIMARY 
SCHOOL GEOGRAPHY, the SCHOOL GEOGRAPHY AND ATLAS, the 

TLAS OF OUTLINE MAPS, and the GEOGRAPHICAL READER. 

2 



I 3] 



Of the SCHOOL GEOGRA.^HY AND ATLAS, the publishers have received 
80 numerous and unqualified tesiimonials from all parts of the Union where they 
have been presented and examined, as to leave no room for doubt, that their first 
anticipations of furnishing a series of geographical works of such intrinsic merit , 
as to become the standard text-books in the science of geography, wiil be fully 
realized. 

The ATLAS OF OUTLINE MAPS, whether considered as an accompani- 
ment to facilitate the progress of the pupil, as an agreeable variation in the rou- 
tine of studies, or as an easy introduction to the useful art of map-drawing, has, 
in all instances, met with the same decided approval. 

The GEOGRAPHICAL READER is designed not only as a reading book for 
Bchools, where it can be introduced by substituting it for other books without ad- 
ditional cost, and present the double advantage of communicating, at the same 
time, the art of reading and an enlarged knowledge of geograpliy, but also for 
instruction in families, as well as for perusal by those who are desirous of obtain- 
ing information by private study. Though but recently published, it has already 
received the decided approval of many intelligent teachers and other gentlemen, 
whose opinions are deservedly of high authority. 

The HIGH SCHOOL GEOGRAPHY, and THE KEY TO THE STLT)Y 
OF THE MAPS COMPRISLNG MITCHELL'S SCHOOL GEOGRAPHY. 
yet in the press, will be judged of by their merits, both as separate works and as 
links in the series, when presented for consideration. They will be published with 
as little delay as a careful preparation of all parts of the books will permit. 

That teachers and all others interested in the cause of general education, who 
would be pleased to examine these works with reference to their fitness for the 
place claimed for them, may fully understand the plan, a prospectus of each is 
hereto subjoined, in the order in which they wiil stand in the series. 



MitclieWs Primary School Geography. 

This little work is intended as a first geography for children, and is prepared for 
the use of those who have begun to spell and read, with some degree of facility. 
The atithor has endeavoured, accordingly, to render it as easy of comprehension, 
and as interesting to the youthful pupil, as its limits will permit. 

The Primary Geography contains 176 pages, about 120 engravings, and fourteen 
maps. These are executed from original designs, by the best artists, in their 
respective branches, in the United States. 

Pictorial illustrations, well designed, and especially adapted to the work they 
accompany, are auxiliaries so essential, that without thew a geography for young 
persons would possess but little valu«. Many of the most important facts of the 
science of geography may be impressed on the naind by visible images more forci- 
bly than by any other means. 

The introduction of moral and religious sentiments into books intended for the 
instruction of young petsons, is calculated to improve the heart, and lend addi- 
tional strength to parental admonition. Accordingly, throughout the work, when- 
ever the subject permitted, such reflections and observations have been made ag 
aax calculated to show the superiority of enlightened institutions, the excellence -^f 
the Christian religion, and the advantages of correct moral principles, as may 
ffcadily be comprehended by the juvenile learner. 



[ 4] 



MitchelTs ScJiool Geography and Mas. 

This work has been published upwards of a year, and has been already liberally 
encouraged and circulated in various parts ol' the United States. The extent to 
which it has been introduced into the most respectable seminaries, and the strong 
and decided testimonials in its favour received from eminent teachers and gentle- 
men of the highest respectability for talent and discrimination, justify the publish- 
ers in presenting it as a treatise of undoubted merit. 

The Geography contains 33(i pages, and is illustrated by more than 200 engrav- 
ings: these are all from new designs, and are executed in a style greatly superior 
to what is usually seen in works of this description ; many of the engravings elu- 
cidate important facts stated in the text, and others embrace a number of striking 
objects in nature and art : ihese Interest the scholar, excite a spirit of inquiry, and 
relieve the mind from that dull uniformity, so justly cooiplained of by those who 
study school geographies deficient in this respect. 

The work is divided into sections of such extent as are considered suiScient for 
one lesson: these are gradually enlarged from the beginning to the end of the 
book, so as to keep pace with the increasing capacity of the pupil. The descrip- 
tion of the definitions, so essential to a clear understanding of the science of geo- 
graphy, will be found, perhaps, as simple and easy of comprehension as can well 
be obtained. It is arranged chiefly in the method of question and answer, yet pre- 
senting, it is believed, sufficient scope to exercise the mental faculties of the pupil. 

The Atlas contains eighteen maps, which are all engraved from original draw- 
ings, and are executed in the clear and distinct manner for which Mr. Mitchell's 
maps are distinguished. The care bestowed upon all parts of the engraving, the 
case with which every name on the maps may be read, the location of remarkable 
events connected with the history of our own and other countries, with the mser- 
tum of tJie lines of rail-roads and canals, and the distances from one couiioent tg 
another, are all regarded as essential improvements. 

The geographical and statistical tables appended to the Atlas contain a great 
amount of interesting information, comprising a view of the extent and popula- 
■ tion of all the countries represented on the maps, together with the heights of 
mountains, lengths of rivers, and statistics of the United States, the latter embrac- 
ing lisfs of universities, colleges, and other institutions, canals, rail-roads, &c 
These tables may be considered as forming an aggregate of the whole work, and 
give it a character of perfection, without which it would be deficient in complete- 
ness and finish. 



MitcheWs Atlas of Outline Maps. 
(an accompaniment to Mitchell's school atlas.) 

This Atlas corresponds with seven of the principal and most useful maps accom- 
panying the School Geography. On these the names of places are entirely omitted, 
leaving nothing but the natural features of the countries they illustrate, and the 
cliief political boundaries or divisions. 

It is well known that no method so well fixes in the mind of tlic learner the forna 
and relative position of countries, islands, &c., as drawing maps. To draw them 
entirely is a work of time, and what comparatively but few scholars ever attaio 
the art of doing well ; but the exorcise of completing the Outline Maps from x.\\m 
finished Atlas possesses all the advantages to be derived from map-drawing, wiiii 
a great suving of . lane. 



[5 ] 

MitchelVs Geographical Reader, for Schools and 
Families, 

This work contains 600 pages, and comprises a general description of the vari- 
«us divisions of the earth, with their several empires, kingdoms and states, pre- 
ceded by a compendious history of the progress of geographical science. 

The design of the work is indicated by the title. It may be read in classes by 
*ose who are using Mitchell's School Geography, or by pupils farther advanced 
n their studies. This book will be found equally convenient to heads of families 
ivho wish to teach their children, or to adults v/ho have passed their period of 
iuition. 

The arrangement of countries is the same as in the ** School Geography," the 
descriptive details are extended in proportion to its enlarged dimensions, and will 
be found to give a lively and interesting picture of the world, according to its con- 
dition at the present day. 

The Reader is also arranged to correspond with " Mitchell's School Atlas," bo 
that those who already have the latter will be in possession of a suitable accom- 
paniment to the former ; and individuals who are not may obtain it at a cost much 
below the price charged for Atlases compiled to illustrate treatises of equal extent 
with the Geographical Reader. 

An important and, perhaps, paramount feature of the Reader is, that its intro- 
duction into schools can be effected without additional cost, by dispensing with 
other reading books. This will bring it within the means of the humblest pupila, 
and enable our whole population to acquire an accurate knowledge of the sciepce. 



A Key to the Study of the Maps comprising Mitchell's 
School Atlas, 

The Key to the study of Maps comprises a series of lessons arranged to corre- 
spond in every respect wiih Mitchell's School Alias. The work forms an easy in- 
troduction to the study of Maps — the foundation of all exact geographical know- 
ledge, and has been prepared as the most proper preliminary study for beginners in 
geography. 



Mitchell's High School Geography and Atlas. 

The High School Geography will contain about 600 pages, and will comprise a 
•omplete system of mathematical, physical, political, statistical, and descriptive 
modern geography, together with a compendium of ancient geography, and the 
whole will be illustrated by views, representations of remarkable natural object^ 
illustrations of costumes, architecture, races of men, animals, &c. The whole ot 
the engravings wiil be executed by the first artists in the country. 

The Atlas to accompany the above will contain not less than thirty maps, con- 
structed particularly for the work, and designed to correspond with and illustrate 
it in the most precise manner. The maps will be engraved in the neat and distinct 
style for which those of "Mitchell's School Atlas" are distinguished ; they will 
contain, however, in some respects, a greater amount of detail, and such additional 
particulars as the higher and more advanced grade of tuition for which they OTQ 
intended may demand. 



CATALOGUE 

OF 

SCHOOL BOOKS. 



FROST'S UNITED STATES. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES; for the 

use of Schools and Academies. By John Frost. Illustrated 
with 40 engravings. 

The design of the author in this, his larger history, has been to furnish a 
text-book full and complete enough for the use of colleges, academies, and 
the higher seminaries. It begins with the discovery of the New "World, and 
presenting the series of events in a clear and connected narrative, rejecting 
whatever"was considered irrelevant or unimportant, and dwelling chiefly on 
those striking features of the subject which give it vividness and character; 
the history is brought down to the present day. " Although," says the author 
ia his preface, " the considerable period embraced, the multitude of characters 
and events delineated, and the extent of the field in which they figure, have 
rendered the preservation of historical unity no easy task, he has laboured to 
give the work such a degree of compactness as would enable the student U) 
perceive the relation of all its parts, and to grasp the whole without any very 
aifiicult exercise of comprehension." 

The numerous testimonials to the merit of this work, and its popularity 
evinced quite unequivocally by the sale of ten thousand copies within a few 
months after its first publication, afford a strong presumption that the author 
hcis succeeded in his purpose of making it a first-rate school history. 

The following notices and recommendations of Frost's History, are selected 
from an immense number which have been sent to the publisher. 



REC01VI3VIENDATIONS. 

Mr. Biddlr 

Dear Sir — am glad to see that the " History of the United States," which 
you announced some time since, has made its appearance. The extensive 
research which has of late years been carried on u[X)n the subject of American 
history, and the careful investigation of original sources of intelligence, by 
ladividuals eminently qualified for the task, have furnisiied valuable mate- 

6 



[7] 



rials from which to enlarge and to correct the historical records of our coun- 
try. It was time to have these advantages transferred to works designed for 
the purpose of education. I was happy, therefore, to observe by your an- 
nouncement, that a booli on this plan was to be prepared. I have since been 
Ratified with the perusal of the volume ; and I take pleasure in saving that 
It appears to me in every respect well executed. It avoids the fault with 
which most compilations are chargeable — that of merely sketching a general 
outline of events, too brief and abstract to gain the attention of the student. 
It is free, at the same time, from injudicious prolixity and detail. 

The style is clear, concise, and spirited; free on the one hand from the 
ambitious and rhetorical character, and on the other, from the negligence 
and inaccuracy into which most of our popular compends have falleji. 

As a liistory of the United States, it is, in my opinion, more full and more 
exact than any of the same size, and in all other respects preferaole, as a 
book intended to aid the business of instruction. 

WILLIAM RUSSELL, 
Editor of the American Journal of Education, Jirst serie3, 

Philadelphia^ Oct. 1836. 

New York, January 11» 1837. 
We fully concur in the sentiments above expressed. 

G. J. HOPPER, JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, 

RUFUS LOCK WOOD, MYRON BEARDSLEY, 

ROYAL MANN, WILLIAM H. WYCKOFF, 

JOHN OAKLEY, THEODORE W. PORTER, 

HENRY SWORDS, C. C. JENNINGS. 

GEORGE INGRAM, ROBERT J. FURNEY, 

JOHN C. TREADWELL. AARON RAND, 

JOSEPH M'KEEN, EDMUND D. BARRY, D.D., Princi- 
F. S. WORTH, pal of a Classical Academy. 

WILLIAM FORREST, SAMUEL GARDNER, 

F. A. STREETER, D. STEVENS, 

JAMES LAWSON, SAMUEL BROWN, 

DAVID SCHOYER, JOSEPH M. ELY, 

SOLOMON JENNER, P. PERRINE, 

C. WM. NICHOLS, SAMUEL RICHARDS. 
JOSEPH MOONEY, 

FVom S. Jones, A.M., Philadelphia, earner of Seventh and Carpenter streets 

A History of the United Slates for the use cf schools, such as the present- 
Aa.3 long been greatly needed— something to correspond in its general charac- 
ter with the admirable histories of Goldsmith, which have been received with 
so much favour. I have examined the volume prepared by Mr. Frost, and 
'* although the considerable period embraced, the multitude of characters and 
events aelineated, and the extent of the field in which they figure," have 
ealledfor the exercise of ^reat judgment in the selection, as weU as in the 
arrangement of his materials , yet this difficult task has been accomplished 
with a success which is highly creditable to the author. The great industry 
and fidelity with which it has oee'ii composed are very apparent ; and the 
" List of Authorities," at the end, evinces that he has availed himself of the 
best sources of information. It gives me pleasure to commend this History 
of the United Slates, as being better suited to the valuable purpose for which 
k was designed, than any other which has hitherto come under my notire. 

February, 1837. S. JONES, 

Mr. E. C. Biddle, 

Your " Frost's United States" is, in my judgment, by far the best school book 
in the department of history that we have. It ought to supersede, in respect 
to more advanced pupils, any other text-book extant on this subject. I can 
only wish that it may be placed within the reach of those for whom it is in. 
tended, inasmuch as the work needs to be known merely, in order to be gene* 
rally adopted. 

CHARLES HENRY ALDEN. 



[8] 



Columbia Academy^ Philad.t Nov. 15, 1836. 

Mb. Edward C. Biddle, 

Dear Sir,— I am so well pleased with "Frost's History^ of the United 
States," and its merits as a scliool booli, that I have organized a class who 
are now engaged in studying it. 

Respectfully yours, &c. 

J. H. BROWN. 

We fully concur in the opinions expressed above. 



JOHN COLLINS, 
MATTHIAS NUGENT, 
RIC HARD O'R. LOVETT, 
S. H. REEVES, 
JAMES CROWELL, 
THOMAS COLLINS, 
R. M'CUNNEY, 
THOMAS H. WILSON, 
DAVID SMITH, 
BARTRAM KAIGHN, 
M. SEMPLE, 
B. y^' BLACKWOOD, 
WILLIAM M'NAIR, 
E. W. HUBBARD, 
WILLIAM LEWIS, 
E. NEVILLE, 
JOHN ALLEN. 
WILLIAM MaNN, 
JAMES E. SLACK, 
L. W. BURNETT, 
CHARLES MEAD, 
THOMAS M'ADAM, 
WILLIAM ALEX.\NDER,A.M. 
JOSEPH RAPP, No. 41 Sansom 

street. 
JOHN PURLZ, 



AUGUSTINE LUDINGTON, 
SAMUEL CLENDENIN, 
ARCHIBALD MITCHELL, 
THOMAS T. AZPELL, 
T. G. POTTS, 
J. B. AVALKKR, 

H. LONGSTRETH, A.M., Classical 
Teacher, Friends' Academy. 

D. R. ASH TON, 

WILLIAM MARRIOTT, Principal 
of Philadelphia Select Academy, 
comer of Fifth and Arch streets. 

RIAL LAKE, 

E. FOU SE, N. E. corner of Race and 
Sixth streets. 

WILLIAM A. GARRIGUES, Math©- 

malical Teacher. 
L 1. HITCHCOCK, 
THOI\IAS BALDWIN, 
T. SEVERN, 
JOHN SIMMONS, 
JOHN EVANS, 
JOHN STOCKDALE, 
Rev. SAAIL. W. CRAWFORD, A.M. 

Principal of the Academical Dept. 

of the University of Pennsylvania. 



I have examined "Frost's History of the United States,'* just published, and 
cheerfully recommend it to the attention of teachers as a very superior work 
of the kind. In style, a most important point in works of this character, it is 
decidedly superior to some of the most popular historical compends now used 
in our schools and academies. 

Baltimore, March 16, 1837. R. CONNOLLY. 

Dear Sir,— I have long felt the want of a good History of the United States, 
and was pleased to have the opportunity of perusing trosi's. I am so much 
pleased wiih its elegance of language, neat arrangement, copious questions, 
and style of getting up, that I shall'at once introduce it into my school, and 
use my influence to give it a wide circulation. 

Baltimore, March 16, 1837. E. B. HARNEY. 



We fully concur in the above, 

EDW^ARD S. EBBS, 
MICHAEL POWER, 
ANDREW DINSMORE, 
JAMES WILKISON, 
N. M. KNAPP, 
DAAaD KING, 
JOHN R. GARBOE, 
JOSEPH WALKER, 
JAMES E. SEARLY, 
THOMSON RANDOLPH, 
CHARLES H. ROBERTSON, 



CHARLES F. BANSEMOS, 
ROBERT O'NEILL, 
JOHN HARVIE, 
E. YEATES REESE, 
PHILIP WALSH, 
JOHN KIRBY, A.M. 
BENJAiMIN G. FRY, 
S. M. ROSZEL, 
JOSEPH H. CLARKE. 
JOHN KEELY, 
PARDON DAVIS, 



l«J 



Baltimorej March, 1837. 
Mr. E. C. Biddle, 

Sir,— I have examined with some attention "A History of the United 
States, by John Frost," published by you. I am so much pleased with iu 
happy arrangement, correct style, and careful investigation into the inci- 
dents of our history, that I shall introduce it into my school, as early as prac- 
ticable, and I think its merita need only be known, to recommend it to every 
school in the country. 

I am, respectfully. &c. 

' A. A. DOWSON. 

By the politeness of the puolisher, Mr. E. C. Biddle, of Philadelphia, we 
have received, through his agent, a copy of Frost's "History of the United 
States ;" and having examined it. are infinitely pleased with the work.- Tha 
compiler has departed sufiicienlly from the path of common historians, to 
render his work truly entertaining, without overlooking any important histo- 
rical fact. The chronological and statistical tables are' full, the subject mat- 
ter well arranged, and it seems adapted in every important respect for use 
in schools and academies. KNAPP & WILLIS. 

Gay Street Seminary, March 20, 1837. 

Baltimore Female Classical School. 
Mr. Biddle, 

Sir,— As far as Ihave examined " The History of the United States," which 
you put into my liands for that purpose, it receives my decided approbation ; 
and in corroboration of this, I shall introduce it immediately, as a text-book, 
into my school. 

A. B. CLEAVELAND, A.M., M.D., Schoolmaster. 
Baltimore, March 16, 1837. 

Prom Stephen S. Roszel, A.M., Principal of"^ Spring Seminary," Baltimore. 
Mr. E. C. Biddle, 

Sir,— A superficial examination of " Frost's United States" is quite suffi- 
cient to convince any impartial and enlightened mind of its general excel- 
lence, and especially of its admirable adaptation to the purposes oi scholas- 
tic study. The simplicity ol its arrangement, the perspicuiiy of its delinea- 
tions, and the elegance of its style, coi-nbine to recommend its adoption in 
all our literary institutions, and to secure in its favour the cheerful plaudits 
of universal approbation. Respectfully, 

S. S. ROSZEL. 



Philadelphia, March 24, 1838. 
This Is to certify, that "Frost's History of the United Slates" has been 
adopted as a class-book by the Controllers of the Public Schools of the Firs^ 
School District of Pennsylvania, and is in general use in the public school)! 
in the city and county of Philadelphia. 

R. PENN SMITH, 
Secretary of the Board of ControlUn, 



Frost's History of the United States has been reprinted m 
London as the first of a series of national histories written by 
natives of the respective countries to which they relate. This is a 
compliment not often paid to American school books by British pub- 
lishers. 



[10] 

FROST'S 
HISTORY FOR COMMON SCHOOLS. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES FOR 

THE U8E OF COMMON SCHOOLS. By John Frost, 

author of " History of the United States for the use of Schools 
and Academies," '* The American Speaker," &c. 

This work is condensed from the author's larger History of the United 
States for ihe Use of Schools and Academies. In reducing the quantity of 
matter to such a compass, as will place the volume wiihin^the reach of the 
eommon schools, no pains have been spared to preserve all that is essential 
to a clear and comprehensive history of the country. No event of importance, 
noticed in the larger history, is passed over in this, although many of the 
minor details are considerably condensed ; and some circumstances and ob- 
eervations I'avi ug a comparatively unimrx)rtant bearing on the main story, 
are entirely omitted. 

The author's design, in accomplishing the condensationof his former work, 
has been to furnish the common schools of the country with a history, in a 
cheap and convenient form, which would be complete and sufficient for the 
purposes of sound instruction, nut only in the plan and arransement, but in 
the amount of solid information which it should comprise. How far he may 
have succeeded in this attempt it rexnain:^ for the friends of popular educatioa 
U) determine. 



RECOIVIIVIENDATIONS. 

The following are selected from a large number of recommendatians of the 
above work which have been received by the publisliers. It has been adopted 
by the Controllers of the Public Schools of the City and County of Philadelphia, 
and by «ther connnittees of public schools in various parts of the country. 

FVomthe Rev. C. H. Aldeuy Principal of the Philadelphia High School for 

Girls 

"Frost's History of the United States" is a text-book in my school, and is 
justly a favourite. I have often regretted that an edition, in a smaller 
volume, with numerous illustrative engravinirs, was not furnished for the use 
of our junior cla^^ses and common schools, fam glad, therefore, to see what 
I thought a desideratum, and in a style, and at a price so well adapted to the 
purposes intended. This volume, I find, is abridged from the larger volume 
very judiciously, and can be recommended very confidently to general use. 
There is no history of our country, in my opinion, at all comparable with itaa 
a common school book. 

CHARLES HENKY ALDEN, 

Philadelphia, Oct. 23, 1837.' 

I judge '' Frost's History of the United States" to be a most excellent epitome 
of American history. Many interesting and important facts relative to Am©, 
rican affairs, in other works ©f the kind omitted, are therein judiciously inlro- 



[11] 

duced. The simplicity and elegance of the style cannot fail to please evfiry 
attentive reader. The appendix, containing the consiitution of our beloved 
land, as also a useful ciironological table, will render the work doubly 
valuable. WJVI. ALEXANDER, 

October 19, 1837. Teacher of Languages, Philadelphia, 

Philadelphia, Nov. 16, 1837. 

I have just got through with an examination of " Frost's History of the 
United States for Common Schools." I have, for a long time, felt the need' 
of a history of our country tliat should embrace all the most imporiant events, 
and, at the same time, present a style and arrangement attractive to the 
common reader. My wishes were fully met upon receiving a copy of the 
?arger work, by the same author. This work oiight to be placed in every 
library as well as in every school. 

This smaller work, which appears to be condensed from the larger one, 
contains all the important facts and retains the same easy style that charac* 
terized the book from which it was abridged. I feel safe in recommending 
it to others, and shall introduce it into my seminary as an introduction to the 
large work, so soon as I can dispense with other works now in use. 

Yours, &c. 

H. BILL Uman Hall > 

Mr. E. C. Biddlb: 

Dear Sir,— I have to acknowledge the favour of copies of " Frost's United 
States for the use of Common Schools," and of" The American Speaker" by 
the same gentleman. As you have my opinion of the book from vvhich tha 
first of these works is condensed, it is not necessary to say much of the present 
volume. The author, it seems to me, has furnished a book better suited to a 
large class of pupils than his former work ; and while it is complete and suf- 
ficient for the purposes of sound instruction, not only in the plan and arrange- 
ment, but in %he amount of solid information which it comprises, can be af- 
forded at one-half the price of the larger volume. I am making use of both 
of these "Histories," with entire satisfaction. "The Speaker" contains a 
great variety of pieces, selected, with much care and judgment, from our mosl 
successful orators, and is vs^ell adapted to promote the object of the compiler. 
The Principles of Elocution, by Mr. Ewing. which are prefixed to the collec- 
tion, and the number of exercises marked with intiections, give this work 
claims over all other books of the kind I have examined, and will, doubt- 
less, secure for it a ready introduction to our colleges and academies. The 
work has been precured by a number of my pupils, and I unhesitatingly 
commend it. Yours, &c. 

S. JONES, 
No 17 South Seventh street, Philadelphia. 



Philadelphia, March 24, 1838. 
This is to certify, that " Frost's History of the United States" 
Has been adopted as a class-book by the Controllers of the Public 
Schools of the First School District of Pennsylvania, and is in 
general use in the public schools in the city and county of Phila- 
delpkis^ 

R. PENN SMITH, 
Secretary of Board of Controlkr$ 



[12J 



FROSrS AMERICAN SPEAKER. 



THE AMERICAN SPEAKER ; comprising a com- 
prehensive Treatise on Elocution, and an extensive Selection of 
Specimens of American and Foreign Eloquence. Embellished 
with engraved Portraits of distinguished American Orators, on 
steel. By J. Frost, author of History of the United States. 

The design of this work is to furnish a correct and satisfactory treatise on 
the Principles of Elocution in a small space; and a very rich and copious 
collection of specimens of Deliberative, Forensic, Academic, and Popular 
Eloquence, filling up the greater portion of the volume. It has met with a 
very rapid sale, six thousand copies having been called for within a few 
weeks after its first appearance. The estimal,ion in which it is held by intel- 
ligent teachers will appear by the following: 



REOOIVI3VIENDATIONS. 

From William Russell^ Esq.^ Teacher of Elocution^ first Editor of the 
Journal of Education. 

Dear Siry— The "American Speaker," edited by Mr. Frost, is, I think, one 
of the best volumes fur practical exercises in elocution, that instructers or 
itudents can find. The rules and principles laid down in the introductory part 
of the book, comprise whatever is most useful in Walker's system, as abridged 
by Mr. Ewing of Edinburgh. The compends of Mr. Ewing were preferred 
to all others, by the late Dr. Porter of Andover, whose critical knowledge and 
pure taste in relation to the art of elocution are so extensively appreciated. 

The numerous rules on the manner of reading the series— so termed by 
elocutionists— may be differently viewed by instructers, according to the ex- 
tent to which they follow Walker's authority. But there can be no diversity 
of opinion as to the utility of the ©ther pans of the work, and, particularly, 
the many pieces in which the ijiflections of the voice are marked throughout 
by appropriate accents. Respectfully, yours, 

Mu, E. C. BiDDLE, Philadelphia. WM. RUSSELL. 

Mr. Biddle : 

I consider '• Frost's American Speaker" to be the best compilation of the kind 
that has ever met my eye. The principles of elocution therein laid down are 
excellent, and well calculated to promote eloquence in every youthful Ame- 
rican freeman. The extracts are of a high order, andj in general, breathe the 
spirit of liberty and independence. Giving you my best wishes for the suc- 
cess of the work, I remain, very respectfully, yours, 

WD^LIAM ALEXANDER. 

I have carefully examined " The American Speaker, by John Frost," and 
feel no hesitation in saying that I am highly pleased with the work. The 
rules and examples elucidating the principles of elocution, cannot fail to 
secure the advancement of the student in the difficult science of Oratory. I 
have already introduced it into my school. — With respect to Mr. J. Frost's 
** Abridgment of the History of the United States," I consider it extremely 
well calculat©<l to give younger pupils a sufiicient knowledge of the histwy 
oftheir own country. MICHAEL POWER. 

Baltimore, January 2, 1838. Principal of Ashury College 



I 



[13] 



PINNOCK'S ENGLAND. 



PINNOCK'S IMPROVED EDITION OF DR. 

GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the inva- 
sion of Julius Caesar to the death of George II., with a con- 
tinuation to the year 1838 : with questions for examination at 
the end of each section ; besides a variety of valuable information 
added throughout the work, consisting of Tables ot Contempo- 
rary Sovereigns and Eminent Persons, copious Explanatory 
Notes, Remarks on the Politics, Manners, and Literature of the 
Age, and an Outline of the Constitution. Illust'nted with 30 
Engravings on Wood. Fifteenth American, corrected and re- 
vised from the twenty-fourth English ediUon. 



RECOIVriVIENDATIONS. 

Messrs. Key & Biddle, Philadelphia^ Oct. 20, 1834. ' 

Gentlemen,— Be pleased to accept my thanks for me favour you have done 
me in sending a copy of your neat and attractive edition of Pinnock's Gold- 
smith's England. It appears to me to have been sedulously prepared for the 
purpose which it professes to subserve — that of a convenient manual for 
schools and academies. By the questions and tabular view^s at the ends of 
the several chapters, the scholar will be able to test his ov/n acquisitions, and 
to embrace at a glance an important collection of facts, in regard to the his- 
tory and biography of the period of which he has been reading. These land- 
marks for the memory serve to raise a host of reminiscences, all interesting to 
the diligent and inquiring student. With my wishes for the success of the 
work, accept the assurances of the high respect with which I subscribe my 
eelf. Your obedient servant, 

WALTEPv K. JOHNSON, 
Professor of Mechanics and Natural Philosophy 
in th€ Frankli/i Institute. 

Prom S. JoneSi A.M., Principal of the Classical and Mathematical Institute^ 
Philadelphia. 

I have attentively examined Pinnock's improved edition of Dr. Goldsmith's 
History of England, puljlished by Messrs. Key & Biddle, of this city, and am 
impressed with its excellence. I have no hesitation in expressing my full 
approbation of the work, with my belief that it will receive a liberal patron- 
age from an enlightened community. S. JONES. 

nth Month, 1834. 
'' I consider Pinnock's edition of Goldsmith's History of Ei' gland as the best 
edition of that work which has yet been published for the use of schools. The 
tables of contemporary sovereigns and eminent persons, at the end of each 
chapter, afford the means of many useful remarks and comparisons with the 
nistory of other nations. With these views, I cheerfully recommend it as « 
book well adapted to school purposes. JOHN M. KEAG*'' 

FHends^ Academy/, Philadelphia 



[14] 



We fully concur in the opinion as 
SETH SMITH, 
J. H. BLACK, 
THOINIAS COLLINS, 
JABIES CROWELL, 
J. B. WALKER, 
S. C. WALKER, 
T. H. WILSON, 
J. MADEIRA, 
WILLIAM MANN, 
W. MARRIOTT, 
C. B. TREGO, 
URIAH KITCHEN, 
TH0:MAS EUSTACE, 
JOHN HASLAM, 
W. CURRAN, 
J. STOCKDALE, 
S. H. REEVES, 
J. HAYMER, 
W. B. ROSE, 
CHARLES MEAD, 
BENJAMIN IVIAYO, 
Rev. S. M. GAYLEY, Wil- 

minfrton, Del. 
E. FOUSE, -^ 
J. E. SLACK, 
JOSEPH R. EASTBURN, 
A. STEVENSON, 



expressed above. 

WILLIAjVI a. GARRIGUES, 

M. SOULE, 

Rev. CHARLES HENRY ALDEN 

JOHN EUSTACE, 

BENJAIVIIN C. TUCKER, 

HUGH MORROW, 

WILLIAiM M'NAIR, 

E. H. HUBBARD, 

R. LAKE, 

JOH.. V/EBB, 

JOHN ORD, 

SAxMUEL CLENDENIN, 

D. R. ASHTON, 

J. O'CONNOR, Secretary to the Phi 
ladelphia Association of Teachers. 

JOSEPH WARREN, 

THO.MAS CONRAD, 

TH03IAS M'ADAM, 

Rev. SAMUEL W. CRAWFORD 
A. 31., Principal of Academical DepU 
of University of Pennsylvania. 

M. L. HURLBUT, 

R. W. CUSH3IAN, 

AUGUSTINE LUDINGTON, 

JOHN ERHARDT. 

OLIVER A. SHAW, 

A. D. CLEVELAND. 



We fully concur in the opinion 
SAJMUEL .TONES, 
O. W. TREAD WELL, 
E. BENNETT, 
E. R. HARNEY, 
ROBERT O'NEILL, 
N. SPEL3IAN, 
S. W. ROSZELL, 
SAINIUEL HUBBELL, 
H. O. WATTS, 

C. F. BANSEMER, 

D. E. REESE, 
S. A. CLARKE, 
JOHN FINLEY, A.M. 



Baltimore y Dec. 15^4 
above expressed. 

WILLIA:M HAINIILTON, 
JOSEPH WALKER, 
JAMES SHANLEY, 
DAVID RING, 
ROBERT WALKER, 
D. W. B. M'CLELAN, 
S. A. DAVIS, 
JAMES F. GOULD, 
JOSEPH H. CLARKE, 
FRANCIS WATERS, 
JOHN MAGEE, 
MICHAEL PO^VER. 



Recommendations to the same general effect have been received from lh« 
following gentlemen : — 

SIMEON HART, Jr., Farmington, Conn. 

Rev. D. R. AUSTIN, Principal of Monmouth Academy, Monson, Masa. 

T. L. WRIGHT, A.M., Principal of East Hartford Classical and English 
School. 

Rev. N. W. FISKE, A.:\L, Professor Amherst College, Mass. 

E. S. SNELL. A.M., Professor Amherst College, Mass. 

Rev. S. north. Professor of Languages, Hamilton College, New York 

W. H. SCRAM, A.I\L, Principal of Classical and English Academy, Troy, 
New York. 

JAMES F. GOULD, Principal of Classical School, Baltimore. 

A. B. INIYERS, Principal of Whitehall Academy, New York. 
HORACE WEBSTER, Professor Geneva College, New York. 
W. C. FOWLER, Professor Middlebury College, Vermont. 

B. S. NOBLE, Bridgeport, Conn. 

Rbv. S. B. HOWE, late President of Dickinson College. 
B- F. JOSLIN, Professor Union College, New York. 



[151 



PINNOCK'S GREECE. 



PINNOCK'S IMPROVED EDITION OP DR 

GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. Revised, cor 
reeled, and very considerably enlarged, by the addition of several 
new chapters and numerous useful notes ; with questions for 
examination, at the end of each section. Revised from the 
twelfth London edition. With 30 engravings, by Atherton. 



REOOIVIMENDATIONS. 

Prom Mr. N. Dodge, Teacher , South Eighth street. 
The'edition of " Pinnock's History of Greece" on the basis of Goldsmith's, ia, 
ill my estimation, a work of superior merit. The introductory chapters are 
especially valuable. The body of the work is greatly improved ; and tho 
continuation, though brief, supplies a want greatly felt by every reader at tno 
conclusion of the original work of Dr. Goldsmith. I shall introduce it into 
my seminary as the best text-book on the subject. 

N. DODGE. 
We fully concur in the opinions above expressed. 
THOMAS H. WILSON, AUGUSTI>a^: LUDINGTON, 

WM. ALEXANDER, A.IVI. Rev. SAMUEL W. CRAWFORD 

JOHN SIMIMONS, A.M., Principal of the Acadl. Dept. 

WILLIAM M'NAIR, of the University of Pennsylvania. 

EDWARD H. HUBBARD, THOMAS M'ADAM. 

EZEKIEL FOUSE, THOMAS T. AZPELL, 

Rev. WM. MANN, A.M. A. MITCHELL, 

J. MADEIRA, H. MORROW, 

J. E. SLACK, D. R. ASHTON, 

L. W. BURNET, BENJAMIN C. TUCKER, 

JOHN HASLAM, ES. LEVY, 

THOMAS EUSTACE, WILLIAM ROBERTS, 

JOHN EUSTACE, SAMUEL J. WILLEY, 

WILLIAM MARRIOTT, THOMAS BALDWIN, 

RIAL LAKE, U. KITCHEN, 

THOMAS COLLINS, M. L. ITORLBERT, 

MATTHIAS NUGENT, SHEPHERD A. REEVES, 

SAMUEL CLENDENIN, EDMUND NEVILLE, 

JAMES CROWELL. NICHOLAS DONNELLY, 

WILLIAM B. RO^SE, WILLIAM A. GARRIGUES. 



[16] ^ 

PINNOCFS ROME. 



PINNOCK'S IMPROVED EDITION OF DR 

GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF ROME. To which is pre 
fixed an Introduction to the Study of Roman History, and a great 
variety of information throughout the work on the Manners, 
Institutions, and Antiquities of the Romans ; with questions for 
examination, at tlie end of each section. Revised from the 
twelfth London edition, with additions and improvements. 
With 30 engravings, by Atherton, 



RECOIVtIVIENDATIONS. 

Having examme-d Pinnock's improved edition of Dr. Goldsmith's History 
of Rome, 1 unhesitatingly say, that the style and ele^rance of the languaj©, 
ihe arrangement of the chapters, and the questions for examination, fender 
It, in my estimation, a most vaiuai;le srJiool L)Ouk; :— I therefore most cheerluUy 
recommend it to teachers, and do confideatly trust ihai it will find an extea* 
rive introduction into the schools of our country. 

Baltimore, September 23, 1335. JA]MES F. GOULD. 

We fully concur in the above recommendation. 

S. P. SKINXEK, A. DL\S:\TOKE, 

C. H. RORKRTSON, JA3IKS Wli.KESON, 

ROBERT WALKER, JOSEPH H. CLARKE, 

WILLIAM HAMILTON S. A. CLARKK, 

DAVID RINtT, JOSEPH WALKER, 

JAMES E. SKARLEY, JAMES SHANLEY, 

SAMUEL ROSZEL, E. liHODES HARxVEY, 

E. YEATES REESE, ROI^ERT O'NEILL, 

N. SPEL.AIAN, MICHAEL POWER, 

B. WALSH, JOHN PRENTISS, 

PARDON lUVTS, EDWARD S. EBBS, 

SA."\1UEL HUBHELL, MICHAEL TONER. 
O. W. TREAD WELL, 

FVom Samuel Jones, A.M., Principal of the Classical and Mathematical 
Instit ute, Philadelphia. 

A writer of so honourable a popularity as Dr. Goldsmith, for all the graces 
of an elegant, polished, and {uire style and whose histories have been so long 
and so extensively useful to youth, rertairdy needs no encomium. It may be 
vlded, however, for ihe information of those teachers who are not acquainted 
witli the improvements of Pinnock, tliat he has been for some time eminent 
in England for valuable additions to schwl books. Of the edition of Rome, by 
Messrs. Key & Biddleof this city, it is believed that it will be found superior, 
Vq the manner of '' getting up,*' to any vet published in this country; while 
iia attractive appearance and' mechanical execution lead me not only to hope, 



[17] 



Dot confidently expect, that they will receive a liberal return for their inveat 

ment. 

, Philadelphia^ September 15, 1835. SAMUEL JONES. \ 

From J. M. Keagy^ M.D., Principal of FViends'* Academy ^ Philadelphia, \ 
Pinnock's edition of "Goldsmith's Rome" has several very useful addi- 
tions ; the one an introduction, containing an abridged view of Roman 
Geography and Antiquities, and the other a very appropriate extension of 
Ronian history to the subjugation of the empire by the Northern Bsjliarians. 
This improved edition of "Goldsmith's Rome" will, no doubt /etain vts 
place in our schools as one of the best abridgments of the history of that 
interesting people. 

JOHN M. KEAGY. 

We fully concur in the above. 

THOMAS BALDWIN, F. M. LUBBREN, 

D. MAGENIS, Teacher of Elo- SHEPHERD A. REEVES, 

cution. JOHN HASLAM, 

W^ILLIAM A. GARRIGUES, E. FOUSE, 

CHARLES HENRY ALDEN, OLIVER A. SHAW, 

W. MARRIOTT, M. L. HURLBERT, 

THOMAS CONARD, RIAL LAKE, 

URIAH KITCHEN, BENJAMII^ MAYO, 

SETH S^MITH, WILLIAM M'NAIR, 

J. D. GRISCOM, C. K. FROST, 

AUGUSTINE LUDINGTON, SAIMUEL CLENDENIN, 

CHARLES B. TREGO, THO^IAS COLLINS, 

THOIMAS EUSTACE, J. O'CONNOR, 

J. H. BROWN, JOHN STOCKDALE,' 

JOHN ^TEEL, D. R. ASHTON, 

T. G. POITS, BENJAMIN C. TUCKER, 

JOSEPH P. EIn'^LES, JA?.IES CROWELL, 

WILLIAM INIANN, RICHARD JM'CUNNEY, 

L. W. BURNET, J. E. SLACK, 

HUGH MORROW, CHARLES MEAD, 

JOSEPH EUSTACE, E. H. HUBBARD, 

M. A. CRITTENDEN, Princi- V. VALUE, 

pal of a Young Ladies' Semi- EDWARD POOLE. 

nary, Philadelphia. 

tvecommendations to the same effect have been received from the following 
gentlemen : 
SIMEON HART, Jr., Farmin^on, Conn. 
T. L. WRIGHT, East Hartford, Conn. 
Rev. N. W. FISKE, Professor Amherst College, Mass. 
D. R. AUSTIN, A.M., Principal of Monson Academy. 
Rev. S. NORTH, Professor Hamilton College, New York. 
HORACE WEBSTER, Professor Geneva College, New York. 
B. G. NOBLE, Bridgeport, Conn. 
Rev. S. B. HOWE, late President of Dickinson College. 

B. F. JOSLIN, B'I.D., Professor Union College, New Y^ork. 
G. B. GLENDINNING, Troy, New York. 

J. P. BRACE, Principal of Hartford Female Academy. 

C. H. CALHOUN, A.M., Tutor William's College. 
GEORGE HALE, A.M., Tutor William's College. 

J. H. LATHROP, A.M., Professor Hamilton College, New York. 
A. N. SKINNER, New Haven, Conn. 

D. D WHEDON, Professor Wesleyan University, Middleton, Coiuv 



[18J 

GUY ON ASTRONOMY, 
AND KEITH ON THE GLOBES 



GUY'S ELEMENTS OF ASTRONOMY, AND 

AN ABKIDGEMEXT OF KEITH'S NEW TREATISE 
ON THE GLOBES. Thirteenth American edition, with 
additions and improvements, and an explanation of the astro- 
nomical part of the American Almanac. Illustrated with 
eighteen plates, drawn and engraved on steel, in the best man 
ner. 



REOOIVriYIENDATIONS. 

Philadelphia, Decernber, L834. 
A volume containing Guy's popular treaiise of Astronomy. aaU Keith on 
the Globes, having been submitted to us for examination and carefully ex- 
amined, we can without any hesitation recommend it to tne notice and patron- 
age of parents and teachers. The work on Astronomy is clear, intelligible, and 
suited to the comprehension of young persons. Il comprises a great amount 
of information, and is well illustrated with steel engravings. Keith on the 
Globes has long been recognised as a standard school book. The present 
edition, comprised in the same volume with the Astronomy, is improved by 
the omission of much extraneous matter, and the reduction of size and price. 
On the whole, we know of no school book which comprises so much in so 
little space as the new edition of Guy and Keith. 
THOjIAS EUSTACE, \Y. B. ROSE, 

JOHN HASLA3L CHARLES MEAD. 

W. CURRAX. ' BE-\JA:MIN MAYO, 

sa3tuel clexdextn, r. 3i0rr0w, 

shepherd a. reeves, j. h. black, 

john stockdale, s. c. walker, 

j. b. walker, thomas collins* 

j. e. slack, wm. mann, 

joseph r. eastburn, rial lake, 

willia:\i inpnair, w. marriott, 

h. o. watts, c. b. trego, 

J. O'CONNOR, Secretary to the JOHN ERHARDT, 

Philadelphia Association of R. W. CUSHMAN, 

Teachers. THOMAS M'ADAM, 

B. N. LEWIS, Rev. SAMUEL W. CRAT\TORb, 

Rev. CHAS. H. ALDEN, A.M., Principal of the Acadl. ^-epL 

BENJAMIN C. TUCKER, of the University of Pennsylvania. 

J. H. BROWN, . O. A. SHAW, 

JOHN ORD, AUGUSTINE LUDINGTON, 

SETH SMITH, M. SOULE, 

WILLIAM ROBERTS, WILLIAIM A. GARRIGUES, 

T. H. WILSON, M. L. HURLBERT 

JOSEPH WARREN, S. JONES, 



[19] 

Balhmor^i Dec, 18^ } 
We fully concur in the opinion above expressed. 
E. BENNETT, JAINIES SHANLEY, 

C. F. BANSEMAR, DAVID RING, 

E. R. HARNEY, ROBERT WALKER, 

ROBERT O'NEILL, D. W. B. :\I'CLELAN, 

N. SI^ELMAN, S. A. DAVIS. 

S. W. ROSZELL, JAMES F. GOUI>D, 

SAMUEL HUBBELL, JOSEPH H. CLARKE, A.M 

D. E. REESE, FRANCIS WATERS, 
S. A. CLAKKE, JOHN MAGEE, 

* JOSEPH WALKER, MICHAEL POWER, 

O. W. TKEADVVELL, C. D. CLEVELAND. 

Bev. S. M. GAYLEY, Wil- 
mington, Del. 

WmbraJiam, Oct. 27, 1834. 
We have used Guy's Astronomy, and Keith on ihe Globes, as a text-hook, 
during the past year; it is in all respects such an one £is was wanted, and we 
have no disposition to exchange it for any other with which we are ac- 
iuaiated. WM. G. MITCHEIX, 

Lecturer on ihe Natural Sciences and Aslrononiy, 
in Wesleyan Academy^ Mass. 

New York, Dec, 1834. 
We fully concur in the opinion above expressed. 

BERNARD THORNTON, W. IVI. SOMERVILLE, 

HORACE COVELL, NORTON THAYER. 

P. PEKKINE, THOMAS GTLDERSLTEVE, 

J. B. KIDDER, MELANCTHON HOYT, 

SOLOMON JENNER, THOMAS V. FOWLER, 

JOSEPH M'KEEN, JOSEPH BAILE, 

C. CARTER, SAMUEL GARDNER, 

LEONARD HAZELTINE, WILLIAM FORREST, 

JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, C. W. NICHOLS, 

W. R. ADDINGTON, THOxAIAS M'KEE, 

HENRY SWORDS, ADN. HEGEMAN, 

J. M. ELY, G. VALE. 

Recommendations of the same tenor have been received from the following 
gentlemen : 

Rev. D. R. AUSTIN. A.M., Principal of Monflon Academy, Mass. 

T. L. WRIGHT, Principal of East Hartford Classical and English School. 

S. HART, Principal of tarmington Academy. Conn. 

C. D. WESTBROOK,D.D., New Brunswick,' New Jersey. 

W. H. SCRAM, Principal of Classical Academy, Troy, New York. 

E. H. BURRITT, Author of the Geography of the Heavens, New Britain 
Conn. 

WM. C. FOWLER, Professor of Chemistry in Middlebury College, Ver- 
mont. 

B. S. NOBLE, Bridgeport, Conn. 

Rev. C. H. ALDEN, A.M., Principal of Philadelphia High School for Young 
Ladies. 

Rev. S. B. HOWE, late President of Dickinson Colleee. 

Rev. Dr. WESTBROOK, Principal of Female Seminary and Rector of 
Rutgers' Collese Grammar School. 

Dr. B. F. JOSLIN, Professor Union College, New York. 

GEORGE B. GLENDINING, Principal of Young Ladies Academy, Troy, 
New Yorl?:. 

M. CATLIN, A.M., Professor of Mathematics in Hamilton College, New 
York. 



[20] 



BRIDGE'S ALGEBRA. 



A. TREATISE ON THE ELEMENTS OF AL- 
GEBRA. By Rev. B. Bridge, D.D., F.R.S., Fellow of St. 
Peter's College, Cambridge, and late Professor of Mathematics 
in the East India College, Herts. Revised and corrected froru 
the eighth London edition. 

In this work the hitherto abstract and difficult science of Algebra is sim- 
plified and illustrated so as to be aUainaole by the younger class of learners, 
and by those who have not the aid of a teacher. It is already introduced into 
Ihe University of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia; and the Western Uni- 
versity at Pittsburg. It is also the text-booli of Gummere's School at Burling- 
ton, and Friends' College at Haverford, and of a great number of the best 
schools throughout the United States. It is equally adapted to common 
schools and colleges. 



RECOIVI3VIENDATIONS. 

Philadelphia, March 7, 1833. 
Bridge's Algebra is the text-book in the school under my care; and I am 
better "pleased with it than with any which I have heretofore used. Tlie 
author is very clear in his explanations, and systematic in his arrangement, 
and has succeeded in rendering a comparatively abstruse branch of science, 
an agreeable and interesting exercise both to pupil and teacher. 

JOHN FROST 

We fully concur in the opinion above expressed. 
CHARLES HENRY ALDEN, JOSEPH WARREN 

J. O'CONNOR, Secretary to the SAMUEL CLENDEx^N, 

Philadelphia Association of S. H. REEVES. 

Teachers. 

Unirersity of Pennsylvania, March 30, 1833. 
Gentlemen, — In compliance with your request tliat I would give you mj 
opinion respecting your edition of Bridge's Aliiebra, I beg leave to say, tnal 
the work appears lo be well adapted to^the instruction of students. The ar. 
rangement of the several parts of tlie science is judicious, and the examples 
are numerous and well selected. 

Yours, respectfully, 

ROBERT ADRAIN. 

We fully concur in the apinion of Bridge's Algebra as expressed by Df. 
Adrain. 

.L HAYIMER, B. N. LEWIS, 

HUGH INIORROW, JOHN STOCKDALE, 

\\aLLlAM M'NAIR, W. B. ROSE, 

OLIVER A. SHAW, BENJAMIN MAYO, 

SETH. SMITH, J. H. BLACK, 

SAMUEL E. JONES, THOMAS M'ADAM, 

mo. M. KEAGY, JOHN ERHARDT, 



[21] 



THOMAS CONARD, Rev. SAML. W. CRAWFORD, A.M- 

THOMAS COLLINS, Principal of the Academical DepL 

J. E. SLACK, of the University of Pennsylvania. 



3. B. WALKKR, Pvev. S. M. GAYLEY. Wilmington, 

JOHxN HASLAM, DeL 

W. CUKRAN, 

Baltimore^ December^ 1834. 
We fully concur in the opinion above expressed. 
E. BENNETT, O. W. TREADWELL, 

E. R. HAKNI::Y, JOSb:PH WALKER, 

KOBKRT O-NEILL, DAV^D RL\li, 

N. SPELMAN, KOBKRT WALKER, 

S. W. ROSZtlLL, D. W. M'CLELAN, 

SAMUKL HUBBELL, S. A. DAVIS, 

U. O. WATFS, JOSEPH H. CLARKE, A.M. 

C. F. BANSEMER, FRANCIS WATERS, 

D. E. RblKSL, JOHN MAG HE, 

S. A. CLARKE, MICHAEL POWER. 

BIbssrs. Key & Biddle: November '^, \^A. 

Gentlemen,— I have been highly gratified by an examination of " Bridge's 
Algebra," published by you; and think it v^tpII entitled to general introduc- 
tion in our schools. 1 shall give il a preference in my academy to any work 
1 have seen. Respectfully, yours, 

J. H. BROWN, 
Principal of an English and Mathe)mLtiral Academy 
No. bl Cherry street^ Philadelphia. 

New Yorkj December^ 1S34. 
We fully concur in the opinion above expressed. 
P. PERR;NK, NORTON THA\^R, 

J. B. KH)1)KR, i . THOMAS GILDEKSLIEVE, 

solo:mon JKNNER, ' MELANCTHON HOVT, 

JOSKPH MKEHN, THOMAS V. FOWLER, 

C. CAKTER, JOSEPH BAILE, 

LEONAKI) HAZELTINE, SAMUEL GAP.DxNER, 

W. R. AlM)LNfGrON, C. W. NICHOLS, 

HKNRY SWOKDS, THOMAS M'KEE. 

W. M. SOMERVILLE, 

The gentlemen named below have also sent the publishers strong recom 
mendations of Bridge's Algebra: 

PROFESSOR E. A. ANDREWS, Mount Vernon Institute, Boston. 

Rev. C. DKWFY, Professor Berkshire Gymnasium, Mass. 

N. S. DODGE, Principal of Young Ladies' Seminary, Pittsneld, Mass. 

M. CATLIN, Professor of Mathematics, Hamilton College, Kt>w York. 

GEORGE HALE, A.iM., Tuior William's College, Mass. 

B. G. NOBLE, Bridcrepon, Conn. 

Rev, D. R. AUSTIN, Principal of Monson Academy, Mass. 

E. ri. BURRITT, Author cf the Geography of the Heavens, New BritAin 
Oonn. 

A. B. MYERS, Principal of Wlijtehall Academy, New York. 

THEODORE STRONG, Professor of Mathematics in Rutgers* College, 
New Jersey. 

R&w. S. NORTH, A.M., Professor Hamilton College, New York.. 



[22] 
VALUABLE SCHOOL BOOKS 

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT & CO 
And for Sale by Booksellers generally. 



Frost's United States. — History of the United States ; for the 

«se of Schools and Academies. By John Frost. Illustrated with forty F.ngravings 

History of the United States, for the use of Common 
Schools. — By John Frost, author of History of the United States for 
the use of Schools and Academies : condensed from the Author's larger History 
of the United States. 

Frost's American Speaker. — The American Speaker, com 

prising a Comprehensive Treatise on Elocution, and an extensive Selection of Spe- 
cimens of American and Foreign Eloquence. Embellished with engraved Por- 
traits of distini:uished American Orators, on steel. By J. Frost, author of History 
of the United States. 

Pinnock's England. — Pinnock's improved edition of Dr. Gold- 
smith's History of England, from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the year 1838. 
Illustrated with oO Engravings on Wood. 

Pinnock's Greece. — Pinnock's improved edition of Dr. Gold- 
smith's Hisiory of Greece; with Questions for Examination at the end of eacfa 
Section; with HO Engravings, by Aiherton. 

Pinnock's Rome. — Pinnock's improved edition of Dr. Gold- 
emith's History of Rome ; with Gluestions for Examination at the end of each Sec- 
tion ; with 30 Engravinifs.by Atharton. 

Simson's Euclid. — The Elements of Euclid, viz. the first Six 
Books, together with the Eleventh and Twelfth. The errors by which Theon, or 
others, have long vitiated these books are corrected, and some of Euclid's demon- 
strations are restored. By Pvobert Simson. M.I)., Emeritus Professor of Mathe- 
matics in the University of Glasgow ; with Elements of Plane and Spherical 
Trigonumetry. 

Ross's Latin Grammar. — Comprising all the Rules and Ob- 
eervatiofis necessary to an accurate knowledge of the Latin Classics, having the 
Signs of Quantity affixed to certain Syllables ; with an Alphabetical Vocabulary. 

Ruddiman's Rudiments of the Latin Tongue, new and 

improved edition, with Notes. By William Mann, A.M. 

AinsArorth's Latin Dictionary. — A new abridgment of 

Ainsworih's Dictionary, English and Latin, for the usi* of Grammar Schools. By 
John Dym-ick, LL. D. A new American edition, with corrections and inriprove- 
ments, by Churlf* Anihon Jay, Professor of Languages in Columbia College, 
New York, and Rector of the Grammar School. 

Clark's Caesar. — The JXotes and InterpretatiDns translated and 
improved by Thomas Clark. Carefully corrected by comparison with a standard 
London edition, and containing various emendations in the Notes. By William 
Mann, A.M. 

Porney's Syllabaire Francais ; or, French Spelling 
Book. — Revised, corrected, and improved by J. Meier, late Professor 
ef French and German in Yale University. 

Keith's Arithmetic— Practical and Self-Explanatory. By an 
experienced Teacher of Mathematics. To which are added a Comprehensive 
Treatise on Mensuration, and an original and perspicuous System of Book-Keeping 

Guy on Astronomy, and Keith on the Globes. 
Bridge's Algebra. 



I 23 J 



Goldsmith's Natural History.- Abridged for the use of 

Schools, by Mrs. Pilkington. Revised and correcte^J by a Teache of Philadelphia, 
with Questions. New edition ; illustrated with upw aids of 100 new and handsome 
Engravings. 

Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry. 

— By William Wirt. Revised edition-, with headings to each Chapter, and such 
an arransement of the Notes contained in the former editions, as to render the work 
suitable for a Class-Book in Academies and Schools. 

Parley's Columbus. — The Life of Christopher Colurabns; 
adapted to the use of Schools, with Questions for Examination, and numerous En- 
gravings. 

Parley's Washington. — The Life of General George Wash- 
ington ; adapted to the use of Schools, with Questions for Examination, and nu- 
merous Engravings. 

Parley's Franklin. — Tiie Life of Benjamin Frankhn; adapted 
to the use of Schools, with Questions for Examination, and numerous Engravings 

Parley's AMERICA, EUROPE, ASIA, AFRICA, ROME, 
GREECE, ISLANDS, TALES OF THE SEA, WINTER EVENING 
TALES, JUVENILE TALES, ANECDOTES, SUN, MOON, AND STARS 

The Child's History of the United States.— By Charles 

A. Goodrich ; designed as a First Book of History for Schools ; illustrated by 
numerous Engravings and Anecdotes. 

Andre^vs's Practical Lessons in FloAver Painting — 

being a, series of Progressive Studies, intended to elucidate the ^^rt of Flower 
Painting — with 12 beautifully coloured illustrations, rules for mixing colours, &c. 

Valuable Standard Books, 
The Book of Common Piayer, and Administration of the 

Stcraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, according to the use 
of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States ; with the new Psalms 
and Hymns. A new and beautiful octavo edition, with fine steel engravings, and 
on large type ; in every variety of binding. 

The Book of Common Prayer — 12mo., or duodecimo, with 

fine steel plates, in plain and in elegant binding. 

The English Version of the Polyglott Bihle^ pocket edi- 
tion — with Marginal Readings, together with a copious and original selection of 
references to parallel and iliu>»trative passages ; exhibited in a manner hitherto ud- 
attempted. Bound in Turkey, morocco, caif, and sheep binding. 

Pocket Pearl Bible, with four elegant engravings on steel 
This is one of the smallest, and at the same time plainest editions published • 
bound in pocket-book form, and in all the different approved styles of binding. 

Clarke's Commentary. — The New Testament of our Lord 

and Saviour Jesus Christ; the Text carefully printed from the most correct copies 
of the pre.?ent authorized version, including the mareinal readings and paraHel 
Texts, with a commentary and critical notes; designed as a help to a better under- 
Etanding of the sacred writings, by Adam Clarke. LL. D., F. S. A., M. R. J. A. ; 
new edition improved — complete in 1 vol., super royal octavo. 8 

Barnes' Family Prayers. — Prayers for the use of Families, 
chiefly selected from various Authors ; with a preliminary Essay ; together with a 
selection of Hymns, by Albert Barnes — 1 vol., 12mo. ; 

Suddards' British Pulpit. — The British Pulpit, consisting of 
Discourses of, by the most eminent living Divines in England, Scotland, and Ire- 
land, accompanied with Pulpit Sketches, to which are added Scriptural illustra- 
tions ; and selections on the office, duties, and responsibilities of the Christian 
Ministry, by the Rev. W. Suddards, Rector of Grace Church, Philadelphia— 2 vols., 
octavo. 

The Saint's Rest. — The Saint's Everlasting Rest, by the Rev 



I 24 J 

Ricljard Bdxte», abridged by Benjamin Pawcett, A.M., with an ioToductory essay 
by Tlioma!? Krskme, Esq. — 1 vol., Iriiuo. 

Coleridsre's Works.— The complete Works of Samuel Taylor 

Coleridge, Fruse and Vt;r.--H. — 1 vol., Gvo., various binding. 

Howitt, 3iilmaii, and Keats. — The Poetical Works of 

Howiit, Miiumn, and Keais, complete in one volume, 8vo., various binding. 

ME D I C I N E . 

Beckys Medical Jurisprudence. — Elements of Medical Ju- 

rispru '.(-nee. by Tnei due Remeyn IJcck, M.D., Professor of Materia Medica and 
Medical Jurisprudence in he ('.ibes^e <>f Pliysicians and Surjie: iis of the Western 
Disrrici of the Siaie of New York, &c.. &c., and John B. Beck, M.D., Professor 
of Materia AleilK-a and Mt'dical Jurisprudence in the C'oilege of Physicians and 
Surtrenn;?, New York — one of ihe Physicians to the New York Hospital, &.C., &c., 
— Si.xth edition in 2 vols., octavo. 

Wistar's Anatomy. — A System of Anatomy for the useof Stu 

dents of .Medicin«. by (^aspir Wistar. M.D., late Professor of Anatomy in the 
I University of Pennsylvania, with notes and additions, by William E. Horner. M.D., 
Prcfes^sur of Anatomy in ttie University of Pennsylvania. Seventh edition; en 
tirely remodeliod and illustrated by numerous engravings, by J. Pancoast, M D., 
Lecturer on Anatomy and Surgery, one of the Surgeons of tne Philadelphia Iios 
pital. Fellow of the Philadelphia Coliege of Physicians, &c. ; in 2 vols., octavo. 

Turner's Cheniistry. — Elements of Chemistry, including the 
recent discovpries and doctrines of the Science, by the late Edward Turner, M.D. 
Sixth American edition, with notes aiul emendations, by Franklin Bache, M.D.. 
1 vol., r( yal l-mo . frf)m the sixth London edition, enlarged and revised, by Pro^ 
feesor Liet)ig and Wilton G. Turner. 

Armstron.^'S Practice of Medicine. — Bemg Lectures on 

the Morbid Anatomy. Nature and Treatment of Acu:e and Chronic Diseases, by 
the late John Armstrong. M.D. First American edition — with an account of the 
hfe and writings of Dr. Armstrong, by John Bed, M.D. , Lecturer on the lustituteg 
of Me:!icirie and Medical Jurisprudence, in 2 vols., octavo. 

Laennec on the Chest. — A Treatise on the Diseases of the 
Chest and on Mediate Auscuitt'ion, by R. T. H. Laennec, M.D., Regios Professoi 
of Medicine in the College of France, Clinical Profersor to the Faculty of Medi- 
cine of Paris, &;c., &.c., &c.— with plates. One large octavo volu.me. 

LAW. 

Peters' Reports. — Reports of Cases argued and adjudged in the 
Supreme Court ot the United Sta'es. by Richard Peters, Counsellor at Law, and 
Reporter of the Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Complete sets of the above for sale, commencing at January Term, 1827, and 
containing all the decisions of the Court since that time, in 14 vols. 

Wheaton's Selwyn's Nisi Prius. — The subscribers have 

just published a nevv edition of Selwyn's Law of Nisi Prius, being the 4th Ameri- 
can trom tiie 9th London edition; with American cases, since the last American 
edition, by Edward E. Law, Es^q. 

Johnson's Reports of Cases in the Supreme Court, and the 

Court for the Correction of Errors of the State of New York, with Rules and 
references to subsequent decisi;)ns. ^ 

Law Reports — 20 vois.: Law Ca?es — 3 vols.; Chancery Reports — 7 vols. ; Di- 
gest, new edition, corrected — 2 vols, in 1: Digest vol. :J, being a supplementary 
volume to Joht-.son's New York Digest, which embraces a dinest of the following 
Reports: Cowen's Reports, in 9 vols ; Windeli's Reports, 15 vols.; PJopkins' 
Chancery Repor"?, \ vol.; Paige's Chancery Rirpors, 5 v(jls. ; Edwards' Reports 
of casos by the Vsce-Chancedor, 1 vol. ; Hall's Reports in the Supreme Court of 
New York, 2 vols. 

The two Volnm' s form a Complete Digest of all the Reports at Coranaon Law, 
and Chancery dec sions of the State of New York to this time. 

Chitty's Blackstone. — Commentaries on ihe Laws of England, 
in four books ; with an ana y-;is of 'he work. By Sir William Blackstone, Kt. 
one of the Jus'ices of the C-uirt of Cotumon Pleas, in 2 v .l^=., with a life of the 
author, and notes by Cisristian, Chiity. I^ee. Hovenden and Ryland : and also re- 
'ferences to American Cases. By a JNteinber of the New York Bar. 



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